CHAPTER III

TRAVELS AND DIPLOMACY

(1853-1864)

Whether the Mentor resigned his job in despair about the time his

pupil was making prudent resolutions in the seclusion of the little

inn at Quotla di Amalpas, or whether it was decided by the parental

authority that Labouchere might as well continue his search for

wisdom in Mexico by himself, is not certain; but it would seem that,

just about three months after his landing at Vera Cruz, he parted

company with all his English friends, and, with a surprisingly small

sum for such an adventure in his pocket, rode off, and wandered for

eighteen months all over the country. Then he returned to the

capital, and fell in love with a lady of the circus. The published

legends belonging to this period of his career are legion. The

authority for them appears to be almost always Mr. Joseph Hatton, who

was the first writer to produce a biographical sketch of the editor

of _Truth_. He wrote it for _Harper's Magazine_, where it formed

part of a series which, in 1882, was published in England under the

title of _Journalistic London_. According to Hatton, Labouchere gave

him certain details of his past in an interview which took place at

his house in Queen Anne's Gate, so that Hatton's evidence, in so far

as _viva voce_ reminiscences are reliable, is unimpeachable.[1]

{39}

Labouchere told him that he travelled with the troupe to which the

lady he admired belonged, and got the job of doorkeeper. The circus

was a popular one, but the crowds who flocked to it were not all in a

position to pay their entrance with hard cash, so that he was

authorised by the proprietors to accept payment in kind--usually

consisting of oranges or small measures of maize. A very similar

story is related about him as occurring a year or two later when he

was attaché at Washington, and is corroborated for me by Sir Audley

Gosling, to whom Labouchere related it one day in his house in Old

Palace Yard. Sir Audley noticed hanging on the wall a large

playbill, and asked what it was.

"It's a funny story," replied Labouchere; "I will tell you about it.

When attaché at Washington I was in the habit of attending almost

nightly a circus, standing often at the artistes' entrance to the

ring. The proprietor had often scowled at me, and one night asked me

what I meant by trespassing on sacred ground. I told him I had

formed an honourable attachment for one of his ladies, and simply

stood in the passage to kiss the hem of her robe as she passed by.

'Get out of this, you d--d loafer,' he said. And I got out. A few

months later I pointed out to my chief notices in the New York press

of a certain American sparkling wine called, after the district where

it was grown, 'Kitawber.' I told him I thought a report should be

made on this new vintage, and volunteered to draw up a report for the

Foreign Office. He seemed surprised by my assiduity and very unusual

zeal (for I never did a stroke of work), and said: 'By all means

go--that is a capital idea of yours.' The truth was my circus had

removed to Kitawber and with it my fair lady of the _haute école_, so

thither I proceeded. I presented myself to the proprietor, my rude

friend, and told him I wished for an engagement with his troupe

without salary. He asked me what my line was, and I told him

standing jumps. Some obstacles were placed in the ring, over which I

jumped with great success, and my name {40} figures on the playbill

you see hanging there as the 'Bounding Buck of Babylon.' I wore pink

tights, with a fillet round my head. My adorable one said I looked a

dear."

It is more probable that these two stories are different versions of

one and the same adventure than that he twice followed a travelling

circus. No doubt, in recounting the tale, he confused the chronology.

It would appear that the well-known story of his six months'

residence among the Chippeway Indians, usually related as an incident

occurring in the off moments of his diplomatic career, really took

place towards the end of 1853. Joseph Hatton, without mentioning any

dates, relates it as follows: "By and by he tired of this occupation

(_i.e._ travelling with the circus), and went to the United States.

He found himself at St. Paul, which was then only a cluster of

houses. Here he met a party of Chippeway Indians going back to their

homes. He went with them and lived with them for six months, hunting

buffalo, joining in their work and sports, playing cards for wampum

necklaces, and living what to Joaquin Miller would have been a poem

in so many stanzas, but which, to the more prosaic Englishman, was

just seeing life and passing away the time." More than half a

century later, when Mr. Labouchere was living at Pope's villa, he

invited all the Indian chiefs and their families, who were at that

time taking part in Buffalo Bill's Show called "The Wild West," to

spend a Sunday with him at Twickenham. They accepted the invitation,

and arrived betimes in the morning. Mrs. T. P. O'Connor, who was a

visitor at the villa on the occasion, gives a graphic account of Mr.

Labouchere's recognition, in the person of one of the Chippeways, of

the son of one of the nomadic friends of his early youth. She goes

on to tell the story of Mr. Labouchere's adventures with the Indians,

as she had often heard him tell it.

Nearly sixty years ago, [she says], Henry Labouchere, then an

adventurous lad, made a journey in the west of America. {41}

Minneapolis was at that time called St. Anthony's Palls, and while he

was there a far-seeing young chemist begged him to buy the land on

which Minneapolis stands--it was to be sold for a very small sum, now

it is worth many millions. He travelled still farther west with the

Chippeways, who were going to their hunting fields. The great chief,

Hole in Heaven, was very friendly with him, and he camped in one of

their wigwams for six weeks, the sister of the chief being assigned

to wait upon him. She cooked game to perfection, roasting wild birds

in clay and larger game before a fire. The game in those days was

very plentiful and tame, not having found out man to be their natural

enemy. Sometimes prairie chickens came near enough to be knocked on

the head, and great herds of buffalos still ranged the plains. The

Indians often killed a buffalo, but Mr. Labouchere was not lucky

enough to get one for himself. He saw an Indian war-dance, but

discreetly, from a slit in the door of his wigwam, as Hole in Heaven

said that, friendly as they were, at this sacred rite a white face

might infuriate them even to the use of the tomahawk. Mr. Labouchere

lingered among these American gentlemen until the last steamer had

departed from Fond du Lac, so he was obliged to travel in a canoe

until he reached the eastern end of the lake.[2]

After his experiences in the Wild West, Labouchere made New York his

quarters for some time, and occupied himself with a careful study of

the institutions, political and otherwise, of the American nation,

for which he acquired at this period of his life a profound and

lasting admiration. In 1883 he was writing to Mr. Joseph Chamberlain

on the subject of Radical policy, and he said in the course of his

letter: "I was caught young and sent to America; there I imbibed the

political views of the country, so that my Radicalism is not a joke,

but perfectly earnest. My opinions of most of the institutions of

this country is that of Americans--that they are utterly absurd and

ridiculous."[3] He constantly throughout his career drew upon his

youthful reminiscences of {42} America to point a moral or draw a

comparison, almost invariably favourable to the transatlantic people.

In a famous article which he wrote in 1884, to demonstrate to the

public the wide divergency existing at that time between Whig and

Radical principles, while discussing the financial relations of the

Crown with the country, he said:

The President of the United States regards himself as generously

treated with a salary of £10,000 per annum. We give half this sum to

a nobleman who condescends to walk before the Chief of the State on

ceremonial occasions with a coloured stick in his hand; and we spend

more than five times this sum in keeping a yacht in commission and

repair on which our sovereign steps two or three times in twenty

years!

In the same article he compared the English system of education with

the American:

If M * * * * wishes to learn what our schools ought to be, let him go

to the State of Illinois. A child there enters school at the age of

six. Each school is divided into ten grades; at the end of each year

there is an examination, and a child goes up one or more grades

according to his proficiency. A lad going through all the grades

acquires an excellent liberal education; if he passes through the

"high school" he is, by a very long degree, the educational superior

of the majority of our youths who have spent years at Eton or at

Harrow. All this does not cost his parents one cent. Rich and poor

alike send their children to the public schools, and thus all class

prejudice is early stamped out of the American breast. Another

advantage of these schools is that boys and girls are taught

together. The girls thus learn early how to take care of themselves,

and the boys' manners are softened. When grown up, boys and girls

are not kept apart as though they were each other's natural enemies,

nor are there any ill effects from their associating together. If

some marry, the relations of those who do not are those of brothers

and sisters. The Duke of Wellington is reported to have said that

Waterloo was won in the Eton playing fields. Not only was the Union

maintained in many battlefields, but America has become the most

forward nation {43} in the world owing to her schools. How pitiably

small and narrow does our school system appear in comparison with

theirs! Why cannot we do what has been done in America? Why?

