on the Borders during the preceding summer, and a renewal of the war
having been resolved on by his Majesty and “The Junto,” as it was
termed, in whose advice he confided, (Canterbury, Strafford, Hamilton,
and Morton,) Charles was constrained to have recourse to a Parliament
in England. This was reluctantly adopted, as the only means by which
the sinews of war could be provided—and was the first that had been
called by the King during the space of twelve years, in the course
of which he had managed to carry on a perilous system of government,
by levying taxes in virtue of the prerogative, and other devices,
which ultimately led to his ruin. A Parliament having been summoned
in England, and the warlike purposes of the King having speedily been
manifested, these things could not long escape the vigilance of the
Scottish leaders; and a meeting of the Nobles, Gentry, and Ministers
was summoned at Edinburgh on the 10th of March; when, with their wonted
energy, they resolved to levy an army, to fortify all the strengths of
which they could obtain possession, and to raise the requisite funds
for the purpose, both by voluntary contributions and taxes; and such
was the enthusiasm of the people, that plate, jewels, and whatever
wealth a poor country could supply, were cheerfully poured into the
coffers of the insurgents. The banner of “The Covenant” was once more
unfurled, and the pulpits of the clergy again resounded with ardent
exhortations to rally round it.
Meanwhile, the proceedings in England tended materially to promote the
views of the Scottish leaders. Before the Parliament was assembled,
the discontents of the English—which were mightily strengthened by
the success of the Scottish insurrection of the previous summer—had
attained a pitch of consistency and force, which was extremely
favourable to their northern neighbours, who were further encouraged by
a forged promise of support, apparently by some of the most influential
English nobility. And the issue of the first Session of the English
Parliament contributed powerfully to promote the cause of insurrection
in Scotland—the discontents and movements in both kingdoms naturally
acting and reacting on each other as incentives to resistance to the
“kingly way” of government, which Charles endeavoured, so unfortunately
for himself and his country, to carry on. The King had urgently pleaded
for supplies from his English subjects to carry on the war against the
Scotch, whom he represented as bent on the utter subversion of the
monarchy. But the English House of Commons would not grant any supplies
without a previous redress of their own grievances; and, finding them
inflexible on this point, he had again recourse to his former practice
of dissolving the Parliament, on the 13th of April.
The embarrassments of Charles, in consequence of this sturdy refusal
of his English subjects to support him, were infinite; and, resorting
to all his accustomed modes of raising men and money for the impending
war, these were only aggravated by the means which he adopted to supply
the want of subsidies. His army had been completely dislocated and
disbanded; and many who had joined his standard the previous year,
were now marshalled in the ranks of opposition; while the general
dissatisfaction of the country, rendered all his exertions, and the
voluntary contributions of those who still adhered to and supported
him, altogether inadequate to the exigency of his affairs.
The Scottish leaders, when they dissolved their army in June 1639,
had taken the precaution to secure the future services of the veteran
officers whom they had employed on that occasion, should those services
be required; and the troops, though dispersed in their several
localities, were warned to be in readiness for another muster, perhaps
at no remote period. When the tocsin was again sounded, therefore, the
Scottish army was speedily re-organized under their old commander,
Leslie; and it was already re-established in a condition fit for
action, while the King was struggling hopelessly with his financial
difficulties and the discontents of his English subjects.
The 2d of June, to which the Scottish Parliament had been prorogued,
at length arrived; and although another commission for a further
prorogation to July was sent down, some technical difficulty in
communicating it to the States, furnished a reason for this not being
done; and they readily availed themselves of what was really a quibble,
to disregard the commission for adjournment, and declared themselves a
lawful Parliament, in which they proceeded to enact into laws, all the
Bills which had been introduced previous to the former prorogation.
Ruthven, who commanded in Edinburgh Castle, and refused to surrender
it, was forfeited, and a great Committee of Estates named, with
sovereign authority to direct all matters civil and military. That
Committee, as usual, opened diplomatic communications with the King
through Lord Lanerick, the new Secretary for Scotland, to which it is
needless to refer particularly, as these communications are given among
the annexed documents; and, in short, the people of Scotland once more
stood in an attitude of open hostility to their King.
