Theoretically, so far as its dogmatic clothing is concerned, his

religion is a form of Christian Protestant Calvinism, and differs in

no way from that still professed by the majority of Scotchmen, from

the Aberdeen grocer to the Edinburgh professor. Actually, it differs

very materially from that held by the large bulk of any truly modern

population.

It is often said of the lives of men congregated in vast cities, under

more or less completely artificial conditions, that they suffer from

these or those disadvantages--that the de-oxygenated air of cities

retards muscular development, that it renders persons continually

exposed to it anæmic; that the continual noise, vibration, and lack

of direct sunlight have an injurious effect upon the nervous system

and that a debilitated physical condition is bound to arise. But the

most serious loss entailed by life in vast cities under artificial

conditions, whether in the modern or the ancient world, is seldom

directly referred to.

The story of the small modern child, born and brought up in a modern

town, where her father, an electrical engineer, had installed all the

lights in the street and houses, and who, when at four years old was

taken to the country for the first time and allowed to see the stars,

said: "Did my father set them up too?" may or may not be true; but it

illustrates with force the terrible vacuum in knowledge and experience

of the most profound aspects of existence which a life walled in amid

artificial conditions tends to produce. That which the Buddha left

his kingly palace and sat beneath his Boh-tree to seek; that which

Zoroaster found in his solitary sojourn on the mountain top, and

Mohamed in his secret cave, which the Hebrew leader discovered in the

deserts of Sinai, and the teacher of Galilee in the wilderness and

on the mountain tops; that which, having perceived, they strove to

give voice to in the world's bibles, and which has become symbolized

in the world's temples, from the rock-hewn cave temples of India to

the Holy of Holies of the Jew; from the Greeks' Parthenon on the

hill-top bathed in light and air, to the Gothic cathedral with its

forest of shafts--that of which all the religions and all the dogmas

are but the tentative attempts of the struggling human spirit to give

voice to--this reality is not easily perceived as present and always

over-arching when the individual is swathed in by conditions of life,

the result of man's small labours, and seemingly having no root beyond

his own will; and when the tumultuous sounds and minute details forced

on it at every moment almost blind and deafen the individual to the

consciousness of anything beyond the fragmentary and present.

This is the serious danger and almost certain loss to which the spirit

of man exposes itself, when he severs himself from all contact with the

living and self-expanding forms of nature beyond himself, and surrounds

himself purely by those which have a relation to himself, and have

been modified by his action. It is an inverted view of the universe,

with accompanying narrowness and blindness, which, far more than any

danger of physical asphyxiation and nervous muscular deterioration,

constitutes the evil attendant on the ordinary life of men in great

cities, or wherever immersed in purely artificial conditions.

Undoubtedly there are lofty and powerful spirits who have reached

a deep and calm clear-sightedness which no aspect in the world

immediately about them can obscure, to whom the city and the petty

sights and sounds of our little human creation are seen abidingly to be

as much the outcome and mere passing development of the powers beyond

and behind them as the silent plain and the mountain top--

"And what if trade sow cities,

Like shells along the shore;

And thatch with towns the prairies wide

With railways ironed o'er?

They are but sailing foam-bells

Along thought's causal stream,

And take their shape and sun-colour

From that which sends the dream."

No doubt the Jew of Amsterdam in his small room grinding his lenses,

living on milk-soup and a few raisins, found his piercing mental

vision no more shut in by the city-roof above him than had he slept

with Jacob's desert-stone for a pillow; and no doubt there are as rare

souls, immersed externally in the very noisiest civilization about us,

who yet see serenely over and above it. But, with the mass, this is not

so; we cannot see past the little material conditions that press on us.

When one bends over an ant-heap on a vast plain, that ant-heap with

its little millions of existences toiling there are to the one bending

over it but an infinitesimal part of the vast landscape, where a

hundred other ant-heaps, broken and new, lie around, and over which

the sun shines and about which the mighty mountains rise; but to the

ant, down in the ant-heap, it is the universe; he does not even know

that his ant-heap was heaped out of the red sand and will return to it

to-morrow; he knows nothing of the fallen ant-heaps or of the great

human eyes looking down at him; were it possible for him to climb to

the top of his ant-heap and raise himself up on his tiny legs, and once

to look round, he might know something of what the ant-heap was.

Most of us in our human ant-heaps are unable to lift ourselves out

of them; we mistake the handful of dust we have accumulated round

us, and which we call our cities and civilization, for the universe;

and the noise we make in gathering it we think is the sound of

eternity. Were it not for two things which we cannot obliterate in our

civilization--the wail of the newborn child, and the long straight,

quiet figure, knowing nothing and seeing nothing, which the hearse

carries away--it might well be that we should sink into a state of

ignorance and superstition so profound that we should believe, not

merely every day but in our sanest moments, that the will of man was

the ruling power of life, his work the end, and we ourselves the

universe, and beyond us, nothing!

From this form of ignorance and superstition our primitive Boer is

saved, assuredly not because of any superior wisdom and insight

inherent in him, but by the conditions of his life. For the average

human creature reads life as it is continually presented to him. The

Boer has not willed to go into the wilderness and the desert to seek

for wisdom with the teacher of Galilee or the sage of India; but

for the two hundred years of his South African wandering that which

prophet, seer, and poet have in all ages turned to for wisdom has

been laid open as a book before him, whether he willed it or not; so

that he too, however slow or dull his individual intelligence, has

been compelled by the daily conditions of his life, with more or less

clearness, to decipher it. Dark and blinded beyond the average of human

souls must have been the old fore-trekker, who, as at sundown his wagon

crept for the first time into some vast plain where no white man's

foot had ever trod, and as the blue shades of evening fell across the

countless herds of antelope, and the far-off flat-topped mountains

stood sharp against the sky, could cry "I, _I_ am the centre of this

life! The earth is mine, and the fulness thereof!" And the solitary

African youth who has been out in the veld looking for his father's

sheep all day, over kopjes and through dried-up watercourses, and who

walks home in the starlight, and hears the jackals call, and pauses,

listening silently to hear if it be not the young lions crying for

their food, has been exposed to educative influences totally distinct

from those which he would have been subjected to had he spent the day

in a factory amid pulleys and wheels and a crowd of labourers, and

had walked home at night through a gas-lit crowded street, past bars,

music-halls, and policemen, to his garret. The last music-hall air,

the picture of light streaming through the public-house doors, the

whirr of the machinery, and a thousand minute complex sense-impressions

springing immediately from the action of man, the one, of necessity,

carries home with him. The other has none of these complex man-related

sense-impressions; he loses much which the other wins, but he also has

something of his own. Whether he will or no, however dull his ear and

dim his eye and torpid his intellect, he carries home with him pictures

of the colossal things which he has seen, things which the son of Jesse

beheld when in his youth he tended his father's flocks at night, to

guard them from the wolf and the bear, and which, when King of Israel,

he reproduced in that chant which has gone down the ages: "When I

behold the heavens, the work of Thy fingers, the moon and the stars

which Thou hast ordained--what is man that Thou art mindful of him!"

The African woman on her solitary farm may have no inherent power for

grasping large wholes, or seeing behind small externals to the moving

cause beyond; yet when she sits all the morning sewing in her still

front-room, while the children play out in the sunshine by the kraal

wall and the flies buzz round, and she sees wherever she raises her

head, through the open door, twenty miles of unbroken silent veld with

the line of the blue mountains meeting the sky, she is exposed to eight

hours of an educative influence entirely distinct from that she would

have undergone had she sat in a tenement-room in a city court, and

heard her neighbours tramp to and fro on the stairs, and the omnibuses

crash in the street, and seen only from her window, when she looked

out, the red-brick wall opposite. No man, be he hunter, traveller, or

trader, or who or what he may, who has ever been exposed to both orders

of influences, will say that their educative effect is the same, or

that a man can remain long exposed to either set of influences, the

artificial life of cities or the solitude of the desert, without being

profoundly modified by it, above all, as to his view of existence as a

whole, which is religion.

