1650, when the English army, to their knowledge, were now upon their
marche for invading of Scotl: say—
“That these who are tainted with malignancy and disaffectione to the
cause of God, should not be allowed or permitted to associate, or joyne
themselves together in Armys, much less should we associate or joyne
with them, or make use or imploy, or countenance, or permitt them to
be in our armies; that we have solemnly ingadged our selves against
this, and should be desperatly perverse to hazard upon it; that it
were to give great encouradgment to Sectaries, to discouradge the
hearts and weaken the hands of men of integrity and godlines, who could
hardly expect a blessing in the fellowship of such; that it were from
the words of our own former Confessione and ingadgment unto deuties,
to proclaim judgment against the land till it were consumed without
remedy; that it were a shame for any in this land to be soe faithless
and unbeleiving as, becaus of the scarcenes of men, to make use of
such.”
The Gen: Assemb: in their Declairatione, July 19, thereafter when the
Englishes now were come over the Border, warne against the imploying
and intrusting of these men, and tell us “that God hath hitherto cursed
all such counsels, and blasted such Resolutions; and that if we shall
fall again into this sin, as our guilt shall be much the greater by
reasone of many promises and ingadgments to the contrair, so we may
expect a heavier judgment from the Lord upon it.”
The Commissione of the Gen: Assemb: that sate at Stirling, after
the defeat at Dumbar, did, in the three severall meetings, declair
their Judgment to the same purpose. 1. In the causes of publicke
humiliatione, which were first condescended upon by the Presbytries and
Members of the Comissione, then with the Airmy, and were afterwards
approven by the Comissione.
“The not purging of Judicatories and of the Army from malignant and
scandalous persons, and not filling all places of power and trust with
men of known integrity, and of a blameless and Christian conversatione,
together with greater inclinations and endeavours to keep and bring in
Malignants to the Judicatories and the Army, as though the land could
not be guided nor defended without these,” is acknowledged as one of
our sinns, and as one of the causes of our sad stroake.
In their Warning at Stirline, Septemb: 12, 1650, they advertise us that
“we would not think that all danger from the malignant pairty is now
gone, seeing there are a great many such in the land who yet maintain
yʳ former principles, and therefore (say they) we would, with als much
watchfullnes and tendernes now as ever, avoid their snares, and beware
of complyance and conjunctione with them, and take heed that, under
pretence of doing for the cause, they gett not power and strength
into their hands for advancing and promoting their old malignant
designes, doubtless (say they) our safty is in holding fast our former
principles, without declyning to the right hand or to the left.”
A litle thereafter, the King, by his Letter, propounding the questione
unto them concerning the employing and intrusting these men, they
did resolve it so as they did hold it furth to be “dangerous and
scandalous, and contrair to our former principles to imploy and intrust
these men.” That was the language that the Kirk of Scotl: spoke before
these Resolutions.
[Page 109.]
The Comissione of the Gen: Assem: in August nixt thareafter, that
for preventing any misapprehensione that might arise because of the
Kings Declaration about the state of the questione, did emitt a short
Declaratione concerning the state of the questione, which I shall
here set doun, with the Comittee of Estates approbatione thereof and
concurrance therein.
West Kirk, the 13 of August, 1650.[442]....
This Declaratione was also intertained with a testimony of cordiall
acceptance by the army, and was by publick order sent to the Generall
of the Inglish army, as containing the true state of the quarrell upon
qᶜʰ this Kingdome then fought.
* * * * *
1650.
_Excerpts from the Historical Discourses, &c., by Sir Edward Walker,
Knight, Garter, Principal King of Arms, Secretary of War to his
Majesty King Charles I., and Clerk of the Council to King Charles
II._[443] [_London_, folio, 1705.]