Because the land is too full of men ... ignorant, servile, and aware

that their only chance of succeeding in life is to perpetuate class

distinctions, and to deprive the vast majority of their

fellow-citizens of the possibility of competing with them by

depriving them of the blessings of any real education. Which would

be to the greater advantage of the country, a Church Establishment

such as ours, or a school establishment such as that of Illinois?

What Radical entertains a doubt? If so, why do not we at once

substitute the one for the other?[4]

In his letters to the _Daily News_ during the autumn and winter of

1870 and 1871, he wrote from Paris commenting on the behaviour of the

English and American officials of the Diplomatic Corps who remained

in Paris during the siege. "Diplomats," he wrote on September 28th,

"are little better than old women when they have to act in an

emergency. Were it not for Mr. Washburne, who was brought up in the

rough-and-ready life of the Far West, instead of serving an

apprenticeship in Courts and Government offices, those who are still

here would be perfectly helpless. They come to him at all moments,

and although he cannot speak French, for all practical purposes, he

is worth more than all his colleagues put together." In another

letter he gives an amusing picture of the worried English chargé

d'affaires, immersed in official trivialities: "A singular

remonstrance has been received at the British Embassy. In the Rue de

Chaillot resides a celebrated English courtesan, called Cora Pearl,

and above her house floats the English flag. The inhabitants of the

street request the Ambassador of England, 'a country, the purity and

decency of whose manners is well known,' to cause this bit of

bunting, which is a scandal in their eyes, to be hauled down. I left

Mr. Wodehouse consulting the text-writers upon international law, in

order to discover a precedent for {44} the case." It contrasts

sharply enough with the glimpse he gives his readers of the American

Embassy. "I passed the afternoon," he wrote on November 15th,

"greedily devouring the news at the American Legation. It was a

curious sight--the Chancellerie was crowded with people engaged in

the same occupation. There were several French journalists, opening

their eyes very wide, under the impression that this would enable

them to understand English. A Secretary of Legation was sitting at a

table giving audiences to unnumbered ladies who wished to know how

they could leave Paris; or, if this was impossible, how they could

draw on their bankers in New York. Mr. Washburne walked about

cheerily shaking every one by the hand, and telling them to make

themselves at home. How different American diplomatists are to the

prim old women who represent us abroad, with a staff of half a dozen

dandies helping each other to do nothing, who have been taught to

regard all who are not of the craft as their natural enemies." Yet

another quotation from Labouchere's journalistic correspondence,

illustrating his predilection for things American: "The ambulance

which is considered the best is the American. The wounded are under

canvas, the tents are not cold, and yet the ventilation is admirable.

The American surgeons are far more skilful in the treatment of

gunshot wounds than their French colleagues. Instead of amputation

they practise resection of the bone. It is the dream of every French

soldier, if he is wounded, to be taken to this ambulance. They seem

to be under the impression that, even if their legs are shot off, the

skill of the Esculapii of the United States will make them grow

again. Be this as it may, a person might be worse off than stretched

on a bed with a slight wound under the tents of the Far West. The

French have a notion that, go where you may, to the top of a pyramid

or to the top of Mont Blanc, you are sure to meet an Englishman

reading a newspaper; in my experience of the world, the American girl

is far more inevitable than the Britisher; and, of course, under the

stars {45} and stripes which wave over the American tents, she is to

be found, tending the sick, and, when there is nothing more to be got

for them, patiently reading to them or playing at cards with them. I

have a great weakness for the American girl; she always puts her

heart in what she is about. When she flirts she does it

conscientiously, and when she nurses a most uninviting-looking

Zouave, or Franc-tireur, she does it equally conscientiously;

besides, as a rule, she is pretty, a gift of nature which I am very

far from undervaluing."

To resume our narrative. At home the parental and avuncular

authorities had been at work, puzzling as to what career would best

suit the young searcher for wisdom, the irrepressible Eton blood--the

baby of the preparatory school, who, without his milk teeth, was able

to confound the ruffians of the cane and their assistants--the

undaunted enemy of university dons and pedagogues. Finally, it was

decided that the diplomatic service would be, at any rate for a time,

the best safety-valve for the inquisitive youth. Henry Labouchere

was on one of his unconventional tours in his beloved Wild West when

he heard of his first diplomatic appointment. He was appointed

attaché at Washington on July 16, 1854.

Mr. Crampton had been Minister at Washington since 1852, and, at the

time of Labouchere taking up his duties at the Legation, Lord Elgin,

then Governor of Canada, was on a special mission to Washington. Mr.

Crampton had not succeeded in making himself at all agreeable to the

American statesmen, and during the Crimean War he had nearly caused a

rupture between Great Britain and the United States over the question

of recruiting. The exigencies of war had brought about the

reprehensible practice of raising various foreign corps and pressing

them--or crimping them--into the British service. Crampton very

actively forwarded the schemes of his Government by encouraging the

recruiting of soldiers within the territories of the United States.

It was not, however, until 1856 that the President {46} of the United

States came to a determination to discontinue official intercourse

with him on account of the recruiting question. This necessitated

his removal from Washington, and the feeling against him in the

United States was so strong that diplomatic relations were not

renewed with Great Britain for more than six months.[5] There is no

evidence of any kind to support the statements that have appeared

from time to time in the press, to the effect that Henry Labouchere

was involved in the crimping business. During the time he spent at

Washington he seems to have been an assiduous worker--to which the

number of despatches in his handwriting preserved in the archives of

the Record Office bear witness.

He related in _Truth_, some years later, how his energy received a

check at the very outset of his career. "When I joined the

diplomatic service," he said, "I was sent as attaché to a legation

where a cynic was the minister. New brooms sweep clean. Every

morning I appeared, eager to be employed, a sort of besom tied up in

red tape. Said the cynic to me: 'If you fancy that you are likely to

get on in the service by hard work, you will soon discover your

error; far better will it be for you if you can prove that some

relation of yours is the sixteenth cousin of the porter at the

Foreign Office.' It was not long before I discovered that the cynic

was right."

It was the fate of Henry Labouchere, wherever he went, to create an

atmosphere of unconventionality, which formed a fitting background

for the numberless stories which seem still to collect and grow round

his name as time goes on. During one of Mr. Crampton's absences from

the Legation, he had an opportunity of exercising the official

reserve and {47} discretion for which the English diplomats have

always been so famous. An American citizen called one morning to see

Mr. Crampton. "I want to see the boss," he said. "You can't--he is

out," replied Labouchere. "But you can see me." "You are no good,"

replied the American. "I must see the boss. I'll wait." "Very

well," calmly said the attaché, and went on with his letter-writing.

The visitor sat down and waited for a considerable time. At last he

said: "I've been fooling round here two hours; has the chief come in

yet?"--"No; you will see him drive up to the front door when he

returns."--"How long do you reckon he will be before he comes?"

"Well," said Labouchere, "he went to Canada yesterday; I should say

he'll be here in about six weeks."

In spite of all his good resolutions Labouchere was still a gambler,

and once found himself in what might have been an awkward scrape

owing to this propensity. All who knew him at all intimately must

often have heard him tell the following episode, which I will relate

as nearly as possible in his own words: "While I was attaché at

Washington I was sent by the minister to look after some Irish

patriots at Boston. I took up my residence at a small hotel, and

wrote down an imaginary name in the hotel book as mine. In the

evening I went to a gambling establishment, where I lost all the

money I had with me except half a dollar. Then I went to bed,

satisfied with my prowess. The next morning the bailiffs seized on

the hotel for debt, and all the guests were requested to pay their

bills and to take away their luggage. I could not pay mine, and so I

could not take away my luggage. All that I could do was to write to

Washington for a remittance, and to wait two days for its arrival.

