popularity has certainly prejudiced your service. Nothing could gain
him that name sooner, than by opposing the clergy; and the differences
betwixt them hath marred all; to which those of the Council did not
only hold hand to, but encouraged him to it, as much as in them
lay; and here again, I say, they gave too just reason to meet with
opposition. He is a most active man, and hath many excellent parts.
What his bypast carriage hath been, is as well, if not better known
to your Majesty than me; but he doth now labour certainly what lieth
in him, to advance your Majesty’s ends; and hath oft solemnly sworn
to me, that in defence of episcopal government he will spend his life
and fortune. For those particulars wherewith he hath been taxed, as
being guilty of abusing your Majesty, in the execution of his place,
as Treasurer, he will, in my opinion, justify himself. Howsoever
(considering these present times) you must make use of him, and your
Majesty should be wary of giving him discontent.
As for my Lord Privy Seal,[122] I shall not need to say much of him, he
being so well known to your father (of blessed memory) whose judicious
character of him to yourself, is so true, as I shall neither add nor
pare. He hath likewise declared himself to me for episcopal government;
but I like not his limitations; yet you must make use of him, for he is
a powerful man in this country.
The Marquis of Huntley is unknown to me, more than in general; but much
misliked is he here (yet not the worse for that) traduced not only to
be popishly inclined, but even a direct Roman Catholic; nay, they spare
not to tax him with personal faults. But howsoever, this I am sure of,
since my coming here, he hath proved a faithful servant to you; and I
am confident will be of greater use, when your Majesty shall take arms
in your hand.
The Earl of Argyle is the only man now called up as a true patriot, a
loyal subject, a faithful counsellor, and above all, rightly set for
the preservation of the purity of religion. And truly, Sir, he takes it
upon him. He must be well looked to; for it fears me, he will prove the
dangerousest man in this State. He is so far from favouring episcopal
government, that with all his soul he wishes it totally abolished. What
course to advise you to take with him, for the present, I cannot say;
but remit it to your Majesty’s serious consideration. The information
which you have had from Antrim, the most part of it I take to be true.
Perth hath been taxed to be a Roman Catholic; but I find him none. A
loyal heart he hath, but no great politician, nor of much power out of
the Highlands, and should be encouraged, because he may contribute to
the curbing of Argyle.
Tullibardin, I take him to be honest; your Majesty knoweth his
abilities. He is a true hater of Argyle.
Wigton, thanks be to God, hath no great power, for if he had it, it
would be employed the wrong way. Sorry I am for it, his ancestors have
been so dear friends to mine.
Kinghorn, I am grieved for his weakness. A good man he is, but totally
misled by his brother Albar, who will succeed in his place, he having
no children. Too near of kindred he is to me.
Haddington has too much the humour of these times; but he hath oft
sworn to me, he will never ask what your quarrel is; yet few of his
friends I fear will go along with him in it, in defence of episcopacy.
As for Lauderdale, he is a man of no great power; but he is truly
honest, and most rightly set in all that concerneth your service.
Southesk hath, beyond all expectation, shewn himself forwardly stout
in all that hath concerned your service, ever since my coming first
to this country. He is a man of great power, rich, and was extremely
beloved; but now as much hated. He doth deserve your Majesty’s favour,
on my word; and, if not for one consideration, none were fitter to be
Chancellor, which I shall advise your Majesty not to dispose of till
these troubles be past.
Kinnoul, for his part, hath shewn himself both true and forward in all
your service; in whom your Majesty may have confidence, according to
his power.
Finlater, according to his power, hath done his part, as I hear by the
Marquis of Huntley.
Linlithgow, if his power were according to his affection, he would be
useful to you.
I must not forget Dalzell, who both is of power to serve you, and has
most faithfully done it.
As for the rest of the Council, they are either of no power to serve
you in this time, or totally set the covenanters way. For brevity I
pass them by, and have sent a list of the whole Counsellors names.
If the Justice Clerk[123] were not so near me as he is, I would say
more of him than now I will; yet pardon me for saying, an honester soul
lives not.
The Advocate[124] should be removed, for he is ill disposed. I know
none so fit for his place as Sir Lewis Stewart. My Lord Treasurer’s
friend he is; Sir Thomas Nicolson being no ways to be trusted in what
may concern the affairs of the church.
