By the evening of the 3d of July, the preparations for the bombardment
of the Emperor's castle were completed; ditches had been dug to the
extent of more than two thousand yards, and the batteries some of
which were within musket shot of the walls, were armed with six
sixteen-pounders, ten twenty-four-pounders, four eleven-inch mortars
and six nine-inch howitzers. In order to secure themselves against any
general attack, the French had likewise established communications
between the different bodies of their forces by roads across the field
and gardens, while they had barricaded or otherwise fortified the
lanes and passes which separated their positions from those of their
enemies. All this was done notwithstanding the bold and persevering
efforts of the Algerines, who maintained an almost constant though
ill-directed fire on the workmen from their batteries, and annoyed
them by frequent sorties.
At day break on the morning of the 4th, a rocket was thrown up from
the quarters of the French commander as a signal for the commencement
of the attack, and all the batteries were instantly opened on the
devoted fortress. Its dauntless defenders returned the fire, which
they continued for some time with great spirit but with little effect,
their balls and shells causing scarcely any damage to the persons or
works of the besiegers. The walls of the castle, high and entirely
exposed, soon exhibited evidences of the skill of the French
artillerists; the materials of which they were built, crumbled under
the “iron shower” falling incessantly upon them; and the embrasures,
made unnecessarily wide, afforded but little protection either to the
guns or to those engaged in serving them.
By eight o'clock the guns of the castle were nearly all dismounted,
and the number of its effective defenders had been so much diminished,
that it was found necessary to desert the ramparts, and retire within
the great tower, which from the thickness of its walls offered at
least a temporary security. On this last place of refuge, the Hasnagee
hoisted a black flag, in token of his determination to die rather than
yield, according to the promise which he had made to his master. He
was however released from this promise by a signal from the Casauba
indicating the Dey's wish that the fortress should be abandoned; this
was accordingly done and the garrison escaped just as the French had
effected a practicable breach in its wall. General Hurel who commanded
the nearest battery, was then in the act of advancing with his men
towards the opening, when suddenly the earth shook, the towers of the
castle were seen to totter, flashes of flame and dense clouds of smoke
rose above them, and an explosion ensued which momentarily stunned the
ardent soldiers. The {526} Algerines, before they evacuated the
castle, had fired a slow match communicating with the powder magazines
in its vaults, and the last and strongest defence of Algiers was
utterly destroyed. As the smoke vanished, the walls of the fortress
were seen rent and shattered by the terrible concussion; the great
tower was reduced to a few shapeless masses, and the ground in the
environs was covered with fragments of wall, corpses and even cannon,
which had been projected into the air by the violence of the
explosion. The French soon recovered, and rushing forward with shouts
of triumph, planted their standard among the smoking ruins; scarcely
too was this done, ere the prompt and skilful engineers were directing
the workmen to clear away the interior of the place, and stop the
breaches in its outward walls, so as to protect it against the
assaults of its former possessors. The ruins of the Star fort were
also occupied, and preparations were made for erecting batteries on
them for the bombardment of the city.
Algiers was now completely exposed; in a few hours the artillery which
had so rapidly overwhelmed its strongest defence, would be levelled
against the palace of the Dey and the dwellings of the citizens.
Hussein and his subjects had done all that men could do in defence of
their country; and it was unnecessary farther to provoke a foe who
held them at his mercy. At two o'clock Sidi Mustapha, the Dey's
private secretary, appeared under a flag of truce at Bourmont's head
quarters, to offer on the part of his master, the surrender of those
claims against France which had led to the war, as well as the payment
of the expenses occasioned by the expedition, provided the French
would leave the country. It is scarcely necessary to say that this
proposition was rejected with scorn. “I hold in my hand,” was the
reply, “the fate of your city; nothing less than its unconditional
surrender can save the Dey and inhabitants from being buried in its
ruins.” With this answer Mustapha returned to the Casauba, exclaiming,
says Bourmont, “When the Algerines are at war with France, they should
obtain peace before the evening prayer.” Such a speech may have been
uttered by the trembling secretary, but when repeated in the despatch
of the victorious general it became a mere _fanfaronade_.