While matters were in this position, and amidst general preparations
for war, the 28th of July arrived, being the time appointed for the
meeting of the General Assembly at Aberdeen. No Commissioner was
appointed by the King; but, after waiting one day for a Commissioner,
(should one have been named,) they proceeded, according to their own
views of “the liberties of the Kirk,” to business; but did nothing that
is worthy of remark at present. And here we pause in our introductory
narrative, to be prosecuted with more spirit-stirring matter, when we
reach the date at which it may be suitably resumed, postponing some of
the earlier military operations, till we give them all in connection.
We shall, therefore, only further note that, previously to this
meeting of Assembly, the seeds of disunion were sown in the Church
by a miserable controversy among the Covenanters themselves, about
private meetings for devotional purposes, which some of the leading men
in the Church countenanced and others reprobated—a schism which was
agitated at the Aberdeen Assembly, and at a future period increased,
till the Presbyterian Church was divided into two furious factions,
denouncing, excommunicating, and persecuting each other. For the nature
and particulars of this schism, we refer to Baillie, in which these are
given with his characteristic naivete and frankness.[245]
THE PRINCIPALL ACTS
OF THE GENERALL ASSEMBLY CONVEENED AT ABERDENE, JULY 28, 1640.
Sess. II. 20. July 1640.
The Assembly having past the first day before they would make any Act
in attending of His Majesties Commissioner.
This day the Moderator openly asked, in face of the Assembly, if there
was any Commissioner come from His Majestie: And finding there was
none, the Assembly proceeded according to their Liberties.
* * * * *
_Overtures given in by the Committee appointed by the last Assembly
anent the ordering of the Assembly-house: Which being read in audience
of the Assembly, they approved the same._
I. The Assembly finds it expedient for the ordering of the House in
all time coming, that the Commissioners sit together unmixt, and
that the places where they sit be railed about, or some other way
divided from the seats of others, and that places be provided without
the bounds of the Commissioners seats to persons of respect, who are
not Commissioners, and others according to their qualities, as the
Magistrates of the Town shall find most convenient.
II. Also that the Commissioners, having received tickets from the
Magistrates of the Burgh, at the delivery of their Commissions, wherby
they may have ready accesse to the Assemblie-House and place appointed
for them, do keep the hour of meeting precisely, and whosoever comes
after the time, or shall be found absent at the calling of the Rols, to
be censured as the Assemblie sees fitting: And whatsoever Presbyterie,
Burgh, or Universitie, shall not send Commissioners, or Commissioners
sent from them doe not come at all to the Assembly, be summond unto the
next Assembly, and censured as the Assembly shall find reasonable.
III. That foure persons of respect have warrant from the Assembly to
injoyne that there be no standing, no din, nor disorderly behaviour:
And if any shall disobey them, or direct his speech to any, except to
the Moderator, and that one at once with leave first asked and given,
to be rebuked publikely by the Moderator: and if he desist not, be
removed out of the Assembly for that Session.
IIII. That no motion come in unto the Assembly but by the Committee
appointed for matters of that nature; and if the Committee refuse to
answer the same, let it be proponed to the Assembly with the reasons
thereof.
V. That the minutes of ilk Session be read before their rising, and if
the matter concerne the whole Kirk, let it be drawn up in forme and
read in the begining of the next ensuing Session, that the Assembly may
judge whether or not it bee according to their minde.
* * * * *
_Act anent the demolishing of Idolatrous Monuments._
Forasmuch as the Assembly is informed, that in divers places of this
Kingdome, and specially in the North parts of the same, many Idolatrous
Monuments, erected and made for Religious worship, are yet extant—Such
as Crucifixes, Images of Christ, Mary, and Saints departed—ordaines the
saids monuments to be taken down, demolished, and destroyed, and that
with all convenient diligence: and that the care of this work shall be
incumbent to the Presbyteries and Provinciall Assemblies within this
Kingdome, and their Commissioners to report their diligence herein to
the next Generall Assembly.
* * * * *
_Act against Witches and Charmers._
The Assembly ordaines all Ministers within the Kingdome, carefully to
take notice of Charmers, Witches, and all such abusers of the people,
and to urge the Acts of Parliament, to be execute against them: and
that the Commissioners from the Assembly to the Parliament shall
recommend to the said supreme judicatory, the care of the execution of
the Lawes against such persons in the most behoovefull way.
* * * * *
Sess. V. Aug. 1, 1640.
_Act for Censuring Speakers against the Covenant._
The Assembly ordaines, that such as have subscribed the Covenant and
speakes against the same, if he be a Minister, shall be deprived; and
if he continue so, being deprived, shall be excommunicate: and if he be
any other man, shall be dealt with as perjured, and satisfie publikely
for his perjury.