Now, for the Covenanters, I shall only say this in general, they may
all be placed in one roll as they now stand. But certainly, Sir, those
that have both broached the business, and still hold it aloft, are
Rothes, Balmerino, Lindsay, Lothian, Loudoun, Yester, Cranstoun. There
are many others as forward in show; amongst whom none more vainly
foolish than Montrose. But the above mentioned are the main contrivers.
The gentry, boroughs, and ministers have their ringleaders too. It
will be too long to set down all their names. Those who I conceive to
be most inclined, the Clerk Register (who is a faithful servant to the
Crown) if I miscarry, will give you information of them; yet, I fear
him, poor man, more than myself. But they are obvious and known to all.
This is all that I will say concerning the persons of the men in this
kingdom; wishing, Sir, with my heart, those whom I misdoubt, I may be
deceived by their future carriage, and that their loyalty may appear,
which will blot out of your Majesty’s memory what my duty and fidelity
to you has caused me to write thus of them.
It is more than probable, that these people have somewhat else in their
thoughts than religion. But that must serve for a cloak to rebellion,
wherein for a time they may prevail; but, to make them miserable, and
bring them again to a dutiful obedience, I am confident your Majesty
will not find it a work of long time, nor of great difficulty, as they
have foolishly fancied to themselves. The way to effect which, in my
opinion, is briefly thus.
Their greatest strength consists in the boroughs: and their being
is by trade; whereof, a few ships of your Majesty’s, well disposed,
will easily bar them. Their chiefest trade is in the eastern Seas and
to Holland, with coal and salt, and importing of victual, and other
commodities from thence; whereof if they be but one year stopped, an
age cannot recover them; yet so blinded they are, that this they will
not see. This alone, without farther charge to your Majesty, your
frontiers being well guarded, will work your end. This care should be
taken, that when particular boroughs can be made sensible of their past
errours, and willing to return to their allegiance, they be not only
then not barred from trade, but received into your Majesty’s favour and
protection.
In my opinion, your ships would be best ordered thus, eight or ten to
lie in the Firth. There should be some three or four plying to and
again betwixt the Firth and Aberdeen, so long as the season of the year
will permit them to keep the seas; and when they are not longer able,
they may retire into the Firth; in which there are several places in
which they may ride in all weathers.
Those ships that lie in the Irish seas, will be sufficient to bar all
trade from the west of Scotland. The fittingest places are between
Arran and the coast of Galloway. When the weather is foul, there is an
excellent road in Galloway called Lochyen; and another in Arran called
Lamlash, or the Holy Island; where they may ride in safety. This is all
I shall say concerning the barring them of trade.
This will certainly so irritate them, as all those who within this
country stand for your Majesty, will be in great and imminent danger.
The best way, that for the present I can think on to secure them, and
to make some head for your Majesty, is, to appoint the Marquis of
Huntley in the north, your Majesty’s Lieutenant; with full power to him
to raise such and so many men, as he shall think convenient for the
defence of the country. By this means, there being a head, those that
are in the north will know to whom to repair; and there is no doubt but
in those parts they will do well enough.
For those that are besouth the river Forth, I apprehend their danger
most; and I would advise that there were lieutenants likewise
appointed, to whom they might repair. Necessity will force your Majesty
upon one of two, either Traquair or Roxburgh; or, indeed, both, for
they may both have commissions. They may be well furnished with arms,
and other things necessary, from England, by land, both their fortunes
being near adjacent to Northumberland; and though I fear they will not
be able to make a body of an army, yet necessary it is that lieutenants
should be, and I know none so fit as these in those parts; for I will
never think they have traiterous hearts.
Certainly necessary it is for the government of this kingdom, that a
commissioner or deputy should be in it. For experience hath taught me,
that your Majesty will never be well served by your council, unless
there be some one or other amongst them on whom the chief care must
lie. If your Majesty do not first settle the country, and reclaim
it, whosoever you shall employ, will never be able to do any thing.
Therefore that should be done, before any new commission be given; and
even then, where you will find a man, I cannot possibly say, unless
your Majesty send the Duke of Lenox. As for the Marquis of Huntley,
certainly he may be trusted by you; but whether fitly or no, I cannot
say. If I keep my life (though next Hell I hate this place), if you
think me worthy of employment, I shall not weary till the government be
again set right; and then I will forswear this country.