The Boer, however blind by nature he may individually be, has always

open before him the book from which the bibles were transcribed--and it

has been impossible for him to fail wholly to decipher something from

it. Therefore, even his dogmatic theology (and it is wonderful how very

little real dogmatic theology the true primitive up-country Boer has!)

lives, animated by a great, direct perception of certain facts in life.

That which the Essenes sought in their rocky caves, which the Buddhist

thinker to-day immures himself on his solitary mountain peak to find,

which the Christian monks built their monasteries and cloisters to

acquire; to supply men artificially with the means of partially

attaining to which dim-aisled churches and pillared temples have been

reared in the midst of dense populations; which the old Dissenting

divine was feeling after when he said: "Spend two hours a day alone

in your room with the window open if possible, in quiet and thought;

your day will be the stronger and the fuller for it"; and which the

Protestant hymn aims at when in its quaint doggerel it says--

"Night is the time to pray;

The Saviour oft withdrew

To desert mountains far away;

So will his followers do.

Steal from the world to haunts untrod,

To hold communion there with God."

--that which religious minds in all centuries and of all races have

sought after, has been strangely forced on the African Boer by his

silent solitary life amid vast man-unmodified aspects of nature. And

with all that he may lack in other directions of knowledge and wisdom,

of keenness and versatility, that which the conditions of his life had

to teach him, he has learnt. Therefore, though his dogmatic theology

is in no sense higher or different from that of others, his religion

oftentimes lives when theirs is dead.

We are aware, it may be said, that all this is purely a misconception;

that the man of unusual intellect seeks nature and solitude merely

that his own large mental powers may unfold themselves unhindered;

that what the saint, the philosopher, the poet, and the prophet find,

they take with them; that to the mere bucolic mind the midnight sky

studded with stars is but the covering of the plain where sheep feed;

and that the most infinite sky over him when he off-saddles alone at

midday in a vast plain is but that to which he looks up in order to

find the time. But this is not so. The great analytical reasoner may

find, labouring in his laboratory, the great thinker in his study,

watching the processes of his own mind, may discover, that which the

vast man-untouched processes of nature testify of; it is exactly on

the simple purely receptive mind that the silence and solitude of vast

unmodified natural surroundings have the most educative effect.

Driving on a hot summer's day in a cart across a great African plain,

with the light pouring down on the brak bushes and karroo, till it

seemed to shimmer out of them, the Boer who drove us was, as usual,

silent. He was a man six feet in height, large-boned and powerful, with

a still blue eye, an iron will, and indomitable persistency. Living in

a remote part of the country, he seldom went to church more than once

in the year, and could with great difficulty read a chapter in the

Bible. During the years we had known him we had never heard him refer

to anything more profound than his sheep and cattle, and the habits of

tiger-leopards, upon which he was an authority. After driving about two

hours, the horses' feet sinking into the sand and coming out again with

a sucking sound, but no movement breaking the hot stillness, he looked

round at us, with that peculiar shy glance which marks men who live

much alone, and do not often try mentally to approach their fellow-men,

and said slowly in the Taal: "There is something I have long wanted to

ask you. You are learned. When you are alone in the veld like this,

and the sun shines so on the bushes, does it ever seem to you that

something speaks? It is not anything you hear with the ear, but it

is as though you grew so small, so _small_, and the other so great.

Then the little things at the house seem all nothing. Do you hear it,

too--you who are so learned?"

We are aware of the guffaw of laughter which would greet such a

statement from souls on the stock exchange, in drinking-bars and

fashionable clubs, and perhaps the national assemblies where the

representatives of civilized nations meet. This man, it would be said,

had lived so much alone with nature that he had become a fool. If he

had been fifteen years in the share market or the diplomatic service,

and had lunched at his club and spent his evening at the theatre or the

café chantant, he would never have felt himself or his affairs small,

nor would he have perceived anything greater than himself. It will be

said it was all ignorance and superstition.

We reply: "This may be so; but if it is, then burn your world's

bibles, and destroy your world's temples, for that which the world's

bibles were written to express and its temples built to symbolize is

an 'ignorance and superstition.' Yet, before we accept your verdict

finally, answer us these two things: Where were you and I eighty

years ago? Where shall we be eighty years hence, when this throbbing

hand that writes to-night is a handful of dust, and your mouth that

smiles is quiet beneath six feet of earth? Answer these questions

without 'ignorance and superstition,' and we, too, will allow that the

man--who, in the presence of the vast life of nature which existed for

ages before he was and will continue for millions after he has ceased

to see, which waxes and wanes without regard of him or his ends--is

a fool, when he feels himself less than a fine grain of sand in the

mighty circle of that life in which we live and move and have our being

and are continually sustained."

The day may come when, with changing conditions of life, the Boer will

no more live in the presence of these large realities, and then his

religion will be dead; whatever external form it may take.

It may be, that then he will have much of the learning of the schools,

and his own material life will have become infinitely complex, and his

knowledge how to govern the powers of nature for the gratification of

his own instincts almost unlimited; he may have luxuries, comforts,

amusements he knows not now--but it may not be so well with him.

It may be, the day will come when he shall rear for himself vast

cities, and walk, with the kings that have been, upon their walls,

crying, "Behold this is Babylon, my great city, which _I_ have

built"--and know not that the sands of the desert shall cover it, and

the little shrew-mouse build her nest there.

And, if that day come, when the desert shall hold no more for him any

burning bush, and no spot on earth be longer sacred to him; when, with

increased external knowledge and material wealth, the little _I_ grows

always greater and greater for him, and the universe beyond less and

less, then he will no longer fight so bravely on his kopjes or live so

peacefully on his plains or fall asleep so quietly when the time comes

to lie beneath the sand and bushes--and it will not be so well with him.

When the day comes, when he exchanges the voice of the desert for

the ignorance and superstition of the city, then, however vast his

expansion in certain directions, the secret fountain of strength of

this strange little people will have dried up, and they will be even as

others.

* * * * *

Finally, it has been said of the African Boer that he does not

regard the African native as his brother, nor treat him with that

consideration with which man should treat his brother man.

The consciousness of human solidarity, with its resulting sense of

social obligation, has in all ages developed itself in proportion

to the nearness of man to man. Initiated in the relation of mother

to child, where the union is visible, physical and as complete as

is compatible with distinct existence, it has spread itself out

successively, as the sentient creature developed, through the relations

of family and the tribe to that of nation, and has extended, even

though in a partial and undeveloped condition, to the limits of race;

but here, almost always, in the average human creature as up to the

present time evolved, the growth has stopped. Even the most ordinary

man or woman, in the bulk of the societies existing on the earth

to-day, is conscious of a certain union with, and more or less strong

social obligation towards, the members of his own family; most men

are conscious of some sense of solidarity with, and of some social

obligation towards, the members of their own national organization; and

probably few are wholly unconscious of a certain dim sense of identity

with, and a vague (though it may be very vague) sense of obligation

towards, men of their own colour and racial development. But only

the few, and they the very few, most fully evolved and exceptionally

endowed humans have been in the past or are even at the present day

capable of carrying the sense of solidarity and social obligation

across the limit of race. Nor, when we consider how intermittent and

often feebly active is the social instinct even within the domain

of the family, the nation, and the race, is it to be wondered at

that its action should cease almost entirely when the vast chasm of

racial distinction is reached. While humanity as a whole is still

in so primitive a condition that even the bonds of family kinship,

the close interactions of a common nationality with common language,

common tradition, and common institutions, the similitude which binds

nations of a common race, are yet continually inoperative in insuring

any approach to truly socialized action; when nations as closely knit

by ties of physical resemblance, common racial habits of thought and

ideals, as are all the European nations, are yet continually animated

by the bitterest antagonism; while Frenchman hates Englishman and

Englishman German and German Italian, it is assuredly in no way to be

wondered at, that, when humans are brought into contact with those as

widely dissevered from themselves, not merely in colour and external

configuration, but in the much more important matters of anatomical

structure and the racial ideals and habits of life, the results of

countless ages of growth, as are Mongolian and Aryan, European and

African, that social instinct should become in the main entirely

inoperative.