* * * * *
Sess. X. 5 Aug. 1640.
_Act against Expectants refusing to Subscribe the Covenant._
The Assembly ordaines, that if any Expectant shall refuse to subscribe
the Covenant, he shall be declared uncapable of a Pedagogie, teaching
of a School, reading at a Kirk, preaching within a Presbyterie, and
shall not have libertie of residing within a Burgh, Universitie, or
Colledge: and if they continue obstinate, to be processed.
* * * * *
The Generall Assembly appoints the next Assembly to be in S. Andrews,
the third Tuesday of July 1641. And that the Moderator in a convenient
way, by the Secret Councell, or otherwise as may best serve, request
the Kings Majestie to send his Commissioner to the said Assembly.
And if any exigent fall out, that the Presbyterie of Edinburgh give
advertisement for an Assembly _pro re nata_.
FINIS.
* * * * *
INDEX _of the_ PRINCIPALL ACTS _of the_ ASSEMBLY _at_ ABERDENE, 1640.
_Not printed._
1.—Election of M. Andr. Ramsay Moderator.
2.—Act against profaning of the Sabbath.
3.—Act anent Charmers.
4.—Act renewing a former Act made against Priors and Abbots.
5.—Commission for attending the Parliament.
6.—Commission anent the Province of Rosse.
7.—Commis. anent the Presbytery of Kirkwall.
8.—Act anent the Presbytery-seat of Selkirk.
9.—Report of the Visitors of the Universitie of Glasgow, and a new
Commission of Visitation of that University.
10.—Act anent the Carriage of Ministers.
11.—Act anent the ordering of Family Exercise.
12.—Act for Ruling Elders keeping of Presbyteries.
13.—Act anent Magistrates being Members of Kirk Session.
14.—Approbation of the proceedings of the Commissioners appointed to
attend the preceding Parliament.
15.—Act anent abolishing Idolatrous Monuments.
16.—Act anent abolishing Idolatrous Monuments in and about Aberdene.
17.—The Report of the Visitors of the Universitie of Aberdene.
18.—Commission for visiting the Universitie of Aberdene.
* * * * *
=Miscellaneous Historical Documents.=
RELATIVE TO THE ECCLESIASTICAL AND POLITICAL EVENTS IN SCOTLAND—1639-40.
1639.—September 11.
1. _Discussion in Parliament as to the Large Declaration._[246]
Undecimo Septemb. 1639.
Anent the Supplication presented by the Assembly against the booke
called the Large Declaratioune, whairof Doctor Balcanquhall is
challenged to be ane of the authors: The Commissioner represented
that it is not expedient that this Supplicatioune be presented in ane
parliamentarie way; becaus it tendis to the renewing of the remembrance
of these troubles and the causes thereof, which heirtofoir vexed this
Kingdome, and ar now to be buried in oblivioune; and seing the said
booke beirs inscriptione of His Sacred Majesties name, quhilk he will
not disclaime, it aught to be handled with more reverence then to
be challenged in any publick way, quhilk evidentlie rubbis with His
Majesties honour, and can produce no better effect than ane answer to
all assertiounes contrair to what is averred in the booke, and will
frustrate the Petitioners of their intendit end. And, therefore, the
Commissioners Grace desyred, that gif the Petitioners will goe on in
this Supplicatione, they shall doe the same in that quiet, humble way,
which may not trench upon His Majestie, bot will most readilie satisfie
His Majestie, quhilk ought to be their first and maine desyre.
The Erles of Argyle and Rothes answered—That the said booke containes
so many vntrewthis, that is so dishonourable to His Majestie and this
haill natioune, and is so publick and dispersed through all the world,
of purpose to incense neighbour nationes, and speciallie Ingland,
against us, and to possess thaime with prejudices against thair
proceidings; and, therefore, the Petitione aught to be presented in ane
publik parliamentarie way, quhilk being legall and humble, cannot in
reasone offend His Graceous Majestie.
The Commissioners Grace answered—That the publik way will rather oblige
His Majestie to vindicate his honour by ane answer of mainteining that
booke then procure any satisfaction from his Majestie; becaus the King
must ather mainteane that booke, gif it be challenged by ane publik
way, or else acknowledge that he took armes upon unwarrantable grounds
and false information, quhilk is so dishonourable, that no good subject
can desyre or expect the same—and now, at this tyme, it is unfitt to
renew the memorie of what is past upon ather side, but they are to be
covered with ane act of oblivione.