The first day I walked about, and spent my half dollar on food. It

was summer, so I slept on a bench on the common, and in the morning

went to the bay to wash myself. I felt independent of all the cares

and troubles of civilisation. But I had nothing with which to buy

myself a breakfast. {48} I grew hungry and, towards evening, more

hungry still, so much so that I entered a restaurant and ordered

dinner, without any clear idea how I was to pay for it, except by

leaving my coat in pledge. In those days Boston restaurants were

mostly in cellars, and there was a bar near the door, where the

proprietor sat to receive payment. As I ate my dinner I observed

that all the waiters, who were Irishmen, were continually staring at

me, and evidently speaking of me to each other. A guilty conscience

made me think that this was because I had an impecunious look, and

that they were discussing whether my clothes would cover my bill. At

last one of them approached me, and said: "I beg your pardon, sir;

are you the patriot Meagher?" Now this patriot was a gentleman who

had aided Smith O'Brien in his Irish rising, had been sent to

Australia, and had escaped thence to the United States. It was my

business to look after patriots, so I put my finger before my lips,

and said: "Hush!" while I cast up my eyes to the ceiling as though I

saw a vision of Erin beckoning to me. It was felt at once that I was

Meagher. The choicest viands were placed before me, and most

excellent wine. When I had done justice to all the good things I

approached the bar and asked boldly for my bill. The proprietor,

also an Irishman said: "From a man like you, who has suffered in the

good cause, I can take no money; allow a brother patriot to shake you

by the hand." I allowed him. I further allowed all the waiters to

shake hands with me, and stalked forth with the stern, resolved, but

somewhat condescendingly dismal air which I have seen assumed by

patriots in exile. Again I slept on the common, again I washed in

the bay. Then I went to the post office, found a letter for me from

Washington with some money in it, and breakfasted."

Another anecdote Labouchere was fond of recalling about his

Washington days was the following: Having planned a little holiday

excursion, he found at the Chancellerie a letter awaiting him,

addressed in the well-known handwriting of his {49} chief. Shrewdly

suspecting that the instructions it contained would render his

holiday impossible, he put the letter unopened in his coat-tail

pocket, and carried out with great satisfaction to himself his

holiday intentions. Then he opened his letter, and found that his

suspicions of its contents had been very well founded. He wrote a

nice letter of apology to his chief, beginning, "Your letter has

followed me here," which was, after all, nothing but the simple truth!

"It is a funny thing," Labouchere would often say, speaking of

treaties and diplomatic negotiations in general, "to notice on what

small matters success or the reverse is dependent"; and he would then

relate how, when he was attaché at Washington, he went down with the

British Minister to a small inn at Virginia to meet Mr. Marcy, the

Secretary of State for the United States, for the purpose of

discussing a reciprocity treaty between Canada and the United States.

Mr. Marcy, in general the most genial and agreeable of men, was as

cross as a bear, and would agree to nothing. Labouchere asked the

secretary to tell him, in confidence, what was the matter with his

chief. The secretary replied: "He is not getting his rubber of

whist." After that the British Minister proposed a rubber of whist

every night, which he invariably lost. Mr. Marcy was immensely

pleased at beating the Britishers at, what he called "their own

game," and his good humour returned. "Every morning," Labouchere

related, "when the details of the treaty were being discussed, we had

our revenge, and scored a few points for Canada."

Labouchere was transferred to the Legation at Munich in December,

1855. "Old King Louis was then alive," he wrote thirty years later,

"although he had been deposed for making a fool of himself over Lola

Montes. I used frequently to meet him in the streets, when he always

stopped me to ask how Queen Victoria was. I had at last respectfully

to tell him that Her Majesty was not in the habit of writing to me

every day respecting her health."

{50}

From Munich he went to Stockholm in 1857. I cannot resist quoting in

full his account of the duel he fought while at Stockholm with the

Austrian chargé d'affaires, it is so extremely characteristic of him

both in spirit and style.

At Stockholm "I found favour with my superiors for the curious reason

that I challenged an Austrian chargé d'affaires. Never was there a

more absurd affair. There was an Englishman who had been challenged

by a Swede, whom he declined to fight. A few days later the

Englishman went with my Minister to a box in the theatre. The next

day at a club the Austrian chargé d'affaires said before me and

others that Englishmen had odd ideas of honour, and more particularly

English Ministers. I replied that Englishmen were not so silly as to

fight duels, and that the English Minister was not a dishonourable

man for appearing in a theatre with his countrymen. As it was

generally felt that I ought to challenge this Austrian, I 'put myself

in the hands' of the French and Prussian Ministers. A few hours

later my seconds came to me. I expected that they were going to tell

me that the Austrian had apologised. Not at all. With a cheerful

smile they observed: 'It is arranged for to-morrow morning--pistols.'

At seven o'clock A.M. they reappeared. Their countenances were

downcast. 'I have lost the mould for the bullets of my duelling

pistols,' observed the Prussian, 'and we have had to borrow a pair of

pistols, for whose accuracy of aim I cannot vouch.' This inwardly

rejoiced me, but, of course, I pretended to share in the regret of my

seconds. We sat down to an early breakfast. 'You are young, I am

old,' said the Frenchman; 'would that I could take your place.' I

wished it as sincerely as he did, but I tried to assume an air of

rather liking my position, and I grinned a ghastly grin. Then we

started for the park. The opposition had not arrived; but there was

a surgeon, who had been kindly requested to attend by my sympathising

friends. 'An accident may happen,' observed the Prussian; 'do you

wish to confide to me any dispositions that you may {51} desire to be

carried out after----?' and he sighed in a horribly suggestive

manner. 'No,' I said; I had nothing particular to confide; and as I

looked at the surgeon I thought what an idiot I was to make myself

the target for an Austrian to aim at, in order to establish the

principle that Englishmen have a perfect right to decline to fight

duels. There was a want of logic about the entire proceeding that

went to my heart. To be killed is bad enough, but to be killed

paradoxically is still worse. Soon the Austrian and his seconds

appeared. I never felt more dismal in my life. The Austrian stood

apart; I stood apart. The surgeon already eyed me as a 'subject.'

The seconds consulted; then the Frenchman stepped out twelve paces.

He had very short legs, and they seemed to me shorter than ever.

After this came the loading of the pistols. Sometimes, I thought,

seconds do not put in the bullets; this comforted me, but only for a

moment, for the bullets were rammed down with cheerful energy. By

this time we had been placed facing each other. A pistol was given

to each of us. 'I am to give the signal,' said the Prussian; 'I

shall count one, two, three, and then at the word fire, you will both

fire. Gentlemen, are you ready?' We both nodded. 'One, two, three,

fire!' and both our pistols went off. No harm had been done. I felt

considerably relieved when to my horror the Frenchman stepped up to

me, and said: 'I think that I ought to demand a second shot for you,

but mind, if nothing occurs again, I shall not allow a third shot.'

'Ye--es,' I said; so we had a second shot, with the same result.