Much about the time of his Majesty’s landing, certain intelligence
came of Cromwell’s advance, which induced a necessity of reinforcing
their standing army, consisting of 2,500 horse and 3,000 foot. Much
debate it had in Parliament, and was much opposed by Warriston,
Scheesely, Swinton, and others of that party; but the certain news
of his Majesty’s arrival cooled their courages at that time; and so
the Act of Levies past, consisting of above 30,000 horse and foot
throughout the kingdom. This being done, a list being sent them (by
that zealous brother Geffery, one of the Commissioners) of the persons
that came over with his Majesty, as well his servants as others. They
presently voted all of them from him but the Duke of Buckingham, Mr
Seymour, Dr Frazer, and Mr Rodes; and so the Parliament adjourned to
the 15ᵗʰ of August leaving a committee to rule in the interim. Two
or three days after, the Marquess of Argyle, the Earls of Boclough
and Weymes, Warriston, Cheesely, with the ministers Dick, Guthery,
and others of the Committee came, and (having, it seems, power to
that purpose,) they mitigated somewhat of the rigour of the former
vote; for they only excluded the Lord Wilmot, Mr Secretary Long, Mr
Harding, and Mr Oudart from Court, until they were otherwise disposed
by Parliament; but banished out of the kingdom within eight days
after the publication, either at Dundee or Aberdeene, the Earl of
Cleveland, and his son the Lord Wentworth, (who had deserved better of
them,) the Lords of Widrington and Grandison, Sir Philip Musgrave, Sir
Edward Walker, Mr Progers of the Bedchamber, Collonel Darsy, Collonel
Grey, (though absent in Holland,) Collonel Boynton, Major Jackson,
and Dr Gough. The first four, to shew their obedience, presently
absented themselves; and two of them, the Lord Wilmot and Mr Harding,
are again returned to Court, though no publick vote be yet passed
in their favour; but the rest being not to expect any from them,
and another part of the vote being to have money to transport them,
did not remove themselves. Hither many of the Nobility Engagers and
others came, but with difficulty were admitted to kiss his Majesty’s
hand, and not suffered to stay any time. Among others, the Earl of
Cornwarth, who coming into the Privy Chamber, and being told by the
Marquess of Argyle, it was a great presumption to come thither being
in his condition, he went to his Majesty, told him Friends must part,
and wished and hoped he had none about him less faithful to him than
himself. Then turning to Argyle, he told him—This is your doing; but
I value it not. Then, coming into the presence, he applied himself to
the Earl of Cassels, standing on the one side of the Cloth of State,
Warriston and Cheesely standing on the other. By this time, notice
was given what had passed within, and Mr Wood, the minister, one of
the Commissioners in Holland, beckned to him to come away, which he
presently did; and coming to him said, Sir, God, I hope, will forgive
me—will not you? But Mr Wood turned from him in disdain, giving him
never a word; upon this, the Earl of Cornwarth went out. In the
interim, Warriston and Cheesely called Sir James Balfour, Lyon King
at Arms, and gave him order to take the Earl and hang him presently,
except he went from Court. Hence you may observe the charity of the
Clergy, and the mercy of the Committee to any of the Royal party;
since, the Earl being taken at Edenborough, was made prisoner in the
Tolbooth, and (for anything I hear) left to Cromwell’s disposition,
together with Sir John Henderson; who coming afterwards to Dumfermling,
and addressing himself to the Marquess of Argyle, was to have been
employed by him to bring over the remainder of the arms from Sweden;
in confidence of whose favour, he went to Edenborough, where he was
likewise imprisoned. Besides this vote of Banishment, the Committee
presented His Majesty an Act of Confirmation of the Treaty, with
a recognition of his right and capacity of his executing of His
Royal Authority; intimating their intentions of his Coronation at
the next meeting of Parliament. But, in the interim, reserving the
administration of affairs to the Committee of Estates, who still kept
all in their power, except his Majesty’s concurrence with them can add
to their advantage, and then they seek it; to this end, they procured
His Letters to the several Northern Counties to hasten the Levies.
The Committee having, to their satisfaction, at this time dispatched
their business, returned to Edenborough; so did the old General
Levin and David Lesley to the Army; from hence, likewise, all the
Commissioners that were in Holland went their several ways, none
remaining but the Earl of Lothian, and of the Committee, the Marquess
of Argyle and his son the Lord Lorne, taking upon them the sole
administration of Affairs.