A few bombs were immediately thrown into the town which produced the
desired effects. Hussein saw that his fate was in the power of his
enemies, and his whole anxiety was to obtain as good terms as possible
for himself and his own immediate followers; he accordingly despatched
a Turk named Mahmoud, and Bouderba a Moor who had lived in Marseilles
and spoke French, to entreat that the firing might be stopped,
promising a similar cessation on the side of the Algerines. They
received at first the same answer which had been given to the
Secretary; however a conference ensued between them and Bourmont,
which resulted in a suspension of hostilities.
As soon as the Dey had received the first answer of the French
General, he sent to entreat the intervention of the British Consul.
Mr. St. John instantly obeyed the summons, and after an interview with
the Dey, proceeded to Bourmont's head quarters which were by this time
established among the ruins of the Emperor's castle, in order to learn
with exactness the conditions required by him. Bourmont at first
objected to his interference, but subsequently thought proper to treat
with him. The plan of a Convention was in consequence drawn up between
them, by the terms of which, the Casauba and all the other fortresses
of the city were to be delivered to the French early on the following
morning; the Dey and soldiers were to quit Algiers with their families
and private property; the inhabitants were to be protected in the
enjoyment of their personal liberty, property and religion; their
women were to be respected, and their commerce and industry to remain
undisturbed.
This Convention was sent to the Dey and immediately returned with his
seal and signature affixed in token of his own assent; he however
required time to consult his Divan without whose approbation it could
not be legally executed. Bourmont agreed to wait until the next
morning; he did not however suspend his preparations for the
investment of the place, which were continued with unabated activity.
The debate in the Divan lasted the whole night of the 4th, and it was
probably stormy; the younger and poorer members of the body proposed,
it is said, to murder Hussein, then divide the treasures of the
Casauba and escape with them to the interior of the country; the older
Turks who had wives and other valuables to lose, found the conditions
so much better than was expected, that they only doubted as to their
being observed by the French commander. The morning's sun however put
an end to the discussion, by enabling them to see every height around
the place occupied by the batteries of their enemy; they therefore
resigned themselves to their fate, and Mahmoud and Bouderba were
despatched to announce their acceptance of the conditions proposed by
the conqueror. The envoys were likewise charged if possible to obtain
a delay of twenty-four hours before the entry of the French troops
into the city; this was peremptorily refused by Bourmont, who probably
conceiving that within that period the treasures of the Casauba might
become the “private property” of the Turks, insisted that the port,
the forts and the town should all be delivered to him before noon. The
Dey of course assented to this demand, and prepared for his retreat to
a house in the town which he had occupied before his elevation to the
throne; the Beys of Tittery and Constantina made their way with their
surviving followers to the country; the forts were evacuated, and the
Turks and citizens sullenly retired to their houses.
The French troops were in the meantime collected under arms; every
flag was unfurled, and all the pomp and circumstance of warlike
triumph was displayed, to render the serious ceremony more imposing.
At two o'clock the fleet was anchoring in security under the dreaded
batteries of the Mole, and the famous _Algezr Al Ghazie_ so long the
terror as well as the reproach of Christian Europe, was in the
possession of the Franks.
Bourmont met at the gate the French prisoners who had been liberated,
and after receiving their felicitations he hastened to the Casauba,
whither a guard had been already despatched. The Dey was just taking
his departure, and his followers were endeavoring to appropriate to
themselves the rich shawls, hangings, plate, &c. which had not been
secured, when the appearance of the French grenadiers put them to
flight. The General received from Hussein the keys of the treasury,
and accompanied by Commissioners who had {527} been appointed to that
effect he proceeded to inspect its contents.