Ignorant persons may suppose, when they hear to-day of Americans who

belong to what is probably, on the whole, the most enlightened and

humane state on the globe, first mutilating and partially dismembering

the Negro, and then applying the fire gradually to parts of his body

that he may roast the more slowly, that the men performing such deed

must of necessity be cut off from the rest of their race by a fiendish

ferocity peculiar to themselves and an anti-social structure of mind.

Such ignorant persons also undoubtedly picture to themselves the owners

of the English slave-ships (who have perhaps inflicted a larger amount

of suffering on the human race than any other body of men of equal

number in the history of the race) as persons wholly devoid of human

sympathies, who could not be trusted to deal justly or generously

with their own wives or children, and possessed of no sense of social

obligation. But we, who have obtained a sorrowful knowledge through

personal experience of racial problems, we know that this is not so.

We know well that a man may bristle with all the ordinary domestic and

private virtues, may be a loyal husband, a devoted son, a thoughtful

father, a citizen who abides within the law and would give his life

for his nation, and may even be a man who would not easily inflict an

uncalled-for wrong or wanton cruelty on any man of his own race and

colour, though divided from him by national and lingual differences;

and yet, when the limit of racial continuity is reached in this same

man, there may be a sudden, complete and abysmal hiatus in the action

of the moral sense and the socialized instincts. (Strangely enough, in

our own personal experience, several cases of the most painful cruelty

and injustice, on the part of white men towards black, have been cases

in which the white men concerned were exceptionally good-hearted,

generous and open-handed men. In one instance of particular cruelty,

where two white men were concerned, upon seeing our manifest discomfort

at their action, they were sincerely distressed. "If I had any idea you

would take on like that about a miserable nigger, I would never have

touched the wretched beggar!" remarked one. Persons ignorant of the

racial problem may regard it as improbable, if not impossible, that men

who could perform acts of ruffianly brutality towards an African should

yet be so sensitive as to be deeply concerned that they had momentarily

distressed a looker-on, whom they hardly knew and had no personal

friendship for, but who was of their own race. Yet, persons who have

practically no knowledge of inter-racial relations know that not merely

is this psychologic attitude possible, but that it is a matter of

universal occurrence.)

Social instinct has never in the past, and does not to-day, except in

a few and exceptional instances, spontaneously tend to cross the limits

of race.

The sooner this truth is recognized as axiomatic by all who attempt

to deal with problems of race, the greater will be the possibility of

dealing with them in a spirit of wisdom.

To blind our eyes to this fact, and then attempt to comprehend or deal

rationally with race-problems, is to act as would a schoolboy who sets

himself to solve an arithmetical puzzle in which he had failed to set

down the leading term. The sooner it is recognized as axiomatic that

the distinctions of race are not imaginary and artificial, but real and

operative; that they form a barrier so potent that the social instincts

and the consciousness of moral obligation continually fail to surmount

them; that the men or the nations which may safely be trusted to act

with justice and humanity within the limits of their own race are yet,

in the majority of cases, wholly incapable of so acting beyond those

limits; that only in the case of exceptional individuals gifted with

those rare powers of sympathetic insight which enable them, beneath

the multitudinous and real differences, mental and physical, which

divide wholly distinct races, to see clearly those far more important

elements of a common humanity which underlie and unite them, is the

instinctive and unconscious extension of social feeling beyond the

limits of race possible; that, for all others, wholly just and humane

action beyond the limits of their own race, can be only attained as the

result of a stern, conscious, unending, mental discipline; and that

perhaps no individual man or woman is at the present day so highly

developed as regards social instinct as to be certain that they can

at all times depend on themselves to act with perfect equity where

inter-racial relations are concerned; that no individual is so highly

developed morally as to be able wholly to dispense with a most careful

intellectual self-examination when dealings with persons of alien race

and colour are entered on; and, finally, that the great moral and

intellectual expansion which humanity has during the ensuing centuries

to undergo, if harmonized human life on the globe is ever to be,

is in the direction of extending the social instincts beyond those

limits of the family, the nation, and the race, to the humanity beyond

those limits:--the sooner we recognize as axiomatic these truths, the

quicker will be our progress towards the comprehension and satisfactory

solution of racial problems; and, failing to recognize these truths, it

is perhaps wholly useless for anyone to attempt to deal with the moral

and social aspects of inter-racial questions.

With perfect uniformity throughout the whole history of the human race

in the past, we find strong anti-sociality appearing at the point where

the light Aryan race comes into contact with darker races; and it

appears to make little difference which nations are concerned.

We Anglo-Saxons have the unhappy priority of having caused to the

natives of Africa, in our functions as slave-traders, slave-owners,

and explorers, probably more than fifty times as much suffering as

any other European nation. It appears, indeed, to have been our

unhappy prerogative to have been born to be the perpetual scourge

and torture of this vast, wonderful, attractive continent and its

interesting children. Probably at least fifty Africans have perished

under the lash, have borne the manacles, or been shot by the guns of

Anglo-Saxons, for every one that has been lashed, manacled, or shot by

a Frenchman, German, Spaniard, or European of any other variety; but

this has arisen, not at all because other nations were more socially

inclined towards the African, but because the love of material wealth

being dominant in us and trade our speciality, the African, whom all

white nations have regarded as mainly a means of producing or procuring

wealth, has naturally fallen most into our hands. Where Spaniard

has dealt with Indian, German, Frenchman or Dutchman with African

or Asiatic, exactly the same lack of lofty social feeling, and the

same mental attitude regarding them merely as means for production of

increased benefits for themselves, and not as individuals who are ends

within themselves, has prevailed.

Irrespective of nationality or time, the line at which light race meets

dark is the line at which human sociality is found at the lowest ebb;

and, wherever that line comes into existence, there are found the

darkest shadows which we humans have cast by our injustice and egoism

across life on earth.

* * * * *

If then, when the statement is made that the South African Boer has not

treated the South African native as it is desirable man should treat

man, it be meant to imply that in his treatment of the dark races his

conduct has been at one with that of all other European races, and

that he has not entered on that loftier and more socialized course of

action toward subject and dark races, to which it is our hope that

the humanity of the future will attain, then the statement is wholly

and unmitigatedly true. But if, on the other hand, it be intended by

the assertion to imply that the South African Boer, in his treatment

of the dark races with whom he has been thrown into contact, has been

less governed by just and humane instincts than men of other races

under like conditions, that the English slave-trader or speculator, the

Portuguese adventurer, the Spanish conqueror, the Jamaica planter have

treated the African native better, then the statement is wholly and

unmitigatedly false.