As for your Majesty’s castle of Edinburgh, it was a most shameful thing
it should have been so neglected. I cannot promise that it shall be
defended, yet I hope they shall not take it, but by an hostile act.
Some few men I have stolen in, but as yet cannot get one musket put
there, nor one yard of match. I have trusted, for a time, the same man
that was in it, and perhaps your Majesty will think this strange that I
have done so; yet necessity forced me to it. For thither Ruthven would
not go, without arms and ammunition; and indeed he is not to be blamed
therefore; but, Sir, I have that in working, that, if I can accomplish,
may for a time secure that place. And for my trusting that man, I can
only say this, that if he deceive me, we were in no worse condition
than when it was in Lord Marr’s hands; safe only, for the giving him
2000l. which, if lost by the default of him whom I have trusted, your
Majesty shall not be burthened by the payment of this money, for I
deserve to lose it for my confidence. He is no Covenanter, and hath
solemnly sworn to me, to lose his life before he quit it.
As for Dunbritton, the way is easy to put as many men there as you
please, with victual and ammunition; from Ireland they must come, and
at the castle they must land; 100 men will be sufficient, provided with
ammunition and victual for three months; and the sooner this be done
the better.
Thus, Sir, your Majesty hath the humble opinion of what I conceive of
the affairs of the kingdom. What I have said, I humbly submit to your
Majesty.
I have now only this one suit to your Majesty, that if my sons live,
they may be bred in England, and made happy by service in the court;
and if they prove not loyal to the crown, my curse be on them.
I wish my daughters be never married in Scotland. I humbly recommend my
brother to your favour.
Thus, with my hearty prayers to God, that he will bless you with a long
and happy life, and crown all your intentions with a wished success;
which I hope to live and see effected, notwithstanding of all the
threats that is used to
Your Majesty’s, &c.
HAMILTON.
Glasgow,
27th November, 1638.
* * * * *
1638.—November.
97. _The Supplication and humble Remonstrance of the Ministers of the
Church of Scotland, presented to his Majesties High Commissioner and
Generall Assemblie held at Glasgow in November, 1638._[125]
MAY IT PLEASE YOUR GRACE,
And you right Noble, Right Worshipfull, and you most Reverend brethren,
conveened by his Majeties Proclamation in this venerable nationall
Assembly, to consult upon the most convenient wayes, and to enact such
Ecclesiasticall Lawes, as to your wisdomes seemes most expedient, for
preserving of peace and truth in this Church, for which ends wee from
the bottome of our hearts (as feeling members of the same) earnestly
intreat him, who hath promised to be with his owne to the end of
the world, by his spirit and grace, so to direct and assist your
wisedomes, that by this long expected meeting, glory may redound to
his ever glorious Name, and peace to this rent Church, which all the
members thereof, with most earnest wishes, expect at your hands. For
the present, we thought it our duty, as those whom it doth most clearly
concerne (our great Shepheard having committed to our charge a part of
that Flock which he hath redeemed with his precious bloud) to present
unto you our just feares which arise from the sudden incroaching of
the Laick (now called Ruling) Elders, in divers Presbyteries of this
Kingdome, having chiefe hand in chusing of Commissioners there, lest
they, with Commissioners thus elected, may bring upon the neck of the
Ministery and Church here, the heavie yoke of overruling Elders in all
times comming, to the no small hurt of us and our successors in the
Gospel, except timely remedy be provided.
Our humble supplication therefore to your Grace, and Members of this
present Assembly, is, that all these Commissioners thus chosen by the
voyce of Laick Elders, and in whose Commissions they have had hand,
may be removed, as men to whose voyces and judgements we cannot submit
our selves in matter of Church government, for the just feares above
exprest, they being justly suspect Judges not to be admitted, and
their elections and Commissions void for reasons following: First,
there is no Law in this Kingdome whereby Laick Elders have any voyce
in chusing Commissioners to Generall Assemblies; the chusers therefore
having no legall power to elect, those that are chosen by such, can
have no place nor voyce in this Assembly. Secondly, albeit there have
beene heretofore, and before Churches were fully planted, a custome
that Laick-Elders did sit in Presbyteries, yet that custome hath beene
these 35. yeeres by-past, universally (and above forty yeeres in most
Presbyteries) interrupted; which prescription is sufficient to make
voyd any such custome: so that it can to no sufficient warrant for them
to sit and voyce in Presbyteries now, much lesse to intrude themselves
(as they have done in many Presbyteries) contrarie to the minds and
publicke protestation of the Ministerie. Thirdly, when Laick-Elders
had place in Presbyteries, yet it was ordained that the voyces should
not be equall in number, with the voyces of the Ministerie, as is to
be seene in the ____________ booke of discipline ____________ Chapter.