Whether the amount of treasure found in the Casauba differed from that
stated in the report of the commissioners will probably ever remain a
subject for speculation. Shaler reckoned it at fifty-two millions of
dollars in 1818, when Ali Cogia transferred his residence to the
Casauba; his calculations were however founded only upon the number
and the probable values of the burthens of the mules employed to
transport it. The British Consul, when he visited Hussein on the
evening previous to the surrender of the city, “was admitted by him”
says Campbell,[1] “to the chamber of his treasures. It was paved with
stone, for no wooden floor would have borne the weight of them—golden
coins literally in millions were heaped up like corn in a granary
several feet high.” A French officer who accompanied Bourmont in his
first visit describes rather more minutely the number and size of the
rooms containing these precious articles.
[Footnote 1: _Letters from Algiers_ by Thomas Campbell, published in
the London New Monthly Magazine. These letters give an agreeable and
interesting picture of Algiers as it now is; the historical statements
are, however, in almost every instance erroneous.]
Such appear to be the only data from which we can estimate the
treasures in the Casauba previous to its surrender. Gold, silver and
jewels, to the value of forty-one millions of francs (seven millions
seven hundred and forty-nine thousand dollars,) declared by the
General and Commissioners appointed to superintend the affair, to be
the whole contents of the Algerine treasury, were transmitted to
France immediately after the conquest of the city.
To these fruits of the expedition are to be added, wool and other
articles found in the Magazines of the Regency, worth three millions
of francs, and brass cannon valued as old metal at four millions, thus
giving to the government an immediate return of more than nine
millions of dollars, besides ammunition, materials of various sorts
and public property to a vast amount. The whole expenses of the
armament, to the middle of September following the capture of the
place were reckoned at eight and a quarter millions of dollars, to
which should however be added nearly half as much more for the cost of
the blockade since June, 1827. Taking all the circumstances into
consideration, the French Government was probably the gainer in the
contest at the time of the capture of Algiers.
How many lives were lost during the war it is impossible to determine
with accuracy; between the 14th of June, the day on which the French
landed at Sidi Ferruch, and the 5th of July when Algiers was
surrendered, it is supposed that not less than six hundred of their
men were killed and two thousand five hundred wounded. Of the loss on
the side of the Algerines we have no accounts, but it was probably
greater than that of the French.
On the 11th of August the news of the surrender of Algiers reached
Paris, and was received with the utmost enthusiasm by all classes of
the population. The liberals could afford to rejoice as it came just
too late to produce any effect on the elections, the result of which
was known to be fatal to the Ministry. The Court was perhaps somewhat
disappointed by the failure of what was in reality the principal
object of the expedition; the _baton_ of Marshal of France was indeed
sent to Bourmont, but the crosses (only three) to be distributed among
his officers were much less numerous than had been expected.
The British Ambassador immediately offered his congratulations to
Prince Polignac, expressing at the same time his conviction, that the
French Government “would keep its faith with his Court and would not
fall from the assurances given in the name of the Sovereign, that the
expedition was undertaken for the sole purpose of vindicating the
national honor, and not with views of acquisition or conquest.” The
Prince in answer “declared his readiness to repeat his former
assurances, from which he protested that their late success had given
the French government no inclination to depart.”
With this repetition of former assurances terminated all
correspondence on the subject between the government of Great Britain
and that of Charles X. His successor on the 10th of August,
immediately after his establishment on the throne, and before his
government was acknowledged by that of Great Britain, verbally
declared to Lord Stewart “his intention to fulfil the engagements of
the preceding government relative to Algiers.” We have already seen
how vague were those engagements. Charles the Tenth declared his
readiness, “in case the existing government of Algiers should be
overthrown, to concert immediately with the other Powers, the new
order of things to be there established, for the greatest advantage of
the Christian world.” The change produced in the political relations
of the European Governments, by the Revolution of July, has rendered
any such “concert” with regard to Algiers impossible; and the
engagement of the French King may be considered as obsolete as that
made by Great Britain at the peace of Amiens, to restore Malta to the
Knights of Saint John.