As the student of racial problems has continually occasion to repeat,

there has been no wide difference between the attitude of different

white races when brought into contact with dark, whether in Asia,

Africa, or America; but on the whole the relation of the African Boer

with the African native, sorrowful as are all inter-racial relations,

has yet probably tended to be rather slightly more and not less pacific

than those of other races. This results in no way from the higher

humanitarian standpoint of the Boer, but from his circumstances.

Firstly, from the fact that his numbers have always been small and

insignificant as compared with those of the Bantus, the African

people with which he has mainly had to deal, and that the Bantus,

being one of the most virile and powerful of all dark races, it has

not been possible for him to dominate them as he might have done a

feebler people. (Were the natives of India of the same independent

and resolute spirit as the Bantus of South Africa, England could never

have subjected and held them down, as she has done at the point of the

bayonet, for sixty years.)

Secondly, the African Boers are a peculiarly pacific and even-tempered

people, not quickly roused to anger or any other emotion, though when

roused yet difficult to appease; and, as acts of violence towards

subject people are most often the results of sudden outburst of

passion, the native has probably fared somewhat better at their hands

than in those of a more quick-blooded race.

The strange, gentle, slow and somewhat dreamy element, which forms so

important a charm in the character of the Boer, is by no means peculiar

to the Dutch South African. It is a quality which is found almost

quite as markedly in the grandsons of the British settlers of 1820 and

other South African born men of English descent, and is especially

marked in many of the young English farmers in the Eastern and Frontier

districts, who form the flower of our English population, and who are

often South Africans of the third generation. It is by this peculiar

mental attitude more even than by their muscular build and prominent

bony structure, that one tells almost invariably and without fail

the South African born man of whatever descent from the foreigners

and newcomers who fill our seaports and mining centres. It has in it

something slightly reminiscent of the Italian _dolce far niente_, and

partly finds expression in the Dutch motto of the Free State: "_Wacht

een bietje: alles zal recht kom_" (Wait a little: all will come

right); but it differs wholly from the Italian quality, in that this

gentleness and slowness covers almost invariably a power of stern,

persistent, concentrated emotion which we have not found equally common

in the Italian. It takes on the average five times as long to rouse

the African-born man into action and powerful emotion as the average

foreigner of English or any other nationality; and it takes ten times

as much to pacify him again!

Speaking once to a noted American traveller and military man, who had

journeyed all over the world and noted keenly, we asked him, after

spending two years in South Africa, what had most struck him in the

country. He replied: "The strange gentleness of the African men. I

hardly knew whether to be most surprised or touched by it when I first

came. I have seen nothing like it in the world."

When we ourselves returned to South Africa after ten years' absence

in Europe, and were therefore able to view our birth-fellows almost

impartially, the true born South African man, whether Dutch or English,

reminded us of nothing so much as those huge shaggy watch-dogs, which

lie before their masters' houses placid and kindly, whom you may

stumble over and kick, almost with impunity; but when once you have

gone too far and he rises and shakes himself, you had best flee.

There is little doubt that, in the great blended South African nation

that is coming to its birth, this mental attitude will be a leading

characteristic; exactly as quickness and alertness is a distinguishing

mark of the Americans of the Northern and Western States. It appears

probable that exactly as we shall be marked by our large, powerful

bony structure and heavy muscular strength, we shall be marked by a

certain gentle passivity, covering immense emotional intensity and

dogged persistency; that the great men we shall produce will not be so

often keen financiers and speculators as artists and thinkers; that

our national existence will culminate, not in producing versatility

and skill, but persistency and depth, in our most typical individuals.

We shall probably always be a people more easily guided through our

affections and sympathies than almost any other, and more impossible to

subdue by force.

Whether the cause lie mainly in the nature of the Boer or the Bantu,

this is certain, that the African native has not tended to melt away

with anything of the rapidity with which the Indian was exterminated

by the English American in the north, and by the Spaniard in the south

of the American continent; nor in the two hundred years the Dutch have

been in South Africa is any incident so painful recorded as that which

is universally accepted, and has not, we believe, been authentically

denied, with regard to the treatment of the natives of India, when men

who, however brutally, had been fighting in defence of their native

land, were, before being blown from the gun's mouth, compelled to lick

up the blood of the persons they had killed, in order that the fear

of eternal damnation might be added to the other horrors of death. No

analogous incident, sinking civilized man so far below the level of the

wild beast and the primitive savage, has we believe ever been recorded

of the African Boer, even when his women and children have been killed

and mutilated by scores.

The same equality in the treatment of the dark races, whichever may be

the white race concerned, is illustrated when we consider the condition

of the African native in the different States into which South Africa

is divided.

In the Cape Colony, where the majority of the white inhabitants are

Dutch, though at present a British Colony, the position of the native

is more favourable than in most other states. Theoretically the

aboriginal native has in the Cape Colony almost the same rights as a

white man; he is allowed to vote at elections, and theoretically he

is allowed to sit on juries; though practically were he to attempt to

substantiate his right to try cases in which white and black men were

concerned by sitting on a jury he would probably be lynched; and in no

case has a native ever been returned for Parliament. Yet his position,

in spite of past laws and recently introduced laws--that he may not

walk on the pavement, etc.--is far more satisfactory than in any other

state.

In Natal, another British Colony, where the majority of the white

inhabitants are English, the position of the aboriginal native is far

less satisfactory, and that of the Asiatic as intolerable as it well

can be. Large numbers of Indians from India have been deliberately

imported on the plantations; but they are both hated and feared, and

vigorous endeavours are made to prevent their trading or acquiring

property in a land into which they have been deliberately introduced.

In the two Republics of the Free State and the Transvaal, the native

has not the same theoretic rights as in the Cape Colony. He has

neither the theoretic right to sit on juries or become a member of

Parliament, which in theory, though not in fact, he has in the Cape

Colony, nor is he recognized by the law as the equal of the white man.

Practically, in the Transvaal he increases and multiplies as fast as

elsewhere, if not faster, but his condition is in many ways far less

desirable than in the Cape Colony.

On the other hand, it is in the purely British possessions of Matabele

and Mashonaland that his condition is worst. Probably a larger number

of natives have been exterminated in these territories during the last

eight years than throughout the whole of the rest of South Africa by

Dutch and English together in any like period. And it is here that,

during the last few years, a determined and practical attempt has

been made to introduce a modified form of slavery under the name of

compulsory labour. The unhappy condition of the natives in these

territories rises, however, not at all from the fact that the men

dominating them are English, nor at all from the fact that the few

genuine white settlers in the country are of a lower stamp than those

elsewhere in South Africa, for this is emphatically not the case; but

to the form of government.

A body of speculators, mainly non-resident in the land, chartered for

commercial purposes and given despotic rule over a vast country and

its people, must always be the form of rule most productive of evil to

the subject people, whether the speculators so incorporated be French,

Jewish, English, Belgian, or German. The rule of such a speculative and

commercial body must necessarily be devoid of those personal sympathies

with the ruled which may soften even the government of an individual

tyrant; the conscience of such a body, if in its collective capacity it

may be said to have one, must of necessity exercise itself merely in a

conscientious striving to extract the largest possible percentage of

interest for the corporate shareholders from the land and labour of the

subject people. Under no possible circumstances can it exhibit those

virtues of consideration and self-abnegation for the subject peoples

which even a purely military conqueror might exhibit; and the rule

of such a body must always remain the most oppressive for the ruled

and the most demoralizing for the ruling people. To blame, primarily,

the men who are the mere instruments in carrying out such a form of

government would be unjust in the highest degree; and even these

speculators and adventurers who form the ruling chartered body can

only be blamed in a secondary degree, having but obeyed the instincts

of their kind, which compels individuals of a certain class to employ

their lives on earth in seeking to attain the largest amount of profit

with the smallest amount of outlay to themselves. The primary blame

must rest with that people which at the end of the nineteenth century

can allow so hoary an anachronism as a commercial chartered company to

usurp its place in the government of primitive peoples, and, from under

the ægis of its flag, to stretch forth in safety the long, grasping

fingers and the grotesque, greedy face of a Financial Chartered

Company, which should long since have been relegated to the past among

the extinct evils of the human race.