His Majesty having stayed here about fifteen days, went to St John’s
Town, [Perth] where he was affectionately received, and, staying there
one night, he passed back to Dumfermling, where he rested two, and
so went to Stirling. By this time Cromwell was entred Scotland, and,
without any opposition, advanced to Musleborough, but six miles from
Edenborough. The Scotish army was drawn between Leith and Edenborough,
having cast a trench before them. The number, at that time, of either
army were equal, each being about 12,000 men, but Cromwell’s, at that
time, in much better order and discipline, for the Scotish army, being
solely governed by the Committee of Estates and Kirk, took especial
care in the levies not to admit any Malignants or Engagers; placing,
for the most part, in command, ministers sons, clerks, and such other
sanctified creatures, who hardly ever saw or heard of any Sword but
that of the Spirit, and with this, their chosen crew, made themselves
sure of Victory.
His Majesty having stayed three nights at Sterling, and Cromwell
drawing nearer to Edenborough, was, by the good will of the general
officers of the army, and the promptness of the Earl of Eglanton (a
little before made Collonel of His Majesty’s Horse Guard,) sent for
by him to come to the Army. This was done against the sense of the
Committee, and it were to have been wished he had not gone, or not
given way so much to them, as when he was there to quit his interest
and return. So, on Monday the 27ᵗʰ of July, His Majesty, attended by
the Duke of Buckingham, the Marquess of Argile, and some few of the
Scotish nobility, with his servants, rode to Leith. Before he went, all
the banished persons were commanded not to go with him to the army.
That evening, His Majesty was received into the army with all the
expressions of joy; and, at that instant, Cromwell drew a strong party
of horse down even to the trench, and caused a party of the Scots,
commanded by Sir James Hacket, to retreat in very great disorder. The
next day a strong party of horse, commanded by Collonel Mountgomery,
son to the Earl of Eglanton, fetching a compass, fell into Cromwell’s
quarters about Musselborough, routed six or eight partys of horse,
forced (as ’tis said) Cromwell, himself, in his drawers, to take
his horse and pass over the river. Lambert was hurt in the action,
and some slain, and ’tis as probable that, if Mountgomery had been
seconded, he might as well have ruined Cromwell’s army as he did after
the Scotish army; but in the retreat, being in disorder, he lost some
men and all his prisoners....
By this time the army was much encreased, many Malignants and Engagers
having gotten into command, His Majesty high in the favour and
affection of the army, which was then more evident by the souldiers
having, in the late action, made an R with chalk, under the Crown, upon
their arms, and generally expressing the goodness of their cause, now
they had the King with them. This startled the Committees both of Kirk
and State, who cried out that the quarrel was changed and the cause of
God neglected; and so divers arguments were used to remove His Majesty
from the army, as the danger of his person, the multitude of people
out of order by reason of his presence, want of provisions; and, ’tis
reported, the Committee declared that, if he would not retire, they
would act no more; and so, much against his will, he was persuaded, on
Friday, the second of August, to pass over the Forth to Dumfermling.
Presently the Committee commanded away all Malignants and Engagers, and
so lessened the Army of three or 4000 of the best men, and displaced
all officers suspected, concluding then they had an army of saints,
and that they could not be beaten, for so their lying prophets daily
told the people out of the pulpit. Besides, the Gentry out of the Mers
and Tividale, who offered to offend Cromwell’s rear, were, on pain of
forfeiture, forbidden to embody themselves, or to attempt anything
on him, but to come away and leave all to his power. And I have been
assured by persons of great honour and integrity, that offers were made
by considerable persons of the Malignant and Engaging Parties, that
they would raise another army, that in case this were beaten, to take
up the quarrel, and, in the interim, to give their wives and children
in hostage; that, if this was victorious, presently to lay down arms,
or, at least, that they might come into the army and have the van
against Cromwell; but neither would be accepted. The prevailing party,
to colour their malice and fear of them, (should they get any power,)
by their instruments, the Ministers, declaring against them, and
terming the sin of malignancy a sin against the Holy Ghost; that it was
better to fight their enemies with a handful of elect and godly people
than with mighty arms, loaden with that sin, which, like Acan’s wedge,
would surely be the cause of their destruction.
About a week after, Cromwell rose hastily in the night, and marched
back; he was as far as Haddington before the Scotish army took notice
of his motion; thence he went to Dunbarr. This occasioned several
reports and conjectures, but none proved true. The Scotish army
followed him, not expecting orders from the Committees.