To return to Algiers. Immediately after their occupation of the city,
the conquerors took measures to conciliate the inhabitants, and to
free the country from the presence of the Turks. For the former
purpose administrative institutions were established, similar at least
in name and form to those which had previously existed; they were
however soon found to be inefficient, and were replaced by others
which have been also since abandoned. With regard to the Turks a
considerable number had perished in the conflicts, others went off
with the Beys of Tittery and Constantina, and only about three
thousand five hundred were left in the place. Of these the elder, and
such as had wives and houses, obtained permission to remain in Algiers
under certain conditions until they could dispose of their property;
the others were sent without delay to Turkey, each man receiving five
dollars on his departure.
On the 11th of July, Hussein embarked with his son-in-law the Aga
Ibrahim, and their families and attendants to the number of a hundred,
on board the frigate Jeanne d'Arc for Mahon, carrying with them, it
was said, upwards of a million of dollars. As he has no farther
connection with this history, it may be here stated, that from Mahon
he proceeded to Naples where he had the satisfaction to learn that the
Sovereign who had ordered, and the General who had effected his
overthrow were themselves in exile; from Naples he went to Leghorn, in
the vicinity of which he passed a year; {528} in 1831 he visited
Paris, where he was of course the object of universal attention; his
piety afterwards led him to make the pilgrimage to Mecca, and he died
in Egypt in 1835, aged about 70 years. Notwithstanding his
dethronement and exile, he was perhaps in every respect, the most
fortunate of the Deys of Algiers.
The Bey of Oran, on learning the fall of the capital, made his
submission to the conquerors and received their troops as garrisons
into the principal places on the coast of his province. Achmet Bey of
Constantina retired with the remnant of his forces and some Turks,
towards his capital, determined to resist the invaders to the last
extremity. As a first measure against him a division of the fleet
under Admiral Rosamel was sent with a detachment of troops commanded
by General Damremont to occupy Bona.
The Bey of Tittery appeared in person at Algiers on the 8th of July;
and after a conference with the General in Chief took the oath of
allegiance to the French before the Moorish Cadi or principal
municipal officer of the place, and was confirmed in his government.
He then invited Bourmont to make an excursion to Blida, a small town
at the foot of the great chain of Mount Atlas about twenty-four miles
south of the capital, assuring him that his presence there would tend
to quiet the apprehensions of the inhabitants, and induce them the
more readily to submit to the French. The Ex-Dey Hussein, on being
consulted with regard to the propriety of making this excursion,
declared his total want of confidence in the assurances of
Abderrahman, whom he described a designing and treacherous knave.
Notwithstanding this premonition, on the 23d of July the Marshal (he
had just received his _baton_) left Algiers with about two thousand
men and several of his principal officers for Blida, which place they
reached in the evening after a fatiguing march across the Metijah.
They were received with every demonstration of joy by the inhabitants,
who came out to meet them bringing fruits and refreshments of all
kinds; some uneasiness was indeed excited by the number of the
Kabyles, who appeared loitering about the place and its vicinity;
however no distrust was manifested by the French, the soldiers
bivouaced in an open square, and the Marshal having occupied the best
house in the place, was about to retire to rest, when some musket
shots were heard under the window. One of his aid-de-camps went out to
ascertain the cause and was immediately brought back mortally wounded;
the assailants increased in numbers, and the French soldiers were soon
completely surrounded and exposed to a murderous fire. In this state
of things it was determined to retreat without delay to Algiers; the
men although fatigued with their day's march were formed in order, and
the party proceeded back to the city exposed during the way to the
unceasing attacks of their daring enemies.