The native is best off and happiest in South Africa where, as amid

the mountains of Basutoland, he still maintains a semi-independence.

Both Dutchmen and Englishmen have carried on bloody wars against

this people, but neither the Boers nor the English have been able

wholly as yet to break up their tribal organization; and, guarded by

their mountains and their courage, they are slowly absorbing modern

civilization, in a manner more healthful than would be possible under

a sudden dislocation of their social and moral system. How long this

interesting phenomenon in national African development will be allowed

by circumstances to continue, it is difficult to say. Should gold or

precious stones be found in their territory, it would then be worth

while expending many millions in destroying the people and taking

complete possession of the land.

Thus, viewing the South African states as a whole, we find that

the question of the condition of the native does not depend on the

nationality of the governing power, or of the majority of the white

inhabitants, but on other and more intricate causes.

The question is frequently asked one when visiting in Europe: "Which

treats the African native the best, the Dutchman or the Englishman?"

It is a question which awakens a certain silent amusement. It is as

though, after spending ten years in Europe in the study of labour

problems, one had been asked on one's return to South Africa: "Who

treats his employees best, a Scotchman or an Englishman?" The true

answer is, that the relation of white man to black, as of employer to

employed, depends on far deeper and more complex conditions than any

racial variety of the white man or the employer will explain.

The individual equation always tells for much; but, roughly speaking

(one can but deal roughly with the delicate, complex, organic

intricacies of social life), there are in South Africa, as a whole,

four attitudes among white men as regards the native, which attitudes

have no causative relation with the matter of race.

Firstly:--There is the attitude of the farming population who, more

especially in frontier districts and to the north and east, are,

and have been for generations, thrown into close contact with the

aboriginal native in his most crude and primitive form, and who are

compelled by the conditions of their life to live in close relations

with him, and to act upon and to be re-acted on by him. These men and

women, whether Boer fore-trekkers and their descendants, or British

settlers of 1820 and their children and grand-children, have borne, and

to a certain extent still bear, the crude brunt of the first impact

between light and dark races, with their widely opposing ideals,

manners of life, and physical differences. These people and their

ancestors, whether Dutch-Huguenots who landed in Africa two hundred

years ago, or British settlers who came eighty years ago, have in

almost all cases passed through a life-and-death struggle with the

natives for the possession of the land, a struggle which, even in the

case of the British settlers who were backed by the soldiers and the

power of the British nation, was bitter enough; and this struggle has

left behind it in many cases that intense, curious bitterness which

is engendered by a race feud. Further, it is these folk who to-day are

brought directly face to face with the difficulties which must arise at

the point where the divergent ideals, social, ethical and racial of the

Aryan and the African, are first brought into contact.

Generally speaking (and allowing for the many exceptions which will

always occur where men are spoken of in large masses), there is,

in this class of the population, a strong tendency, not so much

towards scorn and indifference towards the native, as of keen, bitter

resentment, which can sometimes not be described otherwise than as

hatred: a feeling which is not generally found in any other large class

of the community. Nor is this in any way to be wondered at, when we

recall the century-long bitterness between folk so closely allied as

are Highland Scots and Lowland English, and the deathless feuds of the

border, and, above all, when we recall the fact that in modern times

a whole civilized nation has howled frantically for the blood of a

brother nation, to avenge defeat sustained by superior numbers of its

own men, fighting against inferior numbers, inferiorly placed, of the

fellow nation.

With the wild-beast cry of "Avenge Amajuba" still ringing in our ears,

it appears rather wonderful than otherwise that so much of pacific

human feeling should prevail between frontier farmer and fore-trekker

and the aboriginal races as still does exist.

There are few old frontier families in Dutch or English in the Cape

Colony, Transvaal, Free State, or Natal, who, if their past family

history were written, would not have to record hair-breadth escapes of

women and children who have fled for miles at night to avoid sudden

attacks, of farm-houses destroyed, of men coming home to find the women

and children killed and mutilated; this in addition to the record of

countless open battles in which their ancestors or they themselves took

part. And, on the native side, are even bitterer memories, and the

consciousness, in many cases, that the land on which the white man now

lives, and where he dominates, was once his father's. Alike among Dutch

and English, these memories have left their bitter mark. We have never

heard the natives so bitterly and fiercely denounced as by descendants

of English settlers whose ancestors had suffered racially from them.

"I almost hate you," has cried a friend belonging to one of the most

cultured and intelligent of our English Cape families, "when you talk

of raising and educating the natives. Hewers of wood and drawers of

water they shall be to us to the end, in spite of you." "I feel a

shudder of hatred go up my spine when I look at a Kaffir," said another

refined and, in many respects, noble frontier English woman to us once;

"I feel as if I could just put out my foot and crush them."

On the other hand, it would be very easy to exaggerate the universality

and intensity of this antipathy. We have known, not isolated instances,

but scores of cases, where both English and Dutch farmers have

entertained the kindliest feelings towards natives generally, and their

own servants in particular. We have known intimately an unlettered

Boer, so innately gifted with the power of ruling wisely that for

fifteen years, during which time he had always from fifteen to thirty

natives on his farm, he had never found it necessary to punish, or even

to threaten, one, and who was so beloved by his servants that, during

a long illness, when he was obliged to leave his farm for months in

the care of his Kaffir servants, he found on his return not one head

of stock missing, and the farm managed as though he had been there

himself. We have known both English and Dutch farmers who have kept

their servants twenty years, cared for them in old age, and aided them

in illness. We have known a Boer woman, herself an invalid, who would

go evening by evening to the hut of her sick servant to comfort and

help her; we have seen a whole Boer family gathered weeping round the

grave of a black Bantu; we have known both English and Dutch farmers

who have treated their native servants with far more consideration and

kindness than the average English landowner shows towards the labourers

on his estates; and, on the other hand, we have known both English and

Dutch farmers with whom no native would willingly remain in service;

who were as cordially hated as they hated; and whose whole relation

with the native was a series of petty oppressions, with occasional acts

of gross injustice or cruelty. But we believe that every one who has

attentively and impartially studied this matter on the spot will allow

that it is a question into which the Dutch or English extraction of the

farmer does not materially enter.

In the notorious Hart case of a few years back when, in the Cape

Colony, an English farmer of that name flogged a Bantu to death in cold

blood, they were English and not Dutch farmers who offered to subscribe

to pay the small fine inflicted on him, and who resented his being

punished at all. The most hopeful sign with regard to this feeling of

"race feud" is that, on the whole, it is a decaying feeling. To find it

in its full intensity among Dutch or English one must always go to the

older men and women of forty, fifty, seventy, or older, who in their

youth went through bitter experiences of conflict with the native, or

remember the experiences of their parents. It is far less intense among

the younger men and women of from twenty-five and under, now growing

up, and in another generation it will probably be all but extinct in

the form of a true race feud.