Knowing that my Frenchman was a man of his word, I felt now that I

might at no risk to myself display my valour, so I demanded a third

shot. The seconds consulted together; for a moment I feared that

they were going to grant my request, and I was greatly relieved when

they informed me that they considered that two shots were amply

sufficient. I was delighted, but I pretended to be most unhappy, and

religiously kept up the farce of being an aggrieved person."[6]

{52}

He was at Frankfort and St. Petersburg between November, 1858, and

the summer of 1860. While he was at Frankfort he made the

acquaintance of Bismarck, who was the Prussian representative at the

restored Diet of Frankfort. Labouchere had a constitutional dislike

of the German people, with the exception of the great Chancellor. He

wrote some years later: "The only Prussian I ever knew who was an

agreeable man was Bismarck. All others with whom I have been

thrown--and I have lived for years in Germany--were proud as

Scotchmen, cold as New Englanders, and touchy as only Prussians can

be. I once had a friend among them. His name was Buckenbrock. I

inadvertently called him Butterbrod. We have never spoken since!"

Bismarck was an eminently social person, fond of drinking and

smoking, and many a time did Labouchere listen to his jovial

loud-toned talk in the cafés at Frankfort. "Bismarck," he wrote in

later life, "used to pass entire nights drinking beer in a garden

overlooking the Main. In the morning after a night passed in

beer-drinking he would write his despatches, then issue forth on a

white horse for a ride, and on his return, attend the Diet, of which

he was a member."[7] It is interesting to note how very similar were

the judgments of these two exceedingly different characters upon the

subject of diplomacy and its aspects of absurdity and pomposity.

Bismarck wrote from Frankfort: "Frankfort is hideously tiresome. The

people here worry themselves about the merest rubbish, and these

diplomatists with their pompous peddling already appear to me a good

deal more ridiculous than a member of the second chamber in all the

pride of his lofty station. Unless external accidents should accrue,

... I know exactly how much we shall effect in one, two, or five

years from the present time, and will engage to do it all myself

within four-and-twenty hours, if the others will only be truthful and

sensible throughout one single day. I never doubted that, one and

all, these gentlemen prepared their {53} dishes _à l'eau_, but such

thin, mawkish water soup as this, devoid of the least symptom of

richness, positively astounds me. Send me your village schoolmaster

or road inspector, clean washed and combed; they will make just as

good diplomatists as these."[8] Of diplomatic literature Bismarck

observed: "For the most part it is nothing but paper and ink. If you

wanted to utilise it for historical purposes, you could not get

anything worth having out of it. I believe it is the rule to allow

historians to consult the F. O. Archives at the expiration of thirty

years (after date of despatches, etc.). They might be permitted to

examine them much sooner, for the despatches and letters, when they

contain any information at all, are quite unintelligible to those

unacquainted with the persons and relations treated of in them."[9]

Labouchere wrote in 1889: "If all Foreign Office telegrams were

published, they would be curious reading. Years ago I was an attaché

at Stockholm. The present Queen, then Duchess of Ostrogotha, had a

baby, and a telegram came from the Foreign Office desiring that Her

Majesty's congratulations should be offered, and that she should be

informed how the mother and child were. The Minister was away, so

off I went to the Palace to convey the message and to inquire about

the health of the pair. A solemn gentleman received me. I informed

him of my orders, and requested him to say what I was to reply. "Her

Royal Highness," he replied, "is as well as can be expected, but His

Royal Highness is suffering a little internally, and it is thought

that this is due to the milk of the wet nurse having been slightly

sour yesterday evening." I telegraphed this to the Foreign

Office."[10]

In a speech he made in the House of Commons,[4] protesting against a

sum of nearly £50,000 being voted for the salaries and expenses of

the department for Her Majesty's Secretary of State for Foreign

Affairs, Mr. Labouchere said, {54} referring in particular to Foreign

Office messengers, that very often these gentlemen were sent abroad,

at a very large cost to the country, for no practical object

whatever. They went on a certain route, and the business was made up

for them as they went. He had had the honour to serve at one time

under Sir Henry Bulwer at Constantinople. Now Sir Henry Bulwer was

always ill; and on one occasion he remembered making a calculation

that a box of pills Sir Henry was anxious to obtain, and which was

sent out by a Foreign Office messenger, cost the country from £200 to

£300. Probably the pills did Sir Henry good, and pills were much

more useful than a good deal of the stuff sent out by the Foreign

Office. He went on to tell the House that he had himself been in the

diplomatic service for ten years, and he had spent a great deal of

his time in ciphering and deciphering telegrams, and that he could

not remember half a dozen of them that any man, woman, or child in

the whole world would have taken any trouble to decipher for any

information that could have been derived from them.

Labouchere used always to say that, while he was attaché at

Frankfort, he spent most of his time at Wiesbaden, Homburg, or Baden,

because he found the Diet of the German Confederation "rather a dull

sort of affair." He managed, however, to make a great many very

staunch friends at this period of his life. One of these was the old

Duchess of Cambridge. He was a frequent visitor at the Schloss of

Ruppenheim, which was the summer meeting-place of the main stock and

branches of the Hesses. The old Duchess made a great fuss over him,

for he could speak the German of Hanover so well that she could

understand his banter and enjoy it. His popularity at Frankfort,

according to his own account, rested on a very simple basis. Great

Britain was represented at the Diet by Sir Alexander Malet, one of

the most popular chiefs to be found in the Service. "But I was even

more appreciated than my chief," he would relate, "and this is why.

Sometimes there was a ball at the {55} Court, which we were expected

to attend. At my first ball supper I found myself next to a grandee,

gorgeous in stars and ribbons. The servant came to pour out

champagne. I shook my head, for I detest champagne. The grandee

nudged me, and said, 'Let him pour it out.' This I did, and he

explained to me that our host never gave his guests more than one

glass, 'So you see, if I drink yours, I shall have two.' After this

there used to be quite a struggle to sit near me at Court suppers."

Yet another ridiculous reminiscence of the Court of Darmstadt, dating

from his attaché days at Frankfort. Sir Alexander Malet was fond of

whist, and it was felt, said Labouchere, that an English diplomatist

could not be expected to play the game for less than florin points.

Such stakes, however, the fortune of no Darmstadt nobleman could

stand. A sort of joint purse was therefore formed, which was

entrusted to the three best players of the grand-ducal Court, and

these champions encountered the Englishman. "It was amusing,"

Labouchere would relate, "to watch the anxiety depicted on all

countenances: when the Minister won all was gloom; when he lost,

counts and countesses, barons and baronesses, skipped about in high

glee, like the hills of the Psalmist."

Bismarck was Ambassador at St. Petersburg during the year that

Labouchere was there as attaché in 1860, so it is very probable that

he continued to imbibe wisdom from listening to the conversation of

the great German, for whose powers of statecraft he always expressed

the warmest admiration. The following amusing episode occurred

during his year at St. Petersburg. He was in love with the wife of

one of the gentlemen about the Court. So was a tall, smart young

Frenchman. Labouchere was desperately jealous of his rival, but

could think of no means of outwitting him. At a Court function they

were both standing near the object of their admiration, the Frenchman

making, it seemed to Labouchere, marked advances in the lady's

favour. {56} However he was soon called away for some reason or

another. Labouchere, in his eagerness to seize the opportunity and

advance his own suit, inadvertently tipped his cup of black coffee

over the lady's magnificent yellow satin train. He was in despair,

but, seeing that she had not yet perceived the tragedy, he slipped

the cup and saucer into his tail-coat pocket, and then, with an air

of commiseration, drew her attention to the ruined gown. "Who did

it?" she exclaimed furiously. Labouchere put his finger to his lips,

at the same time looking significantly at the form of his rival, at

that moment disappearing through the doorway. "I know who did it,"

he said, "but wild horses would not induce me to tell you." Of

course, the lady had followed the direction of his glance. She

exclaimed: "That ruffian, I will never speak to him again as long as

I live!" History does not relate how the adventure proceeded for the

handsome Frenchman's rival.