The ill success of this first attempt on the part of the French to
penetrate the country, rendered the wandering tribes of Arabs and
Kabyles more bold and more determined to resist the invaders, who were
soon almost shut up within the walls of the capital. Several
expeditions have been subsequently sent from Algiers in the same
direction, the events of which are described in glowing colors in the
despatches of their commanders; in one of them the treacherous Bey of
Tittery was made prisoner and sent to Paris, where he strutted his
hour rather as a prince than as a captive; this and the glory of
planting the standard of France on a new soil, appear to have been the
only beneficial results obtained from these excursions.
During the first ten days of August, no news was received from France.
On the 11th of that month, a corvette appeared in the bay; she was
recognized as French, but instead of the white flag of the Bourbons
the tri-color of the revolution appeared on her mast head. The
despatches brought by her were delivered to Bourmont, but
notwithstanding all his efforts to keep their contents secret, the
astounding details of the events which occurred in Paris during _the
three days_ of July, soon became known. Bourmont assembled a council
of his principal officers and proposed to them to retain the white
cockade, and sail back to France with the army, in order to defend the
cause of Charles the Tenth. His arguments were however unavailing; the
majority declared in favor of the new state of things, and the
tri-colored flag had been already hoisted by the fleet. At length
after some days spent in hesitation, or in hopes that the cause of the
Bourbons might not be lost, he at length decided to obey the orders
which he had received, and his soldiers were gratified by seeing that
standard which they considered as the symbol of victory, waving over
the towers of the Casauba.
On the 2d of September Marshal Clausel arrived from France to assume
the command of the forces, in the name of King Louis Philippe; on the
same day, Bourmont accompanied by his two sons and carrying with him
the embalmed heart of the third who had fallen in action, embarked on
board an Austrian trading vessel for Malaga. He has since been a
wanderer in exile; and except for a few weeks, during which he
endeavored unsuccessfully to retrieve the fortunes of a fiendish
despot, his active spirit has been unemployed. The Duke d'Escars and
some other officers whose attachment to the cause of the fallen
dynasty, was either too strong or had been too conspicuously
manifested, also retired from the army; the general popularity and
good management of Clausel however soon reconciled the majority of the
disaffected to the change of rulers, and restored the troops to
discipline.
The division of the fleet commanded by Admiral Rosamel, consisting of
two ships of the line, three frigates and four smaller vessels, which
quitted Algiers on the 26th of July, arrived before Bona on the 7th of
August. That town was instantly occupied by the troops under
Damremont, who endeavored to repair the fortifications and render them
tenable against the Bey of Constantina as it was expected that he
would soon attack them. The Kabyles however soon after appearing in
great numbers about the place, it was judged prudent by the French
Commander to withdraw with his troops to Algiers. The wretched
inhabitants, who relying upon the assurances of the conquerors had
quietly submitted to them, were thus left until the spring of 1832, to
maintain themselves as they could against the savage mountaineers.
After the troops had been landed at Bona the French squadron proceeded
eastward and on the 7th of August was seen at the entrance of the
harbor of Tunis, where its appearance contributed to hasten the
conclusion of the negotiation then in progress between the Consul of
France and the Bey of that Regency. The result of the {529}
negotiation was a treaty, signed at Tunis on the 8th of August, the
provisions of which were apparently more liberal and more nearly
universal in their application, than those of any convention
previously made between a Christian State and a Barbary Power. The Bey
of Tunis here distinctly renounced for himself and his successors, the
right of cruising against any nation, which should renounce or have
renounced the right of cruising against Tunis. Christian prisoners of
war were not to be enslaved under any circumstances, but to be treated
according to the usages of European nations. Foreign vessels wrecked
on the coasts of the Regency were not to be plundered; their crews
were to receive every assistance; those guilty of maltreating or
robbing them were to be punished, and the government was made
answerable for all injuries to their persons or property. Foreign
nations were to have the privilege of establishing consular and
commercial agents in any part of the Regency, and no tribute or
present was to be exacted from or on account of them, on any occasion
whatsoever. The subjects of foreign nations were to be at liberty to
trade in all parts of the Regency, without being subject to any other
than the established duties; and the government was to exercise no
right of pre-emption or of monopoly, with regard to any goods which
they may wish to buy or sell. Finally, the Bey gives to the French the
full right of fishing for coral on certain parts of the coast of Tunis
without any tribute or duty. These conditions appear to evince a
degree of liberality on the part of France and of regard for the
interests of other nations, which her former diplomatic proceedings
had not prepared us to expect. However on examining the subject more
minutely, it will be seen that although something may have been gained
for the cause of civilization, by the formal admission of such
principles, yet nothing was in reality secured to any other Power than
France; for no other nation could or would avail itself of these
provisions, as France could not be expected to enforce their
observance, in any other cases than those in which the interests of
her own subjects were concerned. The treaty was received with great
dissatisfaction at Tunis; for which there was indeed just cause, as it
not only prescribed new rules for intercourse with foreign nations but
also interfered materially with the internal administration of the
country.