The Estatis of Parliament being petitioned by the Assemblie to joyne
with thame in supplicating His Majestie against ane booke intituled
A Large Declaration, (which Supplicatione is registrat in the buikes
of the Assemblie,) the Estatis humblie recommendis the same to the
Commissioners Grace to be presented to his Majestie for obtaining
graceouslie the desyre of the said Supplicatione; and ordainis this to
be inacted in Parliament, in thir same words, and in no other wayis.
* * * * *
1639 [40].—January 29.
2. _Letter from the Earl of Rothes to the Earl of Pembroke and
Montgomery._[247]
MY GOOD LORD,
I have large encouragement to use freedom, both from your own favours
to me, and my affection to your Lordship, and so may expostulate with
you for withdrawing your wonted (and even lately expressed) respects
at the Camp to this Nation. You found we had reason for our lawful
Defence, and that we had loyal Hearts to our Prince, and Justice in our
Desires; which moved you to plead for us, and so engaged the Affection
of many to you. But sithence, when my Lord Traquair made his Relation,
that moved hard Conclusions against us, not requiring so much as
that it should not obtain Truth to the prejudice of a Noble Nation,
till we were heard; and agreeing that an Army should be levied, and
lending Monies, hath much grieved us, to disappointed of one we so much
trusted. I have therefore been bold to entreat that we may keep better
Correspondency, or else by mistake we may be brought again to begin a
Mischief that will not end in our days. As we have formerly declined
it, so shall it not be our fault. And it lies in your Lordship, and
in other great Persons, to prevent these Evils. You have lived in all
great Ease, Peace, and Plenty for many years, as any Nation in the
World; and if you can like to interrupt your own Happiness for the
pleasure of some Prelates, who will share little with the Hardships
and Dangers that will be indured, you are not well advised. The Earl
of Dumfermling, and Lord Loudon, are sent with a full information of
our Bussiness. They will wait upon your Lordship, and expect your
wonted Assistance. They all (as much as may be) decline War, except
you will now needs have it. We hope your Lordship and others will make
use of these Reasons for the right end, which will fix a great deal of
Obligation from both Nations on you, and shall infinitely increase my
respects, desiring to continue
Your Lordships most humble Servant,
ROTHES.
Edenburg, Jan. 29, 1639. [40]
* * * * *
1639 [40.]—March 2.
3. _Letter from the Marquis of Hamilton to Lord Lindsay, with
Postscript by the King._[248]
MY LORD,
I Received yours of ________ February, wherein you endeavour to let me
see the hazard that His Majesty may run, if he take not a peaceable
Course with his Subjects of Scotland, which you say, I am reported to
be no adviser of; as likewise the unavoidable Ruine that will befall
me, in case of my accepting of any Imployment against them.
The Arguments that you use, are the Resolutions of your own people, and
the assistance that you will have elsewhere, the particular way you
forbear to write; yet you say, that God hath provided it beyond your
expectation; and, as it was beyond your expectation, so it is still
beyond my belief; my Reasons you shall have anon. But first I will say
somewhat concerning myself.
Know then, Brother, for a truth, that I heartily pray a Curse may
follow him and his Posterity, that doth not endeavour and wish,
that these unhappy Troubles may be composed in a fair and peaceable
way. God, who knoweth the Secrets of all mens thoughts, can bear me
record, with how much care, pains, and zeal I have endeavoured that;
and I promise you, I shall as faithfully continue in that Course, as
ever man did, in any Resolution which was with reason grounded in
his heart; how few either believe, or know this, I care not, for I
have laid my accompt long since, and am resolved on the worst that
can befall me. And for your further satisfaction, know, that nothing
can grieve more in this World, than to be sent in any Hostile manner
against my Friends, Kindred, and Country: where at the best, though I
may merit something from His Majesty, (to whose Goodness I owe much
besides the Duty of a Subject) yet I shall never be called other than
the destroyer of them; and what cause of Sorrow this will be to a
kind-hearted Scotsh-man, I leave to you to judge. Therefore I assure
you, that if either my Industry, Intreaties, nay Prayers prevail, no
such Charge will be imposed on me, my inclinations having always led
me in this rather to follow your Advice, and absent my self, in case
things come to the worst, than to accept of that Employment; though I
must tell you, it may bring along with it His Majesties Displeasure,
and so consequently certain Ruine. Yet I do intend to put that to
the hazard, and if it happen, I will have the Vanity to say, it will
neither prove advantageous to the Country, nor to those in it, who once
did me the Honour to esteem me their Friend. To conclude this point,
consider, if a Navy come, probably I must be miserable; for what can
I gain by it? if employed, a Discontented Life ever hereafter. If the
King should impose the Charge on me, and I refuse it, what the better
would you be? an abler would be employed in it, and I need never look
for His Majesties Favour thereafter, and without that in his Kingdom
will I never live. If I had no other Reasons but these, (but I could
write you fourty more,) consider if I have not cause to endeavour
Peace, and believe me I will do it.