In the interim, a Guard of two companies of foot, under the command
of the Lord Lorne, Argyle’s son, was, for honour’s sake, appointed to
attend the Court. These are those who, when all the Scots in the north
of Ireland declared to join with the Marquess of Ormond against the
murtherers of the late King, refused and came home to Scotland, where
they are well treated, and put into the Lord of Lorne’s regiment.
Presently after the large Declaration ensuing was either brought his
Majesty by Warriston and Berkley from the State, and Douglas and
Guthery from the Kirk, or else, (if he had it before,) they then
came for his answer. His Majesty, at that time, positively refused
to sign it, and they most peremptorily pressed to have it passed _in
terminis,_ without any variation, how barbarous and unchristian soever
the expressions were therein in relation to the late glorious King.
They staid but one night, and so went away to Edenborough and Sterling,
where, the next day being Sunday, they thundred out against the King,
that they were deceived in him—that he was the very Root of Malignancy,
and an utter enemy to the kingdome of Christ; and the Covenant which he
had taken was only to gain his ends; and that they must take heed of
him and the heathen people about him. Whereupon, on Monday following,
the Kirk published the ensuing Declaration, which was approved by the
Committee of Estates; and, two days after, three or four of the most
zealous of the army, in the name of the rest, exhibited the following
Remonstrance, which failed not of an acceptation. And I am assured
that both the contrivers and approvers of them were not displeased
at his Majesty’s refusal—their ends being thereby to publish their
papers, and so to bring his Majesty into the odium of the people and
the army; whereby they might more safely treat with Cromwell, and give
him assurance of not invading England, (which part of their Resolution
is manifest in all their printed Declarations,) and so (if they kept
the King amongst them until they could find a way to be rid of him) yet
still to assure to themselves the power of Government; for, believe it,
they did then and still do more fear His Majesty’s just authority than
they do the Conquest by Cromwell.
“Westkirk, the 13th day of August, 1650.”[444]
* * * * *
In the interim, Cromwell having got provisions by sea, returns to his
old quarters, and, on the 12ᵗʰ of August, marches on the south side of
Edenborough, and encamps on a hill of advantage; his ships likewise
pass up the Forth above Leith. The Scots still keep their quarters, the
Armys being within three miles of each other.
During his stay there, the Committees, by Swinton and Collonel Carr,
sent him their Declaration; and (’tis reported) his answer was that
he would not juggle with them; he came for their King: if they would
deliver him he would treat, otherwise not. But many believe they
were too much of an opinion to have any difference during their
negotiations. His Majesty from Dumfermling sends a letter to the
Assembly to desire to have some of their number sent him, to satisfie
him in point of conscience concerning some parts of the Declaration,
and then he would give them satisfaction. What induced him to do it,
I cannot say, only the Marquess of Argyle and some of the nearest
about him were hourly enforcing the necessity of compliance, and the
danger he was in in case he persisted; and possibly making the dangers
greater than they would have been had he kept his former resolutions.
About four days after, when they had published their papers, been with
Cromwell, and the Chancellour and others had harrangued to the army the
sence of the Kirk and Committee, which wrought not any great effect,
the spirit (though not the body) of malignancy and affection to the
King being still amongst them; the Assembly sent two of their number to
satisfie His Majesty, who, after many disputes, were at length induced
to give way that some expressions, in reference to His late Majesty,
should be varied; so His Majesty, upon Friday the 16ᵗʰ of August,
signed it, and very late that night came to St Johnstons, being lodged
in a house of David Lesley’s, formerly Earl Gowry’s, and wherein the
murther was designed to be acted on King James.
Here following, you may read the Declaration,[445] and by it judge if
they ever meant it for his Majesty’s good, or whether they have gained
or lost by the publishing of it. I am sure many that promised wonders
if it were done, and threatned destruction if not, have since found
they have, both in Honour and interest, been no gainers by it. And
now because it may seem strange to many that His Majesty was induced
to sign it, I conceive myself bound in duty, and for His Majesty’s
vindication, to offer unto them these following considerations:
First, That necessity had brought him into such hands, as not out of
meer loyalty, but for their own interest had seemingly wedded his; and
so he was not in a capacity to oppose them.