Having produced the desired effect at Tunis, Admiral Rosamel sailed
for Tripoli, off which he appeared on the 9th of August.
Ever since the precipitate departure of Baron Rousseau, the French
Consul, from Tripoli, in August 1829, the Pasha of that Regency had
been vainly endeavoring through the intercession of the Spanish
Consul, to avert the vengeance which he knew would fall upon him, for
his share in that affair. The news of the fall of Algiers left him
without hope; and therefore as soon as the French squadron had come to
anchor, he sent Hadji Mohammed the Bet-el-Mel or Judge of
inheritances, on board the Admiral's ship, with full powers to
conclude an arrangement. A convention was accordingly signed on the
11th, containing besides the same general stipulations to which the
Bey of Tunis had agreed on the 8th, some severe and humiliating
engagements on the part of the Pasha. In the first article, he agreed
to deliver to the Admiral a letter, addressed to the _Emperor_ of
France, in which he entreats his Majesty to accept his most humble
excuses for the circumstances which had obliged the French Consul to
quit his post; disavows all participation in the calumnious reports
circulated with respect to that agent; and expresses his anxious
desire for the restoration of friendly intercourse between the two
countries, as well as for the return of Rousseau, to whom the excuses
were to be repeated on his arrival. Yusuf moreover agreed to pay
800,000 francs, one half immediately, the remainder in December
following, in exoneration of all demands of French subjects against
him.
The 400,000 francs were with some difficulty procured and delivered in
a few days after the signature of the Treaty; in December 200,000 more
were paid and the revenues of the province of Bengazi were pledged for
the remainder. Yusuf was however spared the mortification of being
obliged to receive Rousseau again as French Consul in Tripoli; his
place was supplied by M. Schwebels, who appears to be superior in
capacity, acquirements and character to the generality of such agents.
The forced loans and other acts of violence by means of which these
sums were raised, increased the unpopularity of the Pasha's government
and contributed to excite disturbances in his dominions. In the spring
of 1831, a formidable insurrection broke out in Fezzan, to quell which
the Bey Ali was sent with a large force. Of the circumstances of the
war we can obtain no accounts; its result was the discomfiture of the
Tripolines and the return of the Bey to the capital. The rebels appear
to have been headed by Abdi Zaleel, who has been already mentioned as
the grandson of the celebrated Sheik Safanissa, and the Chief of the
Arab tribe called the Waled Suleiman. The successful issue of this
revolt encouraged many of the wandering tribes to throw off the
authority of the Pasha, and his difficulties were soon after increased
by another heavy demand on his treasury from abroad.