For the Danger that His Majesty will run if he enter into this War, I
do acknowledge with you it may be great; but that certain Ruine must
follow, I cannot confess: yet I must say, that his Gain will be but
small, when he hath got that by Force which is his, or ought to be his
already; but what remedy? He conceiveth a Kingdom to be lost, and two
will be hazarded to regain that, if they continue in the Course they
are in.
For the Assistance you mention God hath provided for you elsewhere,
that is conceived to be used as an argument to fright us: For from
whence can it come?
From a Party in England? Trust not to that, nor give credit to a few
Factious Spirits, with whom perhaps Correspondence may be kept.
From France? Reason and the knowledge of their Affairs make us
confident, that no great matter can come from thence: Reason, for they
will not assist the Rebels (for so you will be called) of a King for
examples sake; and the necessity of their Affairs, for we know they
have enough to do elsewhere.
From Sweden? Though they perhaps be willing, yet it is known they have
not men to do it in these parts.
From Holland? The Body of that Estate hath by their Publick Ministers
disallowed your Actions, and hath given assurance that they will be far
from either giving Countenance or Assistance to you; what private men
may doe by way of Stealth, is little regarded or to be esteemed.
Thus I freely write what is thought of the Assistance you are like to
get from abroad, of which Opinion I shall still be, unless you can
make it more clearly appear; therefore I will use the old Proverb to
you, Beware that your stout Hearts make not your heads dry a Gutter,
and make you neglect the receiving of his Majesties Pleasure with all
thankful obedience, which, for any thing I know, nay I durst Swear,
will be no other than stands with the true Protestant Religion and the
Laws of the Kingdom. What pity is it then, that these mistakes should
continue? but how much more will it be, that they should encrease
to a Bloody War. If all amongst you would rightly insider what true
Religion and Piety is, and lay that only before their Eyes, there
are yet, not only good hopes, but certain assurances of a peaceable
Conclusion of those unhappy Troubles; and as you have advised me, so
let me you, (which perhaps may be the last time, that on this Subject I
shall write to you) endeavour Peace, which if gained, the effusion of
much Christian Blood will be saved, the Country preserved, Scotshmen
esteemed Valiant, Just, and Loyal, not only in this Kingdom, but
through all Europe, and no man happier than
Your now much troubled,
and affectionate Brother,
HAMILTON.
POSTSCRIPT.—For Answer to your Postscript, I am not in dispair, but
to bring it to a good pass if your own carriage do not marre it; for
His Majesty is content to sign the Signature, but it is to remain in
my hands, and not to be delivered except your Carriage do deserve it,
as well as Crawfords, who knows not as yet, how far his Majesty hath
condescended. This Letter is not fit to be long keeped, therefore it
will not be amiss it be burnt. Let me hear from you with the first
occasion, and thereafter I care not how seldom, if matters come to the
worst.
Since the writing of this, the Letter which Rothes wrote to
the Chamberlain by Dumfermline was this day publickly read at
Council-board, His Majesty being present: it hath produced contrary
effects to what (I believe) he expected, for not only doth the
Chamberlain swear that there is not one true word in it, but hath
beseeched His Majesty, that Rothes may be called to an account for
the traducing of him in so high a nature, (to use his own words) nay
to make him, (if it were in his Power) appear to be a greater Traytor
than himself. In a word, the whole Table was much scandalized with the
Letter, and no wayes satisfied with the Writer of it, even though it
had been all as he expressed.
I profess I have loved Rothes, and am sorry when any misfortune befalls
him; and likewise I thought fit to mention this, that you may see what
those of this Country will doe, when it comes to an issue; therefore I
hope not only he, but the whole Country will take example by this, and
grow wise while there is time.
_This Letter he carried to the King, and at the end of that Copy he
retained, yet extant, His Majesty with his own hand wrote._