We would not, however, for a moment have it understood that an

anti-social attitude towards the native is peculiar to the African-born

farmer. So far is this from being the case, that, where men newly

arrived from Europe are thrown into the same close contact and come

into conflict with aboriginal natives, their attitude is generally

far less human, _and has in it an element of complete callousness and

cold contempt_, seldom or never found among men born in South Africa,

who have grown up among the native races. This may appear strange, but

an analogous phenomenon has often been noted in America, where it has

been observed that the slave-owners in the Southern States, in spite

of their dominance over the slaves and occasional acts of brutality

and oppression, really regarded them more as fellow humans and were

emotionally nearer to them, than were, in many cases, the Northerners

who came to live in the South, and who, on first meeting them, were

often filled with shrinking and disgust.

The African-born farmer, Dutch or English, who has grown up among the

natives, has been nursed by them in childhood, often speaks their

language, and knows something of their manners and ideas, may hate

them; but always, in his heart of hearts, he recognizes them as men;

and his very hatred and bitterness is a kind of tribute to the common

humanity that he feels binds them. Man only hates man.

To the newcomer from Europe, on the other hand, who becomes a farmer,

or is otherwise thrown into contact with the aboriginal native, he is

often an object, not merely of hatred, but of contempt and sport; there

is no mere assumption of cynicism when he speaks of the native merely

as an object of the chase; he has often no other view with regard to

him. We have heard a brilliant young English officer, who had only

been a few years in the country, but had been employed in what is

called a "Native War," dwell with manifest and almost boyish delight

on the pleasures of Bantu-hunting. He described the curious delight

you feel in finding the mark of a naked foot and tracing it down. "It

is," he said, "like the pleasure of the hunting field--with something

added!" We have also known a skilful English doctor, a man of singular

tenderness and generosity towards persons of his own nationality, who

had been only eight years in the country, but had served in two native

campaigns, remark that the only two purposes for which natives were

of any use were to serve as targets for rifle-shooting and as good

subjects for vivisection; while his inhumanity towards wounded and

other natives was a matter of common remark among the South African

burghers. And a fine young English trooper who had been two years in

the country, after hearing our view on the native question, remarked

thoughtfully: "Well, you know, all this is quite new to me; I have

never regarded the nigger as anything but something to shoot." To the

South African-born man this light-hearted, callous, sporting attitude

is quite foreign. He may take the life of a native, but he takes it

sternly, bitterly; it is something much more than hunting down the

indigenous black game of the country; he knows in his heart of hearts

that the thing he hunts is a _man_, and a strong man; and in his

hatred of him there is even an element of fear as well as revenge. This

attitude forms a far more promising field for the growth of possible

socialized feeling, than any attitude of callous contempt can even do.

Hate is nearer to love than scorn can ever be; and, paradoxical as it

may seem, we hold strongly that if, in South Africa to-day, sincere

personal affections and sympathies are to be found crossing the line of

race, they will be found most often between the African-born farming

population, Dutch and English, and their domestic servants. The warmest

expressions of affection towards individual natives which we have ever

heard have been expressed by English and Dutch farmers towards their

old servants.

Secondly:--There is the attitude of the townsman, Dutch,

South-African-English, or Newcomer, who most often never comes into

any contact with the aboriginal natives at all, and whose employees

or domestics are all more or less civilized natives or half-castes.

Here, as a rule, the element of intense racial bitterness is wholly

lacking. The townsman treats his civilized servant very much, in the

main, as men of all European nationalities treat their domestics and

dependants. As far as wages, food, and the amount of labour expected is

concerned, the civilized domestic servant and town labourer is rather

better off than in most European countries. On the other hand, there

is always a hard-and-fast line, dividing the white man from the dark,

which is never overstepped. The only real drawback to the condition

of the civilized native in towns lies in the fact that, the moment he

attempts to transcend the limits of domestic servitude, he is met by

a stern barrier, socially obstructing him; _a barrier raised quite

as much by the instinct of the descendant of the Anglo-Saxon as the

Dutch-Huguenot_. At present this matters little, as the attempt is

seldom made; but in fifty years' time this harmonizing of black and

white men in the higher walks of life will probably form a great part

of the South African problem. It is not, however, a problem which

the question of the descent of the white South African from Dutch

or English ancestors will in any way affect. Every one who has any

knowledge of South African life will allow that at the present day it

makes not the slightest difference in the condition of the civilized

servant in towns whether the doctor, lawyer, or merchant who employs

him be of Dutch or English descent. We have, indeed, sometimes been

inclined to fancy that there was a tendency, as between women, for a

slightly more friendly and harmonious condition to be common between

the mistress of Dutch descent in towns and her domestic, than between

the English woman and hers. The Dutch descended woman is often more

easy going and has less of that curious reserve which marks the

attitude of the Anglo-Saxon towards his dependants, and even his

equals, but there is probably no material difference along racial lines

in the treatment of civilized domestics and employees in town and their

employers.

Thirdly:--There is what, for want of a better name, we may define as

the financial and speculative attitude towards the native. This is

the attitude of the great labour employers. These in South Africa

are practically never individuals but great syndicates, companies,

and chartered bodies, the individual members of which are seldom or

never brought into any personal contact with the natives whose lives

they control. In the majority of cases they are non-resident in South

Africa, wholly or for the larger part of their lives. For them the

native is not a person hated or beloved, but a commercial asset. To

these persons the native question sums itself in two words "cheap

labour." Their view of the native question is as clear-cut and simple

as the outline of a gallows. There is no intricacy or sentiment about

it. The native is the machine through the action of which companies and

speculators have to extract the wealth of the South African continent;

and the more the machinery costs to keep at work, the smaller the

percentage of South African wealth which reaches the hands of the

speculator.

For them the native problem is in a nutshell: "In how far, and by what

means, can the rate of native wages be diminished, so raising profits?"

It must be remembered that the natives form almost the entire body of

the true wage-earning labouring class of South Africa. The European,

working in mines or elsewhere, becomes almost at once in the majority

of cases simply the overseer or guider of the native labourer; and

in mining and other fields of labour natives are rapidly fitting

themselves for even the more skilled forms of manual labour.

The question of the relation between the great foreign syndicates

and companies and the native races of this country is thus the great

labour-question of Europe and America, but complicated enormously by

two facts.

Firstly, by the fact that the mass of speculators, company-controllers,

and their shareholders are Jews, Englishmen, Americans, or

Continentals, wholly non-resident in South Africa, or residing here

merely while they make sufficient wealth to ensure their retirement

to a life of ease and luxury in Europe, or, in the case of ambitious

Englishmen, till they are enabled, by means of their wealth, to enter

the English Parliament or obtain titles. From this fact it follows

that a decrease in the wages of our native labouring-class and an

increase in dividends, while it makes larger the number of yachts on

the Mediterranean, the palaces of Jewish and other parvenus in London

and on the Continent, and while it increases the gains of the tables at

Monte Carlo and of the racing grounds of England, and replenishes the

purse of debilitated and degenerate English aristocrats, yet not only

adds _nothing_ to the material wealth of South Africa, but positively

diminishes those very small returns which, under existing legislation,

is all she receives from her mines. European skilled miners and

overseers, as a rule, take their extensive earnings back to Europe

with them; and, with the exception of what the Government railways may

earn, it is mainly through the wages of the native labourer, expended

in buying the necessaries of life, and to no inconsiderable extent in

supporting his schools and churches, that the legitimate commerce of

the country and its general population are benefited by its mineral

wealth. Thus, on this all-important point, our native problem, which

is also our labour problem, differs materially and most essentially

from the labour problem of Europe, in that it is not merely a question

of dividing the wealth of the country between one class or another (as

is generally the case in Europe and America), but of retaining the

products of the land in the land of all.