As soon as it was known that the French had obtained payment of nearly
all the debts due to their subjects, the British Government of course
insisted on a similar settlement in favor of its own merchants, which
the Pasha, according to the immemorial custom of Princes and people in
the East, evaded by every means in his power. Warrington at length
declared that he would be put off no longer; accordingly on the 14th
of July 1832, a British squadron of two frigates and a sloop of war
appeared in the bay, and Yusuf was summoned immediately to pay a
hundred and eighty thousand dollars to satisfy the demands of his
English creditors. The Pasha in vain repeated the oft urged plea of
poverty; in vain appealed to his sons, to his wives, to his ministers,
and to the citizens of Tripoli; the sum could not be obtained, and
although sixty per cent on the whole amount was tendered in part
payment, the inexorable Consul refused to receive it. Yusuf in despair
then determined to levy a contribution by force on the inhabitants of
the Messeah, the rich and populous plain near the city; the attempt
was resisted, the soldiers who were sent to collect the tax were
repulsed, and the people of the Messeah raised the standard of
rebellion.
A new actor now appeared on the scene.
It has been stated that on the death of the Pasha's {530} eldest son
Mohammed, the claims of Emhammed the son of the deceased Prince to the
succession, had been set aside by Yusuf, in favor of Ali his second
son, who had been raised to the dignity of Bey. Emhammed had now
attained manhood, and though closely watched by his uncle and
grandfather had succeeded in forming a small party among the people,
who looked to him for deliverance from the tyranny and oppression
under which they groaned. In this he had been assisted and encouraged
by the British Consul, who hating Ali on account of his connection
with the D'Ghies family, and his well known partiality to France,
adopted this means to satisfy his vengeance. Warrington has indeed
been supposed to have carried his views still farther, and to have
fomented disturbances in Tripoli, in order to obtain possession of the
country for Great Britain. The sequel will show how far such
suppositions were warranted.
As soon as the insurrection in the Messeah broke out, the neighboring
Arab tribes came in crowds to join the rebels, and Emhammed, having
succeeded in making his escape from the city, was proclaimed by them
Pasha of Tripoli. The Bey Ali immediately assembled his adherents, and
on the 27th of July 1832, a battle was fought on the sea shore between
them and the insurgents. Emhammed's party was successful; the Bey's
troops were driven back into the city, and the insurgents, receiving
daily accessions to their forces, were soon able to close effectually
all the communications of the place on the land side; a battery was
also established by them at the entrance of the harbor on its eastern
shore, in order to prevent the entrance of vessels. In a few days the
city was completely invested by the besiegers, who began to bombard
it; and the supply of provisions from the country being thus cut off,
the inhabitants were threatened with the horrors of famine. The
Consuls were however informed by Emhammed, that they might be
furnished with necessaries for their families, by means of boats sent
under the flag of a Christian nation to his batteries.
In the meantime, the British Consul had struck his flag, and the
besiegers were in hopes that an attack would be made on the place by
the squadron. These expectations were however disappointed by the
sudden departure of the ships, in consequence it was supposed of an
order from Malta, to which island Colonel Warrington shortly after
sailed with his family in an Austrian brig.
Things continued in this state of uncertainty until the 12th of
August, when the Consuls were informed by Yusuf, at a public audience,
in the presence of his Divan and the principal persons of the place,
that he had abdicated the throne in favor of his son Ali, whom he
requested them to consider as Pasha of Tripoli. Letters were at the
same time delivered to the Consuls addressed to the heads of their
respective Governments, formally communicating the same intelligence,
and soliciting from each the speedy recognition of the new sovereign.
The means by which the old man was thus induced to transfer his powers
to his son are not known; there is reason to believe however that he
was impelled to it by the threats of Ali, and the promises and
representations of the French Consul, both of whom had cause to
apprehend that an admission of Emhammed's claims to the succession
might otherwise be extorted from him by Warrington on his return from
Malta. Ali immediately assumed the authority and title of Pasha,
appointing as Prime Minister his brother-in-law Mohammed d'Ghies, (the
younger, the old minister of that name died in 1831) who has been
already mentioned in connection with the affair of Major Laing's
papers.