mint to treat. He came, and set up his tent in the hill; but few of his
people with him. It was thought meet that he and his should lie about
Stirling, in the heart of the country, to be always ready in subsidies
for unexpected accidents, to be a terror to our neutralists or but
masked friends; to make all, without din, march forward, lest his
uncanny trewsmen should light on to call them up in their rear; always
to have an eye what either the north, or the shires, or the west, or
our stail host should mister of help. It was thought the country of
England was more afraid of the barbarity of his Highlanders, than of
any other terror. Those of the English that came to visit our camp, did
gaze much with admiration upon these supple fellows, with their plaids,
targes, and dorlachs. There were some companies of them under Captain
Buchanan, and others in Erskine’s regiment; our captains, for the most
part barons or gentlemen of good note; our lieutenants, most of old
soldiers, who had served over sea in good charges. Every company had,
fleeing at the captain’s tent-door, a brave new colour, stamped with
the Scottish arms, and this motto, ‘FOR CHRIST’S CROWN AND COVENANT,’
in golden letters.
“Our General had a brave royal tent; but it was not set up. His
constant guard was some hundreds of our lawyers, musquetiers,
under Durie and Hope’s command, all the good way standing in arms,
with locked matches, before his high gate, well apparelled. He
lay at the foot of the hill, with Baillie his sergeant-major or
lieutenant-general. That place was destined for Almond, in whose wisdom
and valour we had but too much confidence; yet in the time of our most
need, the greatness of his gravel, or the pretence of it, made him go
to France to be cut. Always, when he came there, it was found he needed
no incision, so he passed to his charge in Holland, where to us he was
as dead in all our dangers.
“The councils of war were kept daily in the castle; the ecclesiastick
meetings in Rothes’s large tent. The General, with Baillie, came
nightly for the setting of the watch on their horses. Our soldiers
were all lusty and full of courage; the most of them, stout young
plowmen; great chearfulness in the face of all: the only difficulty
was, to get them dollars or two the man, for that voyage from home,
and the time they entered in pay; for among our yeoman, money at any
time, let be then, uses to be very scarce; but once having entered
on the common pay, their sixpence a-day, they were galliard. None of
our gentlemen were any thing worse of lying some weeks together in
their cloaks and boots on the ground, or standing all night in arms
in the greatest storm. Whiles, through storm of weather, and neglect
of the commissaries, our bread would be too long a-coming, which made
some of the eastland soldiers half-mutiny; but at once, order being
taken for our victuals at Edinburgh, East Lothian, and the country
about us, we were answered better than we could have been at home. Our
meanest soldiers were always served in wheat-bread, and a groat would
have gotten them a lamb-leg, which was a dainty world to the most of
them. There had been an extraordinary crop in that country the former
year, beside abundance that was stolen away to the English camp for
great prices. We would have feared no inlack for little money for
some months to come. Merse and Teviotdale are the best mixt and most
plentiful shires, both for grass and corn, for flesh and bread, in all
our land. We were much obliged to the town of Edinburgh for money. Mr
Harry Pollock, by his sermons, moved them to shake out their purses;
the garners of non-covenanters, especially of James Maxwell and Lord
Winton, gave us plenty of wheat. One of our ordinances was, to seize
on the rents of non-covenanters; for we thought it but reasonable,
since they sided with these who put our lives and our lands for ever
to sale, for the defence of our church and country, to employ for that
cause, wherein their interest was as great as ours if they would be
Scotsmen, a part of their rent for one year; but, for all that, few of
them did incur any loss by that our decree, for the peace prevented the
execution.
“Our soldiers grew in experience of arms, in courage, in favour
daily. Every one encouraged another. The sight of the nobles, and
their beloved pastors, daily raised their hearts. The good sermons
and prayers, morning and evening, under the roof of heaven, to which
their drums did call them for bells; the remonstrances very frequent,
of the goodness of their cause; of their conduct hitherto, by a hand
clearlie divine; also Lesly’s skill, and prudence, and fortune, made
them as resolute for battle as could be wished. We were feared that
emulation among our nobles might have done harm, when they should be
met in the field; but such was the wisdom and authority of that old,
little, crooked soldier, that all, with an incredible submission, from
the beginning to the end, gave over themselves to be guided by him, as
if he had been great Solyman. Certainly the obedience of our noblemen
to that man’s advice was as great as their forebeers wont to be to
their King’s commands: yet that was the man’s understanding of our
Scots humours, that gave out, not only to the nobles, but to very mean
gentlemen, his directions in a very homely and simple form, as if they
had been but the advices of their neighbour and companion: for, as he
rightly observed, a difference would be used in commanding soldiers of
fortune, and of soldiers volunteers, of which kind the most part of
our camp did stand. He kept daily in the castle of Dunse an honourable
table for the nobles and strangers with himself; for gentlemen-waiters
thereafter, at a long side-table. I had the honour, by accident, one
day to be his chaplain at table, on his left hand. The fare was as
became a General in time of war: not so curious by far as Arundel’s to
our nobles; but ye know that the English fare sumptuously, both in war
and peace.”