It has been said by a leading speculator and millionaire in South

Africa that, if the States of South Africa could be broken down and

crushed into one, a united and uniform labour system might then be

adopted, and the wages of natives brought down; and he has held up

as an ideal for imitation the condition in India where natives are

supposed to labour for twopence a day, living therefore so closely

upon the border of starvation that the slightest rise in the price of

foodstuffs renders them liable to widespread famine and destruction,

and therefore also eager to accept the smallest amount of remuneration

which will maintain life.

To this end the Speculator and Capitalist, among others, have sought to

enter political life in South Africa, and in order that, by the passing

of laws dispossessing the native by indirect means of his hold on the

land, and breaking up his tribal tenure, and by the making of direct

wars upon him, the native, at last being absolutely landless, may be

unable to resist any attempt to lower wages, and may then sink into the

purely proletariat condition of a working class always on the border of

starvation, and therefore always glad to sell his toil for the lowest

sum that will maintain life.

Were this plan entirely successful, South Africa as a whole would lose

all the native now gains, the increased profit going to enlarge the

wealth of the foreign Speculator and often aristocratic shareholder;

and South Africa would then be saddled with a proletariat class of the

very lowest type. For, the only hope of the African native's rising,

and becoming a valuable and intelligent labouring class, lies in his

receiving such remuneration for his labour as shall enable him to grasp

at least some of the subordinate advantages of civilization, along

with those of its evils which are necessarily forced on him. If the

South African native is not in the position to obtain primary education

and in some measure to grasp such advantages and privileges as there

are in our modern civilization, then, as his old tribal ideals and

institutions are destroyed, he must inevitably sink into a condition

lower and more terrible than that of the lowest proletariat in Europe;

and, as he forms (and must do for generations, in a land where white

men refuse to perform the bulk of physical labours) the major part of

the population, South Africa will permanently be weighted and degraded

by the degradation and degeneracy of the great bulk of the inhabitants.

To the Company Director, Capitalist, or Speculator who never visits

South Africa, or remains here only while financial reasons make it

desirable, it can matter nothing what becomes in the present or in

future generations, morally or intellectually, of the native. But to

those of us, to whom South Africa is a home, to whom not only the

present but the future of this land is our most intense human concern,

and who with our descendants have got to sail with the African native

permanently in the same ship across the sea of time, it matters

everything.

The second, and even more important point, which differentiates our

labour problem from that common in Europe, is that our labouring class

is divided sharply from the employing class by the line of colour. Even

in European countries, where employers and employed are of one race and

physically identical, divided merely as being for the moment the haves

and have-nots, the adjustment of the labour problem presents sufficient

difficulty. But in South Africa, where racial and physical differences

divide employer from employed, the difficulties are immeasurably

and almost inconceivably increased. Any attempt on the part of our

labouring class to better its position or resist oppressive exactions,

being undertaken mainly by men of one colour against men of another,

will always immediately awaken, over and above financial opposition,

racial prejudice; so that even those white men, whose economic

interests are identical with those of the black labourer, may be driven

by race antagonism to act with the exactors.

The complete failure to grasp this aspect of our South African problem

leads to much of the inability in other lands to comprehend the South

African situation as a whole.

Thus, it is often said, "Why should the speculator, monopolist, and

millionaire loom so large in South African life? Why should he be so

much more of a bugbear and threaten all free political and social

institutions in South Africa in so much greater a degree than in other

lands where he also exists?"

Our answer is, that, wherever in Europe or America the great

millionaire and monopolist, Jewish or Christian, is found, with the

pluto-aristocratic speculators and shareholders who draw their wealth

through him, there also is found a great equipoise to their powers of

exaction or aggression in the great more or less organized masses of

the working classes. The limits are very sharply set, beyond which

the greatest Jew or Christian speculators backed by the most powerful

princes or plutocracy cannot go. We have no such counterpoise in South

Africa. Owing to the difference of colour and race, our great labouring

class dare not organize itself and use its strength; and we dare not

organize and use it, for fear of awakening the baneful flames of

racial antagonism. South Africa is the heaven of the Speculator, the

Capitalist and Monopolist. Here, alone, the opposing forces which meet

him in every European and civilized country do not exist.

The labour of resisting his endeavours to gain possession of the whole

mineral and landed wealth of the country and its public works, and

with them the exclusive control of the political machinery, lies with

the necessarily small middle class section of the community, mainly

farmers and small landed proprietors with a handful of skilled workmen.

These have not only to act for themselves, but for the entire labouring

class, which, on account of its difference in race and colour from the

rest of the community, cannot act for itself.

Any one who has given thought to the study of modern social phenomena

will understand at once how enormously our labour and racial problem,

being interlaced in this way, complicates our whole social condition,

and how almost helpless it throws South Africa into the hands of the

Jew or Christian foreign speculator. Let us give a concrete example.

In a town called Kimberley there is the richest diamond mine in the

earth, once the property of South Africans and belonging to multitudes

of them, but now fallen into the hands of a powerful syndicate of Jews,

Englishmen, and others, who, with the exception of a couple of South

Africans, all reside wholly or mainly out of South Africa, and whose

power is so enormous that they are able, by a mere expression of their

will, to return eight or ten men to the Cape Parliament, irrespective

of the wishes of the community. The action of this powerful syndicate

has long formed a source of disease and corruption in South African

public and social life, and the question is often asked, why the

working men and other inhabitants of Kimberley and such places as

the company dominates submit to this dictation? It is not so, as is

sometimes supposed, because the skilled workmen and overseers in the

great company are inferior to their compatriots in Europe in their

love of freedom or independence; for they are, on the whole, picked

men, and many of them are strongly democratic and freedom-loving;

it is certainly not because the inhabitants of Kimberley are more

indifferent to their manhood, or more willing to deliver up their right

to exercise the franchise into the hands of a small knot of Jews and

Speculators than other men; but because the forces opposed to them are

so overpowering compared to their own that they feel crushed.

Were the thousands of working men labouring in the mines white and

not black, and could they freely combine with the skilled European

overseers and the townsmen, the monopoly of the power would be snapped

in twenty-four hours. They would refuse to go into compounds, they

would demand higher wages and the right to spend them where they

pleased, and to vote for their own representatives, and the power for

evil of the great company would be broken.

But the bulk of the workmen being black, and any attempt to organize or

combine them being at once met with the cry "Black-men combining," the

handful of skilled English workmen and townsmen are powerless.

Our situation is very grave, and differs radically for the worse from

that of all other lands where kindred problems have to be faced. We

have nothing to fall back upon but the fierce and indomitable love of

freedom in a certain section of our farming population.

If it should be possible for the international Speculator and

Capitalist to carry out his dream, to break down the autonomy of the

different African States, each one of which is a kind of redoubt

behind which our African freedom is ensconsed, and, crushing us into

one structureless whole, to introduce "a uniform native policy,"

dispossessing the natives wholly everywhere of their lands by means of

labour, taxes and other devices, and bringing them down to the lowest

wages on which life can be sustained; then, when we shall have inured

the Bantu to the evils of our civilization, its drinking bars and its

brothels, but have left him no means of attaining to the higher forms

of knowledge or the fields of skilled labour, then we shall be left

with a great, blind, stupefied Sampson in our midst who will assuredly

some day stretch out his mighty much-wronged arms, and bring down upon

our descendants the social structure which we are to-day with so much

labour attempting to rear. Our gold and diamond mines may by that time

be exhausted, and Jew and Speculator, and foreign Shareholder will long

have carried off their gains and be here no more to feel the shock.

Upon us whose portion of earth to inhabit this land is, and upon our

descendants, will fall the blow.