But in this election, their number were not onely equall, but in most
parts more, because out of every Parish there was a Laick-Elder, and
so at least equall in number; and in election of these Commissioners,
against whose election we except, there was put upon the list six in
some places, and in others foure of the Ministers, who being removed,
in their absence the choyce was made when the Laick-Elders by six or
foure at the least exceeded the Ministers in number of voyces, yea in
some Presbyteries the Laick-Elders were twice so many in number; so
that these Commissioners are mainly chosen by the Laitie, and not by
the Ministers, neither can wee acknowledge them for ours. Fourthly,
these Laick-Elders did of old onely assist in Discipline, not medling
with points of Doctrine (suffering the spirit of the Prophets to be
subject to the Prophets, according to the Apostolicall rule;) but
now they intrude themselves to sit and voice in the Presbyteries in
matters of Doctrine, and have given Commission to those whom we except
against, to voyce in this venerable Assembly, in Doctrine as well as
in matters of Discipline; which Commissions are null, as proceeding _à
non habente potestatem_. For these and other most weighty causes, the
election of such Commissioners, and their place in this Assembly being
so dangerous to the Church, threaten the same with the most intolerable
yoak of bondage to be laid upon the neck of the Presbyteries by Laick
over-ruling-Elders, to the prejudice of the liberties of the said
Presbyteries, and whole Discipline of this Church. We could not,
out of conscience to God, our callings, and flocks, but make humble
remonstrance of the same to your Grace and members of this grave
Assembly: withall protesting, both in our own names, and in name of all
the Ministerie and body of this Church that will adhere to this present
supplication, that all sentences, conclusions, Canons, Statutes, and
Ordinances, which shall be made in that Assembly wherein the foresaid
Commissioners shall have determinative voyce, to be voyd, null, and
of no effect to oblige us or any of us to the obedience of the same:
But if this our just supplication be not admitted (which we hope and
earnestly pray may be graciously accepted) then this our protestation
may be of force against such Lawes and proceedings that may follow
thereupon. Thus hoping for your charitable construction of this our
necessarie duty in so eminent a danger of the Church, and humbly
intreating these presents may be put upon Record, We rest.
* * * * *
1638.—November 29.
98, 99. _Speech of Hamilton at dissolving the Assembly, and his Reply
to Moderator._[126]
I find this day great contrarieties of Humours in my self, first, cause
of Joy; next, cause of Sorrow: cause of Joy, in making good what hath
been promised by His Majesty; cause of Sorrow, in that I cannot make
further known his Majesties Pious Intentions.
You have called for a Free General Assembly: His Majesty hath granted
you one, most Free on his part, and in his intentions; but as you have
handled and marred the matter, let God and the World judge, whether
the least shadow or footstep of Freedom can be discerned in this
Assembly, by any man who hath not given a Bill of Divorce both to his
Understanding and Conscience. With what wresting and wringing your
last Protestation charges His Majesties last Gracious Proclamation in
the point of Prelimitations, is both known and misliked by many even
of your own pretended Covenant; but whether your Courses, especially
in the Elections of the Members of this Assembly, be not onely
Prelimitations of it, but strong Bars against the Freedom of it, nay
utterly destructive both of the Name and Nature of a Free Assembly,
and unavoidably inducing upon it many and main Nullities, will be made
manifest to the whole World.
But his Majesties Sincere Intentions being to perform in a lawful
Assembly all he hath promised in his Gracious Proclamation, if you
find out a way how these things may pass, and be performed even in
this Assembly, such as it is, and yet His Majesty not made to approve
any way the Illegalities and Nullities of it, for satisfying all His
Majesties good Subjects of the Reality of his Meaning; I am by His
Majesties special Command ready to doe it, and content to advise with
you how it may be done.