Labouchere did not think much of the Russians. He used to say that

they were like monkeys, eager to copy the manners of civilised

Europe, but that the copy they succeeded in producing was a daub and

not a picture, because they always exaggerated their originals. When

they were polite, they were too polite; when they were copying

Frenchmen, they were too much like dancing masters; and when they

were copying Englishmen they were too much like grooms. He had an

amusing account to give of a visit he once paid to a Russian country

house. "Card-playing, eating and drinking--and more especially the

latter," he related--"went on all day and nearly all night. I never

could understand where my bedroom was, for the excellent reason, as I

at length discovered, that I hadn't one. At a late hour I saw

several of the guests heaping up in corners cushions which they had

taken from sofas, to serve as beds, so I followed their example.

When I woke up in the morning I could not see any apparatus to wash

in, so I filled a china bowl with water, and, having dried myself

with a tablecloth which I found in an adjoining room, I dressed." He

{57} gave a charming thumb-nail sketch of a Russian drawing-room, à

propos of a visit of Mr. Augustus Lumley to the Russian capital. Mr.

Lumley was a famous cotillon leader. "I was at St. Petersburg when

Mr. Lumley arrived on a visit. He was solemnly introduced to the

Russian leader of cotillons, who is invariably an officer of

distinction, as a colleague. It was like the meeting between two

famous generals, and reminded me of the pictures of Wellington and

Blücher on the field of Waterloo. It took place at a ball, and the

Russian, with chivalrous courtesy, offered to surrender to his

English colleague the direction of the cotillon."

The Emperor of Russia[12] once stood beside Henry Labouchere whilst

he was playing at écarté to watch his game. The occasion was a ball

given by the Empress to the Emperor on his birthday. Labouchere and

his adversary were both at four, and it was Labouchere's deal.

"Now," said the Emperor, "let us see whether you can turn up the

king." Labouchere dealt, and then held out the turn-up card,

observing: "Your orders have been obeyed, sir." The Emperor asked

him, as often as a dozen times subsequently, how he had managed it,

and never could be persuaded that it was a mere coincidence, and that

the young attaché had taken the chance of the card being a king. It

was a trifling example of the luck, or its reverse, that seemed to be

for ever crossing and recrossing Labouchere's path, in spite of his

own belief in nothing but the logical sequence of events.

A popular anecdote of his Petersburg days is the following: A fussy

German nobleman pushed his way into the Chancellerie, where

Labouchere was working, asking to see the Ambassador. "Please take a

chair," said the secretary; "he will be here soon." "But, young

man," blustered the German, "do you know who I am?" And he poured

out a string of imposing titles. Labouchere looked up in

well-simulated awe. "Pray take two chairs," he remarked quietly, and

went on writing.

{58}

When Khalil Pasha was recalled from being Ambassador in Paris,

Labouchere published the following reminiscence of his year in the

Russian capital: "Khalil Pasha once saved me from a heavy loss, and

that is why I take an interest in him. He, a Russian, and I sat down

one evening to have a quiet rubber. The Russians have a hideous

device of playing with what they call a zero; that is to say, a zero

is added to all winnings and losses, so that 10 stands for 100, etc.

When Khalil and the Russians had won their dummies, I found to my

horror that, with the zero, I had lost about £4000. Then it came to

my turn to take dummy. I had won a game, and we were playing for the

odd trick in the last game. If I failed to win it I should lose

about £8000. Only two cards remained in hand. I had marked up six

tricks and my opponents five. Khalil had the lead; he had the best

trump and a thirteenth card. The only other trump was in the hands

of the dummy. He had, therefore, only to play his trump and then the

thirteenth card to win the rubber, when he let drop the latter card,

for his fingers were of a very 'thumby' description. Before he could

take it up I pushed the dummy's trump on it and claimed the trick.

The Russian howled, Khalil howled; they said this was very sharp

practice. I replied that whist is essentially a game of sharp

practice, and that I was acting in accordance with the rules. The

lookers-on were appealed to, and, of course, gave it in my favour.

Thus did I make, or rather save, £8000 against Russia and Turkey in

alliance, through the fault of the Turk; and it seems to me that the

poor Ottoman, now that he is at war (1877) with his ally of the

card-table, is losing the game, much as Khalil lost his game of whist

to me. To have good cards is one thing, to know how to make use of

them quite another."[13]

Labouchere used to tell a good story of how he got at the secrets of

the Russian Government. His laundress was a handsome woman, and

having made friends with her on {59} other than professional grounds,

she happened to mention that her husband was a compositor in the

government printing office. The minutes of the Cabinet councils were

printed in French, of which the printers, of course, understood

nothing. Labouchere persuaded her, for a consideration, to obtain

from her husband the loose sheets from which the minutes had been

printed. They were brought to him by the faithful woman every week,

concealed among his starched shirts and collars. As soon as Lord

John Russell discovered the source of the interesting information

that reached him from Petersburg, he put a stop to the simple

intrigue. Labouchere would always wind up his narrative of this

episode with the words: "For what reason, I wonder, did Russell

imagine, diplomacy was invented?"

After Petersburg, Dresden was Labouchere's next appointment. He had

previously assiduously studied the German language, in which, being a

born linguist, he was remarkably proficient. He had been for a time

to Marburg to reside in a German family for the purpose of acquiring

conversational fluency. All through his life one of his fads

consisted in working out on how small an income an economical family

might live in comfort, and he used frequently to commend the

management of means practised in the bourgeois family at Marburg

where he boarded. It consisted of a mother, two daughters, a father,

and an elementary maid-of-all-work. The daughters did the housework

alternately. The daughter, whose turn it was to be the young lady,

used to dress herself gorgeously every afternoon and evening,

receiving visitors or paying calls. She would play Chopin and

Beethoven on the pianoforte, and make herself an exceedingly

agreeable social personage. The following week she would retire to

the domestic regions and be an excellent servant, while her sister

took her turn as _femme du monde_. Occasionally the whole family,

including Labouchere, would be invited to a party. It was the custom

on such occasions for both the daughters to be "young {60} ladies."

The maid-of-all-work would accompany them to the neighbour's house

whither they had been bidden, carrying their suppers in paper

bags--for the hospitality proffered at Marburg was intellectual, not

material. All the guests brought similar paper bags, and at the

conclusion of the repast the remains of the various meals were

carefully collected by their respective owners, and carried home to

figure at the next day's _mittagessen_. Labouchere used often to

assert that the evening parties at Marburg were the most delightful

and amusing ones he ever attended. While there he frequented the

hospital, and attended the lectures given for the instruction of the

medical students. He was always fond of developing extraordinary

theories on the subject of medical science, more remarkable for their

originality than for their probable ultimate utility. The authority

upon which these theories would be based was invariably that of the

lecturer at the Marburg Hospital. Even as late as 1905, Mr.

Labouchere still remembered his medical student days. He wrote to

one of his sisters in that year on the occasion of her son becoming a

doctor: "A doctor is a good profession. I learnt doctoring at

Marburg in order to learn German. I rather liked it, and have vainly

offered to doctor people gratis since then, but no one seems

inclined."

Between his diplomatic appointments at Frankfort and Petersburg,

Labouchere spent several months at Florence, and he described in

_Truth_ how it was that he came to have a year's free time on his

hands: "Once did I get the better of the Foreign Office. I was on

leave in Italy when I received a notification that Her Majesty had

kindly thought fit to appoint me Secretary of Legation to the

Republic of Parana. I had never heard of this republic. After

diligent inquiry, I learnt that Parana was a sort of Federal town on

the River Plate, but that a few months previously the republic of

that name had shared the fate of the Kilkenny cats. So I remained in

Italy, and comfortably drew my salary like a bishop of a see _in

partibus infidelium_. A year later came a {61} despatch couched in

language more remarkable for its strength than its civility, asking

me what I meant by not proceeding to my post. I replied that I had

passed the twelve months in making diligent inquiries respecting the

whereabouts of the Republic of Parana, hitherto without success, but

if his lordship would kindly inform me where it was, I need hardly

say that I would hasten there!"[14]

While in Florence Labouchere witnessed the revolution which deposed

the Grand Duke and provided Tuscany with a provisional government of

her own choice, preparatory to the union of all the Italian States

under the King of Sardinia. He was a personal friend of Mr.