This question of the relation between the foreign Speculator,

Capitalist, and Shareholding class, and the black labouring class, is

the very core within the core, and the kernel within the kernel, of the

South African problem.

The old race-feud attitude of the farming population, whether Dutch or

English, toward the native, embittered by the memory and tradition of

old wars and early struggles, will tend to die out, and even now is

softened by personal relations; the attitude of the employer towards

his civilized native domestic has in it little that is detrimental to

either, and suggests in itself no great coming evil. But the financial

attitude is one which will increase in its importance and in the

virulence of its evil effects with every year that passes. The small

cloud upon the horizon, to-day no bigger than a man's hand, will in

forty years have overspread the whole of our African sky, unless some

great and at present unforeseen revolution should occur. It is upon

the skill with which white man and black man combine to avert the

threatened evil, that the fate of Africa in the middle of next century

will depend. It may be easy to break down and demoralize our great, and

at present noble, Bantu races; but it may be very hard ever to build

them up again.

For the moment the men holding the purely financial attitude towards

the native happen mainly to be English or Jewish foreigners; but there

is really nothing racial in this attitude. Were the Hollander or the

Italian head of a great gold-mining, railway-building, or diamond

syndicate, there is not the very slightest reason to suppose that he

would regard the native South African less purely as a "commercial

asset" than his brother, the English financier, does.

The more profoundly one studies the question of the relations of the

white man to the black in South Africa, the more clear it becomes that

the determining factor in that relation is something far other and

deeper than the mere fact that the white man belongs to this or that

European variety.

Fourthly, and finally:--There is the attitude of a body of persons,

small in number, of no invariable occupation, sex, nationality or

creed, but gathered from every part of the white community. So small in

number is this body of persons holding this attitude, that again and

again have men and women belonging to it felt inclined to draw aside,

and in bitterness of spirit to cry with the ancient Hebrew at the door

of his cave: "I, only I, am left." Yet this body has never been wholly

extinct in South Africa, and, we believe, never will be. As we hope

later to deal exhaustively with the aims and attitude of this section,

it is not now necessary to do more than passingly to glance at them.

This attitude cannot be better summed up than by saying that it is the

extreme antithesis to the financial attitude. The man compelled by his

mental organization to take this view is of necessity obliged to regard

the native not merely as a means to an end, but as an end in himself.

Consistently with his whole view of life, he cannot regard the native

merely as a "commercial asset"; he is compelled to apply to him the

categorical imperative: "Deal with thy fellow man as, wert thou in his

place, thou wouldst have him deal with thee." He does not write up as

the motto which is to govern all the relations of black men with white:

"Cheap labour," but rather: "Noblesse oblige." He is compelled always

to see before him the moral fact that, if the native be his equal in

mental power and moral vigour, his place is beside him; but, if the

African native be _not_ his equal in mental power and moral vigour,

then there rests upon him the mighty obligation of all strength towards

weakness, of all wisdom towards ignorance, of the God towards the man:

"Rank confers obligation."

To the man holding this view the African native always presents

himself as the little dark brother of the great family-human, who

stands looking wistfully through the open door into the great hall of

the nineteenth-century civilization in which we fair-skinned Aryans

disport ourselves; and we are compelled to go to the door and say:

"Come in, little brother, come in; there are many better things out

there in the open where you have been than we have here; yet, if you

must enter, give us your hand, and we will try to show you what in this

great carnival of ours is best, and what most to fear. Walk in, little

brother, this hall was built for the sons of the children of man."

It is manifest that men holding such a view must ever be in deadly

conflict with men holding the financial view. The future of South

Africa depends largely on the result of this struggle. If the financial

attitude predominate absolutely, and the native be dispossessed of his

land by wars and the skilfully devised legislation, which, breaking up

his tribal tenure everywhere, throws him and his lands entirely into

the hands of the financial speculator, and if low wages at the same

time deprive him of the means of education, he must become a helot,

having no stake in the general welfare of the land of his birth--always

its menace, and at length its downfall.

If the other attitude prevail to any large extent, and the men holding

it are strong enough to set their mark on legislation and institutions,

the native may morally and intellectually survive the shock (as he

certainly will physically) of sudden transplantation from his moral

and social atmosphere into ours. He may grasp what is great in our

civilization along with its evils and may yet become the most valuable

element and the ablest defender of a social organization in which he

has much at stake. But even were this not so, the stern demands of

human obligation towards human would yet compel an uncompromising

justice towards him.

It will be obvious, to any person skilled in the study of human nature,

that persons, compelled by their mental organization to assume this

attitude towards the African native races, are not of necessity of any

particular European race, sex, or social condition. In the past some

of the men who have the most courageously and persistently upheld this

attitude have been Englishmen. More notable than all was Sir George

Grey, most gifted and most farseeing of all the Colonial Governors

whom England has ever sent out, a man of whose type it would appear

a country can only produce once in a century. There has also been

Sir William Porter, a great Irishman, whose name still recalls noble

ideals and generous performance to South African hearts, and who

during his stay exemplified the fact that the greatest gift which the

old European lands can send the new is one of their great sons, a man

with a heart large enough to be able to wrap itself about the people

and institutions and things in a new world, and, through loving, to

comprehend them. Another man who in the past has been noted for this

attitude was Saul Solomon, a man of brilliant gifts, said to be of

Jewish extraction, who through a long life amid endless difficulties

fought an heroic battle and never fell from the side of justice and

generosity towards the African native, and who has left a permanent

mark on the legislation of South Africa.

On the other hand, were we called upon at the present day to mention

the names of two public men who might be counted always to make

their stand and raise their voice where any action of injustice or

repression towards the native was concerned, we should give the names

of two men of purely Boer extraction, with no drop of English blood

in their veins. If during the coming century South Africa is to be

preserved from that doom which we sometimes see hovering in the dim

future before her; if her native races are to be transformed from dumb

brooding enemies, borne within her bosom, to citizens who shall be the

joy and strength of her commonwealth, it will not be through the action

of Dutchmen or Englishmen alone; but of brave souls irrespective of all

descent--"God's-Dutchman" and "God's-Englishman"--hand in hand.

* * * * *

The Boer will pass away. In fifty years the plains of South Africa

will know him no more. A mist gathers in the eye and a thickness in

the throat when one realizes that the day will come when that figure

which made for us so much of the charm and beauty of our African land

will have passed away for ever! When no more will the great ox-wagon be

drawn out to crawl slowly along the boundless plains, and Oom Piet sit

on its front-box with his great felt-hat drawn low over his forehead,

watching with keen still eye the wide veld, while Tante Annie looks out

from behind him as they move forward on their long march in search of

the Promised Land.

The little brown house on the plain, where the stranger met so stately

and so kindly a welcome, and the young South African grew up between

his parents' knees, loving South African plains and kopjes dearer

than life--will have passed away for ever. It will have gone with the

springbok and the koodoo and the eland and the lion, with all that made

the charm and poetry of this South Africa of ours, that we have loved

so. The old krantzes will still look down from the flat mountain-tops,

and the blue sky stretch above all; but the Africa we have known will

have gone for ever. Men will not know, then, what it was we loved so.

The Boer will pass away! He will pass away, not supplanted by the

stranger and the alien, but by his own cultured, complex, many-sided,

twentieth-century descendants.

If the men of that generation, bearing his blood in their veins, love

freedom as he loved it and hold resolutely by the best attainable by

them as he held by it, then the future of the great South African

Nation, as far as its strain of Dutch blood is concerned, is assured.

Thoughts on South Africa · 第 8 / 10 章