“It seems our General’s table was on his own charge; for, so far as yet
I know, neither he, nor any noble or gentleman of considerable rent,
got any thing for their charge. Well I know, that Englinton our Crowner
entertained all the gentlemen of note that were with him, at his own
table, all the time of our abode; and his son, Montgomery, kept with
him very oft the chief officers of his regiments: for this was a voyage
wherein we were glad to bestow our lives, let be our estates.
“Had you lent your ear in the morning, or especially at even, and heard
in the tents of some, the sound of singing psalms, some praying, and
some reading scripture, ye would have been refreshed. True, there was
swearing, and cursing, and brawling, in some quarters, whereat we were
grieved; but we hoped, if our camp had been a little settled, to have
gotten some way for these misorders; for all of any fashion did regret,
and all promised to do their best endeavours for helping all abuses.
For myself, I never found my mind in better temper than it was all that
time since I came from home, till my head was again homeward; for I was
as a man who had taken my leave from the world, and was resolved to
die in that service, without return. I found the favour of God shining
upon me, and a sweet, meek, humble, yet strong and vehement spirit
leading me all along; but I was no sooner on my way westward, after the
conclusion of the peace, than my old security returned.
“It was not our General’s intention to sit long at Dunse; only till
our army had grown to a considerable number: he thought meet to lie on
that strength which was in the midst betwixt the two ways to Edinburgh,
that if the English had moved either towards Haddington or Soutra, he
might have been on their backs; for we knew not then well either of the
estate or designs of the enemy: but after we were above 20,000 men, he
gave out not obscurely his purpose to approach the English camp. Their
fear of this, made them cast up some trenches on our side of Tweed, and
work at them both on Sunday and Saturday. They had no will we should
come so near them; therefore occasion was sought with all diligence of
the treaty. The way of the procedure was this: Robin Lesly, one of the
old pages, being come over to Dunse Castle, made, as it were of his own
head, an overture, that we would be pleased yet to supplicate, or else
the English forces did so multiply, that at once we would be overflown
with them. Our fear daily diminished of their violence; we knew at once
the great advantages we had of the King: yet such was our tenderness
to his honour, that with our hearts we were ever willing to supplicate
his offcoming; yea, had we been ten times victorious in set battles, it
was our conclusion to have laid down our army at his feet, and on our
knees presented nought but our first supplications. We had no other end
of our wars; we sought no crowns; we aimed at no lands and honours as
our party; we desired but to keep our own in the service of our Prince,
as our ancestors had done; we loved no new masters. Had our throne been
void, and our voices sought for the filling of Fergus’s chair, we would
have died ere any other had sat down on that fatal marble but Charles
alone.”
While the two armies were in the position thus described by an
eye-witness—the Royal army, on the one hand, weak, wavering, and almost
panic-struck, the Royal coffers nearly exhausted, and the spirit of
the English troops and followers sunk to the most abject state; the
Scotch, on the other hand, outnumbering their adversary, bold, eager
for the fight, and full of high enthusiasm and confidence in superhuman
support, yet with limited means for a protracted campaign, and anxious
to avoid acts of deadly hostility against their native King—overtures
for pacification were made; and in a very short space agreed to. In
consequence of the hints given by Robert Leslie, which the Scotch
leaders interpreted as an indication of his Master’s wishes, the Earl
of Dunfermling was despatched to the Royal camp (on the 7th or 8th of
June) with a short Supplication to his Majesty, and Letters to the
English Council; and this mission terminated on the 18th of June, after
various conferences and negotiations, in a Declaration by the King, and
Articles of Pacification, signed by the Commissioners on both sides,
which, for a season, put an end to the further progress of hostilities.