Secondly, Most of those in power about him, as well English as others,
passionately persuaded him to it; laying down the Dangers by his
refusal, at the deserting of the army, and probably his own restraint,
and an union with Cromwell.
Thirdly, The Ministers made it a matter of conscience and breach of
Covenant and Treaty.
Fourthly, It is possible great advantages of power and interest were
laid before him to facilitate his compliance; notwithstanding all
which, he many days persisted in his refusal until he had got some
alterations made in reference to his father. So that, considering the
time that it was done in, the importunity that was upon him, and the
ill consequences represented in case of his refusal, with the pretended
advantages on the contrary. I believe it will be found that few Princes
in the like exigent (though of much more years and experience) would
have so long resisted so hard and desperate assaults.
* * * * *
_Excerpts from The Secret and true History of the Church of Scotland
from the Restoration to the year 1678, by the Rev. Mr James Kirkton._
[_Mr C. K. Sharpe’s edition_, 1817. p. 47, _et seq._]
The Scots, immediatly upon the news of his [King Charles I.] death,
proclaim his eldest son King, upon the 5th of February 1649, providing
alwayes that he was not to be admitted to the exercise of his
government till he should give satisfaction for religion and peace; nor
could they make warr upon England for their King, till he and they were
at a point, which was not for two years after; but these two years, in
my opinion, were the best two years that Scotland ever saw.
For though alwayes since the Assembly at Glasgow the work of the gospel
hade prospered, judicatories being reformed, godly ministers entered,
and holy constitutions and rules daily brought into the Church; yet
now, after Duke Hamilton’s defeat, and in the interval betwixt the
two Kings, religion advanced the greatest step it hade made for many
years: now the Ministry was notablie purified, the Magistracy altered,
and the people strangly refined. It is true, at this time, hardly the
fifth part of the Lords of Scotland were admitted to sit in Parliament,
but those who did sitt were esteemed truely godly men; so were all
the rest of the commissioners in parliament elected of the most pious
of every corporation. Also, godly men were imployed in all offices,
both civil and military; and about this time the General Assembly,
by sending abroad visitors into the countrey, made almost ane entire
change upon the Ministry in several places of the nation, purgeing out
the scandelous and insufficient, and planting in their place a sort
of godly young men, whose ministry the Lord sealed with ane eminent
blessing of success, as they themselves sealed it with a seal of heavy
sufferings; but so they made full proof of their ministry. Scotland
hath been, even by emulous foreigners, called Philadelphia; and now
she seemed to be in her flower. Every minister was to be tried five
times a year, both for his personal and ministerial behavior; every
congregation was to be visited by the presbyterie that they might see
how the vine flowrished, and how the pomegranate budded. And there
was no case nor question in the meanest family in Scotland, but it
might become the object of the deliberation of the General Assembly,
for the congregational Session’s book was tried by the presbyterie,
the presbyterie’s book by the synod, and the synod’s book by the
General Assembly. Likewayes, as the bands of the Scottish church were
strong, so her beauty was bright: no error was so much as named, the
people were not only sound in the faith, but innocently ignorant of
unsound doctrine; no scandalous person could live, no scandal could
be concealed in all Scotland, so strict a correspondence there was
betwixt ministers and congregations. The General Assembly seemed to be
the priest with Urim and Thumim, and there were not ane 100 persons in
all Scotland to oppose their conclusions; all submitted, all learned,
all prayed, most part were really godly, or at least counterfitted
themselves Jews. Than was Scotland a heap of wheat set about with
lilies, uniform, or a palace of silver beautifully proportioned; and
this seems to me to have been Scotland’s high noon. The only complaint
of prophane people was, that the government was so strict they hade not
liberty enough to sin. I confess I thought at that time, the common
sort of ministers strained too much at the sin which, in these dayes,
was called MALIGNANCIE, (and I should not paint the moon faithfully if
I marked not her spots,) otherwayes I think if church officers could
polish the saints on earth as bright as they are in heaven, it were
their excellencie and the churches happiness. But this season lasted
not long.