(afterwards Sir) James Hudson, the English Minister at Turin, whose

Nationalist sympathies, like Labouchere's, were well known, and he

was an invaluable reporter to the Liberals in Turin of the news of

the struggle for liberty in Tuscany. On the morning of the

revolution, after the Grand Duke and his family had left the Pitti

Palace, he, with many of his revolutionary friends, entered the

forsaken home of Austrian royalty, and had the astuteness to procure

on the spot what was left of the famous Metternich Johannisberger for

the newly founded _Unione_ Club, of which he was a member. He had an

amusing story to tell about the flight of the grand-ducal family from

the City of Flowers, which is best repeated in his own words, as he

used to relate it to his Florentine friends after he had returned to

end his days in the place which he had loved so well in his youth.

"The news was brought back here by some of the people who had seen

them off the premises, that, on the road to Bologna, they all got out

and stopped an hour or two at an inn, where they all sat in a row

crying. After this had gone on for some time, it was discovered that

the whole party had forgotten their pocket-handkerchiefs.

Fortunately the Grand Duchess had on a white petticoat with very

ample frills, so she went round to each of the grand-ducal family in

turn, and wiped their {62} eyes and noses for them in the frills of

her petticoat. And then she did the same for the ladies and

gentlemen in waiting."

"Do I think that incident really is true?" he would reply to his

incredulous audience, "probably not. But from what I know of

royalties in general, and from what I remember about the grand-ducal

family of Tuscany in particular, I think that it is exceedingly

probable that they would start out on an expedition of that kind

without a pocket-handkerchief between them."[15] His personal

reminiscences of Victor Emmanuel II. and of Cavour were of the

raciest description and would enthral his hearers by the hour, told

as only he could tell them, with all the decorative touches of local

colour and local dialect.

He was also very fond of telling a story about an outrageous

compliment he paid to a lady belonging to the Court of the Grand

Duchess, which, if true, showed that at least one of the resolutions

he had made in the inn at Quotla di Amalpas had been carried into

successful practice: "The Grand Duchess of Tuscany had a venerable

maid of honour above seventy years of age. She had piercing black

eyes, and looked like an old postchaise, painted up and with new

lamps. 'How old do you think I am?' she once asked me, with a

simpering smile that caused my blood to run cold. I hesitated, and

then said 'Twenty.' 'Flatterer,' she replied, tapping me with her

fan, 'I am twenty-five.'

Having become third secretary in November, 1862, Labouchere was

appointed to Constantinople. He wrote in _Truth_ nearly thirty years

later: "I was once Secretary of Embassy at Constantinople and I

passed my time reading up Lord Stratford's despatches before and

during the Crimean War. No one could have recognised them as the

originals from which Mr. Kinglake drew his material for a narrative

of the Ambassador's diplomatic action. The fact was that Lord

Stratford was one of the most detestable of the human race. {63} He

was arrogant, resentful, and spiteful. He hated the Emperor Nicholas

because he had declined to receive him as Ambassador to Russia, and

the Crimean War was his revenge. In every way he endeavoured to

envenom the quarrel and to make war certain. His power at

Constantinople was enormous. This was because, whilst the

Ambassadors of other Powers changed, his stay there seemed eternal.

A Grand Vizier, or a Minister of Foreign Affairs, knew that, if he

offended the English Ambassador, he would never cease plotting to

drive him out, and to keep him out of power. He therefore thought it

better to keep on good terms with him and to submit to his arrogance.

But Lord Stratford never used his power for good. It was enough for

him to get the Sultan to publish a decree. This he would send home

as evidence of good government. He never, however, explained that

the decree, when published, remained a dead letter. When Sir Henry

Bulwer (Lord Dalling) was sent as Commissioner to the Principalities,

he passed a considerable time (as indeed was necessary) at

Constantinople. Lord Stratford knew that Sir Henry wanted to replace

him, and he feared that he would succeed in doing so. His rage and

indignation were therefore unbounded. One day the Ambassador and the

Commissioner were together at the Embassy. 'I know,' said the

Ambassador, 'that you are trying to get my place,' and he shook his

fist in the face of Sir Henry, who mildly surveyed him and shrugged

his shoulders."

Sir Horace Rumbold writes charmingly of Henry Labouchere at

Constantinople in 1863. "In August," he says, "the torrid heat drove

me to seek for a while the cool breezes of the Bosphorus, and I then,

for the first time, became acquainted with the wonders of

Constantinople. Here I found at the Embassy Edward Herbert and got

to know that remarkable, _original_, and most talented and

kind-hearted of would-be cynics, Henry Labouchere."[16] Later on, in

the same volume of reminiscences, he gives another picture of {64}

the young secretary, whose diplomatic career was, however, soon to

come to a close. "The Pisani dynasty were still masters of the

situation when I arrived. Under the, in many ways, unfortunate

tenure of the Embassy by Sir Henry Bulwer, Alexander Pisani, best

known as the 'Count,' who was simply the Keeper of the Archives, had

been made head of the Diplomatic Chancellerie of the Embassy, to the

intense disgust of successive secretaries properly belonging to the

Service. Pisani, it was said, had extorted this abnormal appointment

from his chief by threatening to resign and write his memoirs. Henry

Labouchere, among others, greatly resented the arrangement. Some

years before, he had a passage of arms with the 'Count,' who had

reproved him, so to speak, officially for absenting himself for the

day from the Chancery on some occasion, without applying to him for

leave to do so. The ridiculous affair was referred to Sir Henry

Bulwer, and gave my friend Labby a charming opportunity of describing

the 'Count' in a formal letter to the Ambassador. 'It seems to me,'

he wrote, 'a singular dispensation that places a Greek nobleman of

Venetian extraction, who profited by the advantages of a Pera

education, in authority over a body of English Gentlemen.'"

Mr. Labouchere was always very amusing on the subject of his chief at

Constantinople. He said that Lord Balling could not understand the

value of money. He was so generous that he was always in financial

difficulties. At one time the Embassy was reduced to such straits

that there was no money to buy any decent wine. The difficulty was

met in the following manner: At official dinners the grand-looking

_maître d'hôtel_ would solemnly say before pouring out the wine,

"Château Lafitte '48," or "La Rose '52," and so on, all through

dinner. As a matter of fact, the wine had really come from the

neighbouring Greek isles, and had been doctored with an infusion of

prunes to tone down the flavour of tar, which is inseparable from

these insular vintages. Lord Dalling himself was so anxious to

please that he would {65} quaff glass after glass of the horrible

beverage, swallowing numberless pills the while as an antidote.

There are many versions of the incident with which Labouchere chose

to conclude his relations with the Diplomatic Service. The Foreign

Office records of the date are not yet available, but I am indebted

to Sir Audley Gosling for his recollections of the affair as it

happened. In the summer of 1864, Labouchere found himself at

Baden-Baden, enjoying the relaxation of a little gambling after his

strenuous work in the service of his country. While there he

received from Lord Russell, the Foreign Secretary, the usual

stereotyped announcement of his promotion in the Diplomatic Service.

It ran: "I have to inform you that Her Majesty has, on my

recommendation, been pleased to promote you to be a Second Secretary

in the Diplomatic Service to reside at Buenos Ayres."