[And after this he caused read his Majesties Concessions, as they
had been before proclaimed: upon which he took instruments, that by
producing and signing of them, first his Majesties Intentions were
made known: next, that in the producing and delivering of them, the
Lawfullness of the Assembly was not acknowledged. After that he went
on, and discoursed against the Constitution of the Assembly in the
following words,]
But now I am sorry I can go on with you no more, for the sad part is
yet behind, about Ruling-elders; for neither Ruling-elders, nor any
Minister chosen Commissioner by Ruling-elders, can have voice here,
because no such election is warranted, either by the Laws of this
Church or Kingdom, or by the practice or custom of either: for even
that little which appeareth to make for those Elders in the Book of
Discipline, hath at this time been broken by you, there being more
Lay-elders giving votes at every one of those Elections, than there
were Ministers, contrary to the Book of Discipline; as in Lanerick
but eight Ministers and eighteen or nineteen Lay-elders; and so in
divers other Presbyteries: and in every Presbytery, when the Ministers
upon the List were removed, the remaining Elders exceeded far the
remaining Ministers. But say there were Law for those Lay-elders, the
interruption of the execution of that Law, for above 40 years, makes so
strong a Prescription against it, that without a new reviving of that
Law by some new Order from the General Assembly, it ought not again be
put in practice; for if His Majesty should put in practice, and take
the Penalties of any disused Laws without new intimations of them from
Authority, it would be thought by your selves very hard dealing.
To say nothing of that Office of Lay-elders, it being unknown to the
Scripture or Church of Christ for above 1500 years, let the World
judge whether those Laymen be fit to give Votes in inflicting the
Censures of the Church, especially that great and highest Censure of
Excommunication, none having power to cast out of the Church by that
Censure, but those who have power to admit into the Church by Baptism:
and whether all the Lay-elders here present at this Assembly be fit
to judge of the high and deep Mysteries of Predestination, of the
Universality of Redemption, of the Sufficiency of Grace given, or not
given to all men, of the Resistibility of Grace, of total and final
Perseverance, or Apostasie of the Saints, of the Antilapsarian or
Postlapsarian Opinion, of Election and Reprobation; all which they mean
to ventilate, if they do determine against the Arminian, as they give
out they will.
In many Presbyteries these Lay-elders disagreed in their Elections
wholly, or for the most part, from the Ministers, and carried it from
them by number of Votes, though in all reason the Ministers themselves
should best know the abilities and fitness of their Brethren: and this
was done in the Presbyteries of Chirnside, Linlithgow, Aberdeen, and
divers more.
How can these men now elected be thought fit to be Ruling-elders, who
were never Elders before, all or most part of them being chosen since
the Indiction of the Assembly, some of them but the very day before the
Election of their Commissioners; which demonstrates plainly that they
were chosen onely to serve their Associates turn at this Assembly?
Since the Institution of Lay-elders by your own Principles is to watch
over the Manners of the People in the Parish in which they live, how
can any man be chosen a Ruling-elder from a Presbytery, who is not an
inhabitant within any Parish of that Presbytery, as hath been done in
divers Elections, against all Law, Sense, or Reason?
By what Law or Practice was it ever heard, that young Noblemen, or
Gentlemen, or others, should be chosen Rulers of the Church, being yet
Minors, and in all Construction of Law thought unfit to manage their
own private Estates, unless you will grant that men of meaner Abilities
may be thought fit to rule the Church, which is the House of God, than
are fit to rule their own private Houses, Families, and Fortunes?
By what Law can any Ruling-elder be sent to a Presbytery to Vote in
anything, especially in chusing Commissioners for the General Assembly,
who is not chosen for that purpose by the Session of that Parish in
which he is a Ruling-elder? And who gave power to the Minister of
every Parish, to bring with him to the Presbytery for that purpose any
Ruling-elder of his Parish whom he pleased?
But it is well-known, that divers Elders gave Votes in these
Presbyteries to the Elections of some Commissioners here, who were not
chosen by the Sessions of their several Parishes to give Votes in those
Presbyteries; and therefore such Commissioners as were chosen by such
Lay-elders can have no Vote here.
By what Law or Practice have the several Parishes or Presbyteries
chosen Assessors to their Ruling-elders, without whose consent some of
the Commissioners here present are sworn not to vote to any thing?
This introducing of Ruling-elders is a burthen so grievous to the
Brethren of the Ministry, that many of the Presbyteries have protested
against it for the time to come, some for the present, as shall appear
by divers Protestations and Supplications ready to be here exhibited.