It would swell these notes beyond the compass that is suitable to
this work, were we to give even a meagre abstract of the substance of
the proposals and objections which formed the subject-matter of these
negotiations; but we deem the whole correspondence, proclamations,
and negociations which took place during the period which intervened
betwixt the Assembly of 1638 and that of 1639, to be of so much
importance to the full understanding of the history of those times,
that, as formerly, we intend to supply our readers with all these
documents themselves. This is the more requisite, as they are nowhere
to be found entire, and without mutilation or the suppression of
many of them, in any single history or, collection relative to those
transactions; and, indeed, a number of the most curious and valuable—as
unveiling the secret history of Charles’ policy and his motives—were
not disclosed to the world for more than thirty years afterwards, when
Burnet, after the restoration of Charles II., published his Memoirs of
the Duke of Hamilton, in which these are embodied. Referring to these
documents, therefore, as containing the only true history of the period
referred to, (that has fallen under our observation,) and leaving every
one to draw his own inferences from these muniments, we shall here
only state the leading features of the Treaty, in so far as that is
necessary to explain the circumstances in which the General Assembly of
1639 convened.
By his Royal Declaration, of date the 18th of June 1639, his Majesty,
referring to the various supplications, &c. of his Scotch subjects,
was “pleased to declare and assure that, according to the Petitioners’
humble desires, all matters ecclesiastical shall be determined by an
Assembly of the Kirk, and matters civil in the Parliament, and other
inferior judicatories established by law; and Assemblies, accordingly,
shall be kept once a year, or as shall be agreed upon at the next
General Assembly.
“And for settling the general distractions of that our antient Kingdom,
our will and pleasure is, that a Frie General Assembly be kept at Edinʳ
the 6ᵗʰ day of August next ensuing, where we intend (God willing) to
be personally present, and for the legal indiction thereof, we have
given orders and command to our Council; and thereafter a Parliament
to be holden at Edinburgh the 20ᵗʰ day of August next ensuing, for
ratifying of what shall be concluded in the said Assembly,” &c.[158]
To this declaration seven articles were annexed, the chief of
which were—the immediate disbanding of the forces of Scotland—the
surrendering to the King all the castles, forts, regalia, &c.—all
fortifications; and meetings not sanctioned by Act of Parliament, to be
desisted from: and, on the other part, his Majesty to withdraw all his
ships, &c. on delivery of the fortresses.
On considering this Declaration and the Articles, the Scotch
Commissioners, (viz., Rothes, Dunfermline, Lowdon, W. Douglas,
Alexander Henderson, and Archibald Johnston,) on the part of the
Covenanters, subscribed the following document, which completed the
pacification:—
“In obedience to his Majestys Royal commands, we shall, upon Thursday
next, the 20 of this June, dismiss our forces, and immediately
thereafter deliver his Majesties Castles; and shall ever, in all
things, carry ourselves like humble, loyal, and obedient subjects.”
And thus, to the great joy and rejoicing of both armies, this
pacification was consummated, without bloodshed; and the several hosts
dispersed themselves and retired to their homes. The Covenanters,
with perfect good faith, surrendered the fortresses, Regalia, and
all that they had seized as sureties for their safety; but they were
too well aware of the craft with which they had to cope, to omit all
needful precautions against the perfidy of their adversaries. It was
his necessity, and not his will, that induced the King really to yield
(though his apologists call it concede) to the Scotch army, the terms
recorded in his Declaration; and, reluctant as we are to think harshly
of that misguided Monarch, or to anticipate the judgment which our
readers may form, on examination of the evidence which we have gleaned,
or to obtrude our own humble reflections on the occurrences which we
record—we cannot stifle an expression of our full conviction, that,
in entering into that treaty of pacification, Charles I. did it with
a settled purpose to violate his faith as a man and a King; and that,
with regard to it and its fulfilment, he was guided by principles
the most jesuitical, dishonourable, and immoral. The documents which
follow, contain the most conclusive proofs of a paltry, pettifogging
dissimulation, such as is scarcely to be paralleled in the whole range
of authentic history.[159]
But we leave this painful topic, and pass on to the incidents more
immediately introductory to the meeting of Assembly.
In reference to this, one of the ticklish points connected with it was,
that, in the negotiations, the King would not recognise the Assembly of
the preceding year as a lawful Assembly, while the Scotch Commissioners
would not relinquish its character of legality; and, therefore, it was
understood, that, without assuming anything on that point, the Assembly
of 1639 should proceed _de novo_ to consider all affairs ecclesiastic.