Labouchere is said to have replied as follows: "I have the honour to

acknowledge the receipt of your Lordship's despatch, informing me of

my promotion as Second Secretary to Her Majesty's Legation at Buenos

Ayres. I beg to state that, if residing at Baden-Baden I can fulfil

those duties, I shall be pleased to accept the appointment." As this

was the second joke he had played on Lord Russell, he was politely

told that there was no further use for his services.[17]

A successful "system" is not an essential part of the educational

equipment of a diplomat, but it may on occasion be a very useful

extra to his other accomplishments. Mr. Labouchere found it so. "I

used at one time," he said, "to take the waters every year at

Homburg, and I invariably paid the expenses of my trip out of my

winnings at the gambling-tables. It may have been luck, or it may

have been system; but I give my system for what it is worth. I {66}

used to write the following figures on a piece of paper: 3, 4, 5, 6,

7. My stake was always the top and bottom figure added together. If

I won, I scratched out these figures; if I lost, I wrote down the

stake at the bottom of the figures, and I went on playing until all

the figures on my piece of paper were erased. Thus my first stake

(and I played indifferently on red or black) would be ten. If I won

it, I scratched out three and seven. My next stake would be ten

again, as four and six make ten. If I lost it, I wrote down ten at

the bottom of my list of figures, and played fourteen, being the

addition of the first and last figure on the list, viz. fourteen.

The basis of the 'system' was this. Before reaching the maximum, I

could play a series of even chances for about two hours, and if

during these two hours I won one quarter as many times as the bank,

plus five, all my figures were erased. During these two hours an

even chance would be produced two hundred times. If, therefore, I

won fifty-five times, and the bank won one hundred and forty-five

times, I was the winner of twenty-five napoleons, florins, or

whatever was my unit. Now let any one produce an even chance by

tossing up a coin and always crying 'heads,' he will find that he may

go on until Doomsday before the 'tails' exceed the 'heads,' or the

'heads' exceed the 'tails,' by ninety-five. I found this system in a

letter from Condorcet to a friend, which I read in a book that I

purchased at a stall on the 'Quai' at Paris. It may have been, as I

have said, only luck; but all I can say is, that whenever I played it

I invariably won."

One of Mr. Labouchere's oldest friends, Mrs. Crawford, recently wrote

to me a letter in which she made the following lucid remarks about

his career in the Diplomatic Service: "I was acquainted," she says,

"with many of his diplomatic comrades, and they often spoke of him in

chat with me. Some were friendly, some were not. He had a very

unguarded tongue, and discharged his shafts of satire, irony, humour

in all directions, and every arrow that hit made an {67} enemy. I,

mentally, used to take this into account in judging of their

judgments, and the habit, which does not exist in England, of

searching for mitigating circumstances helped me to make a fair and

true estimate of his complex nature. I think he rather enjoyed, but

_passagèrement_, being thought a Richard III., an Iago--an inveterate

gambler. I soon came to the conclusion that this was partly due to a

reaction against the idolatrous attitude of the English middle class

and religious people towards Victoria and Albert, for it was

shockingly fulsome--and the Queen early showed hostility towards him.

His uncle, Lord Taunton, reflected her known sentiments, and so did

Lord Clarendon. He was wrong, very wrong, to have treated the vile

crime of Grenville Murray, and committed too in an Office capacity,

as a thing of no consequence and the stumble made by an exceedingly

clever man--a too great rarity in the British Consular Service. I

have some recollection that she was furious with the Prince of Wales,

who had not the virtue, in his early years at any rate, of reticence

in speaking, for, on the authority of Mr. Labouchere, taking

Grenville Murray's part against the Foreign Office in her presence.

This, however, was only one of the reasons of her fixed hostility...."

The crime to which Mrs. Crawford refers as having been committed by

Grenville Murray in an official capacity was that of forwarding

private news to the _Morning Post_ (to which paper he was secretly

acting as correspondent) in the Foreign Office bag from Vienna, where

he was an attaché in 1852, under Lord Westmorland. Mr. Labouchere

declared in _Truth_ that Lord Palmerston, having a private grudge

against Prince Schwarzenberg, the Prime Minister of Austria, and

wishing for special information about him to reach the British

public, had come to a private understanding with Grenville Murray

that his journalistic correspondence would be winked at.

Unfortunately the "copy" fell into the hands of Lord Westmorland, who

demanded from Lord {68} Palmerston the instant dismissal of Murray.

Murray was not dismissed, but in a year's time was transferred to

Constantinople, where Lord Stratford de Redcliffe reigned supreme.

He had, of course, heard from Lord Westmorland about Murray's

journalistic indiscretions, and hated him accordingly. Murray

retorted by holding up his chief to every sort of ridicule to the

English magazine-reading public; for he was a clever writer, and

contributed largely to _Household Words_, then under the editorship

of Charles Dickens. The Foreign Office soon thought it necessary to

remove him, and he was appointed to the consul-generalship of Odessa.

At Odessa the consul was just as unpopular as the attaché had been at

Vienna and Constantinople. The defence of Grenville Murray, to which

Mrs. Crawford refers, was probably founded upon facts contained in

the following passage of an "Anecdotal Photograph" of Lord Derby,

published by Mr. Labouchere in an early number of _Truth_:

When Lord Derby was at the head of the Foreign Office, he left all

the appointments in the Diplomatic Service to the permanent

officials, and, owing to this pococurantism, he did an act of

injustice to one of the most brilliant _littérateurs_ of the day.

The gentleman in question had a consulship in the East. An able and

brilliant man, he was naturally a _persona ingrata_ to the high

priests of red tape, and between them and him there was perpetual

war, which at length culminated in a determination to remove him _per

fas_ or _per nefas_ from the service. Certain charges were

accordingly brought against this gentleman, who was put on his

defence. The accused, who was then in London, applied for copies of

certain papers from the archives of the Foreign Office which he

considered essential to his complete exculpation. The officials at

first declined to grant them, but, after a long correspondence,

admitted the justice of the claim. The papers were sent accordingly,

together with two separate letters, both bearing the same date. One

announced that the documents had been forwarded, the other that Lord

Derby had made up his mind on the whole case, and his decision was in

these words: "I have accordingly advised the Queen to cancel your

{69} commission as ----, and it is hereby cancelled accordingly."

The recipient of this interesting epistle was at first inclined to

treat it as a bad joke, but soon found that it was an authentic

fact.[18]

I have the great good fortune also to have received from Mr. Wilfrid

Blunt a brief memoir of Mr. Labouchere, which commences in his early

diplomatic days, and though it carries us on almost to the end of his

life, I think that its publication here will enable those readers who

did not know Mr. Labouchere personally to get a sincere impression of

the whole of his career, which cannot fail to be of assistance to

them in elucidating his curious original personality from the maze of

dates and details which are the inevitable appendages of a

comprehensive biography. Mr. Blunt writes as follows:

Feb. 13, 1913.

My acquaintance with Henry Labouchere dates, if I remember rightly,

from the early spring of 1861. We were both then in the Diplomatic

Service, and though not actually employed together, I had just

succeeded him as unpaid attaché at the Frankfort Legation, and found

him still lingering there when I came to take up my not very onerous

duties that year under our chief, Sir Alexander Malet, Edward Malet's

father. Labouchere's attraction to Frankfort was not Frankfort

itself, but its close neighbourhood to Hombourg, where the

gambling-tables still flourished, and where he spent nearly all his

time. By rights he ought to have been at St. Petersburg, but

pretended that he could not afford to travel to his new post except

on foot, and so was staying on waiting to have his expenses paid by

Government. His life at that time was an avowedly disreputable one,

the society of Hombourg being what it was; and he was looked upon by

the more strait-laced ladies of the Corps Diplomatique as something

of a pariah. There was a good deal of talk about him, opinions being

divided as to whether he was more knave or fool, greenhorn or knowing

fellow, all which amused him greatly. He was in reality the

good-hearted {70} cynic the world has since acknowledged him to be,

with a keen appreciation of the _comédie humaine_, a contempt for

aristocratic shams, and a philosopher's taste for low society.