The policy of the King and his councillors—Hamilton, Traquair, and
certainly Canterbury and the Scotch Prelates—was, if possible, to
prevent a recognition of its lawfulness or its Acts, and to mould
the proceedings of the next Assembly and Parliament so as to defeat
the Presbyterian polity, and pave the way for the resumption of high
regal prerogative, (“the Kingly way,” as Hamilton termed it,) and the
restoration of Episcopacy. It is necessary thus far to anticipate what
will be found more fully developed in the King’s Instructions and other
documents, in order that the reader may be prepared, as he advances, to
perceive the bearing of the proceedings which ensued.
The King, if ever he seriously purposed to attend the Assembly in
person, speedily relinquished the idea; and, indeed, his personal
attendance would have been very inconvenient, considering the crooked
policy by which, at the time, he was guided. He might have felt very
serious embarrassment in managing personally, the refined duplicity of
his schemes; and having, as is fully proved, a purpose of putting his
_veto_ upon anything that might be concluded either in the Assembly or
Parliament, which was not in entire accordance with his own notions,
(and he could not reasonably expect that they should be so,) it was
more expedient to act by a Commissioner—whose acts he might disavow and
repudiate—than to compromise himself by a personal appearance and a
collision with the Scottish Covenanters on their own ground. He wished
Hamilton to be his Commissioner once more; but that nobleman was too
wary, after his former experiences, to attempt it; and Traquair was
selected for this important office. His Lordship waited on the King at
Whitehall in the beginning of August; and, on the 6th, his Commission
was signed, and he set out for Scotland.
Without farther prefatory explanation, therefore, we now proceed
to give the Acts and proceedings of the Assembly which convened at
Edinburgh on the 12th of August 1639, adhering to the same arrangement
as in the former part of this work.
THE PRINCIPALL ACTS
OF THE GENERALL ASSEMBLY HOLDEN AT EDINBURGH, IN THE YEAR 1639.
Sess. VII. August 17, 1639.
_Master George Grahame his renouncing and abjuring of Episcopacie._
The which day was given in to the Assembly, direct from Master George
Grahame, sometimes pretended Bishop of Orknay, an abjuration of
Episcopacie, subscribed with his hand, which was publickly read in
audience of the Assembly; and thereafter they ordained the same to be
registrat in the Assembly Books, _ad perpetuam rei memoriam_, whereof
the tenor follows.
To all and sundry whom it effeirs, to whose knowledge these presents
shall come, specially to the reverend and honourable Members of the
future Assembly to be holden at Edinburgh, the twelfth day of August
1639 years: Me, Master George Grahame, sometime pretended Bishop of
Orknay, being sorry and grieved at my heart that I should ever, for
any worldly respect, have embraced the order of Episcopacie, the same
having no warrand from the Word of God, and being such an order as
hath had sensibly many fearful and evill consequences in many parts
of Christendome, and particularly within the Kirk of Scotland, as
by doleful and deplorable experience this day is manifest, to have
disclaimed, like as I, by the tenor hereof, doe altogether disclaime
and abjure, all Episcopal power and jurisdiction, with the whole
corruptions thereof, condemned by lawful Assemblies within the said
Kirk of Scotland, in regard the same is such an order as is also
abjured within the said Kirk, by vertue of that National Oath which was
made in the years 1580 and 1581; promising and swearing by the great
Name of the Lord our God, That I shall never, whiles I live, directly
or indirectly, exercise any such power within the Kirk, neither yet
shall I ever approve or allow the same, not so much as in my private or
publike discourse: but, on the contrary, shall stand and adhere to all
the Acts and Constitutions of the late Assembly holden at Glasgow, the
21 of Novemb. 1638 last by-past, and shall concurre, to the uttermost
of my power, sincerely and faithfully, as occasion shall offer, in
executing the said Acts, and in advancing the Work of Reformation
within this land, to the glory of God, the peace of the Countrey,
and the comfort and contentment of all good Christians, as God shall
be my help. In testimony of the which premisses, I have subscribed
thir presents with my hand at Brecknes in Stromness, the eleventh
day of February, the year of God 1639 years, before thir witnesses,
Master Walter Stuart, Minister at Southronnaldsay, Master James Heynd,
Minister at Kirkwall, Master Robert Peirson, Minister at Firth, and
Master Patrick Grahame, Minister at Holme, my Son.
Sess. VIII. 17 Aug. 1639.
_Act containing the Causes and Remedie of the bygone Evils of this
Kirk._