I have a coloured caricature I made of him of that date, 1861, in

which he is represented as undergoing a conversion to respectability

at the hands of Countess d'Usedom, the Olympia of the Bismarck

memoirs, and wife of the Prussian Ambassador, with her two Scotch

nieces in the preposterous crinoline dresses of the time. He figures

in it as a round-faced young man with highly coloured cheeks, and an

air of mock modesty which is very characteristic. It is labelled

"The Deformed Transformed."

Later, I used to see him pretty frequently in London at the St.

James' Club, of which we were both members. He was already beginning

to be a recognised wit, and a central figure among talkers in the

smoking-room. But I remember old Paddy Green of Evans' still

maintaining that he was for all that a simple-minded fellow, made to

be the prey of rogues. It was as such that he had known him some

years before when Labouchere first appeared in London life and took

up his quarters at Evans' Hotel in Covent Garden. The good Irishman

had dolorous stories of the way in which his protégé had then been

fleeced. "Poor Labouchere, poor Labouchere," he used to say, in his

paternally emotional voice; "a good young man, but always his own

worst enemy." His own worst enemy he certainly often was. I

remember his coming into the Club one evening, it must have been in

1865, when he had just been elected M.P. for Windsor, and boasting to

all of us who would listen to him, with every detail, how he had

bribed the free and intelligent electors of the Royal Borough, an

imprudence which caused him the misfortune of his being unseated

immediately afterwards on petition.

Of the years that followed, when he was making his name as a

journalist, and his fortune on the Stock Exchange, I have nothing

particular to record. I came once more into close connection with

him in 1882, at the time of the trial of Arabi at Cairo after

Tel-el-Kebir. Labouchere, during the early months of the year, had

been among those Radicals who in the House of Commons had followed

Chamberlain and Dilke in pressing intervention in Egypt on the

Foreign Office, and he made no {71} secret of the reason--he was a

holder of Egyptian Bonds. The bombardment of Alexandria and the

massacre of Tel-el-Kebir, with the revelations which followed of the

intrigues which had caused the war, proved, however, too much for his

political conscience, which was really sound, and having unloaded his

Egyptian stock, which had gone up to higher prices (for he was not a

man to neglect a Stock Exchange opportunity), he frankly repented of

his sin, and from that time onwards did his best to repair the wrong

to Egypt he had joined in doing. He subscribed handsomely to the

"Arabi Defence Fund," was always ready to ask questions in the House,

and did not scruple to reproach the Grand Old Man with his lapses at

Cairo and in the Soudan from his Midlothian principles. In this

connection I saw much of him from 1883 to 1885, years during which

Egypt occupied so large a share of public attention, and always found

him interested in the Egyptian cause and helpful.

He was living then in Queen Anne's Gate, and I was pretty sure to

find him in the morning, and often stayed to lunch with him and his

wife. He was uniformly gay and pleasant and ready to give news. No

one ever was more generous in sharing his political knowledge with

his friends, and I could count on him to tell me the true and exact

truth of what was going on in the directions that interested me,

without regard to the rules of secrecy so many public men affect. Of

his wit too he was copiously lavish, as only those are who have it in

supreme abundance, giving of his very best to a single listener as

freely as to a larger audience. This, I always think, is the test of

genius in the department of brilliant talking, and no one ever shone

there more conspicuously than he did. His worldly wisdom was

wonderful. Nor was it confined to things at home, the House of

Commons, and the intrigue of Downing Street. He was really the only

English Radical, with Dilke, who had an accurate acquaintance with

affairs abroad, and he had his Europe at his finger-ends. He would

have made an admirable ambassador, where any difficult matters had to

be carried through, and he ought certainly to have been given the

Embassy he so much desired at Washington. It was always his

ambition, even stronger I think than that of holding Cabinet Office,

to go back to his old diplomatic profession and give serious proof of

his capacity in a service {72} where, as a young man, he had played

the fool. The Foreign Office would have found itself the stronger

for his help.

Our sympathy, which had begun about Egypt, was carried on, I am glad

to remember, during the years of stress which followed, also to

Ireland; and from first to last my experience of his political action

has been that of a man courageously consistent in his love of

liberty, his hatred of tyranny, and his contempt of the insincerities

of public life. He was never taken in by the false arguments with

which politicians conceal their treacheries, and he was never himself

a betrayer. If my testimony can be of any service to his memory as

an honest man, I freely give it.

The last time I saw him was in the summer of 1902, when he came down

with his wife and daughter to spend a week-end, July 12th to 14th,

with me and my wife in Sussex. He had resolved to pass the rest of

his days at Florence, and it was a farewell visit that he paid us.

He had just bought Michael Angelo's Villa, and talked much about it

and his design, philistine that he was, of turning it inside out,

fitting it with electric light, and otherwise bedevilling it with

modern improvements, uprooting the old trees in the _podere_ and

planting new ones. On matters of this sort he was a terrible

barbarian, and took delight in playing the vandal with places and

things which the rest of the world held in reverence. "Old Michael,"

he explained, "knew nothing about the comforts of a modern

establishment, and it was time that he should learn them." Apart

from this little _méchanceté_, he proved himself a most delectable

companion, giving us a true feast of wit and wisdom the whole Sunday

through. Sibyl, Lady Queensberry, was of our party, and Colonel Bill

Gordon, General Gordon's nephew, with whom he had much talk about

Khartoum and Egypt. Gordon was a good talker on his own subjects,

and they got on well together, sitting up till half-past one the

first night, telling story after story. Among them, I remember,

Labouchere gave us accounts of his adventures in Mexico, and also of

a ride he had taken from Damascus to Palmyra with Lady Ellenborough

and her Bedouin husband, Sheykh Mijwel el Mizrab, with reminiscences

of the early days we had spent together in the Diplomatic Service,

his gambling acquaintances at Hombourg, and his duel in Sweden. He

was especially interested in this visit to the Weald of Sussex, and

in {73} his having passed in the train almost within sight of Broome

Hall, under Leith Hill, where he had lived as a boy. He had not been

that way since, he said. The second evening he was less brilliant,

as Hilaire Belloc had joined our party, a rival talker to whom he

left the monopoly of our entertainment. But it was an altogether

pleasant two days that we passed together. I am glad to have the

recollection of them. Alas, they were the last we were to see of

him, for he left England soon afterwards, and we never met again.

[1] Joseph Hatton, _Journalistic London_.

[2] Mrs. T. P. O'Connor, _I, Myself_.

[3] For the rest of this interesting letter see Chapter X.

[4] "Radical and Whigs," _Fortnightly Review_, Feb. 1, 1884.

[5] It is interesting to note that Mr. Crampton's proceedings in

America did not stand in his way, so far as promotion in the service

was concerned. He was appointed Envoy-Extraordinary at Hanover

almost immediately; Lord Palmerston insisted upon his being made a

K.C.B., and he became Ambassador at St. Petersburg in 1858.

(_Dictionary of National Biography_.)

[6] _Truth_, May 23, 1878.

[7] _Truth_, Feb. 8, 1877.

[8] Busch, _Our Chancellor_.

[9] _Ibid._

[10] _Truth_, May 23, 1889.

[11] _Hansard_, July 14, 1884.

[12] Alexander II.

[13] _Truth_, July 16, 1877.

[14] _Truth_, May 23, 1878.

[15] _Florence Herald_, Dec. 28, 1909.

[16] Rumbold, _Recollections of a Diplomatist_, vol. ii.

[17] The letter, signed by Lord Russell, appointing Henry Labouchere

Second Secretary is dated February 3, 1863, so that the one, referred

to by Sir Audley Gosling, appointing him to Buenos Ayres, must have

been of later date. The latter is not in my possession.

[18] _Truth_, Nov. 20, 1879.

{74}

The life of Henry Labouchere · 第 3 / 20 章