Those, who desire to understand the State of Government in America,

would do well to read the Constitutions of the several States, and the

Articles of Confederation that bind the whole together for general

Purposes, under the Direction of one Assembly, called the Congress.

These Constitutions have been printed, by order of Congress, in America;

two Editions of them have also been printed in London; and a good

Translation of them into French has lately been published at Paris.

Several of the Princes of Europe having of late years, from an Opinion

of Advantage to arise by producing all Commodities and Manufactures

within their own Dominions, so as to diminish or render useless their

Importations, have endeavoured to entice Workmen from other Countries by

high Salaries, Privileges, &c. Many Persons, pretending to be skilled in

various great Manufactures, imagining that America must be in Want of

them, and that the Congress would probably be dispos'd to imitate the

Princes above mentioned, have proposed to go over, on Condition of

having their Passages paid, Lands given, Salaries appointed, exclusive

Privileges for Terms of years, &c. Such Persons, on reading the Articles

of Confederation, will find, that the Congress have no Power committed

to them, or Money put into their Hands, for such purposes; and that if

any such Encouragement is given, it must be by the Government of some

separate State. This, however, has rarely been done in America; and,

when it has been done, it has rarely succeeded, so as to establish a

Manufacture, which the Country was not yet so ripe for as to encourage

private Persons to set it up; Labour being generally too dear there, and

Hands difficult to be kept together, every one desiring to be a Master,

and the Cheapness of Lands inclining many to leave Trades for

Agriculture. Some indeed have met with Success, and are carried on to

Advantage; but they are generally such as require only a few Hands, or

wherein great Part of the Work is performed by Machines. Things that are

bulky, and of so small Value as not well to bear the Expence of Freight,

may often be made cheaper in the Country than they can be imported; and

the Manufacture of such Things will be profitable wherever there is a

sufficient Demand. The Farmers in America produce indeed a good deal of

Wool and Flax; and none is exported, it is all work'd up; but it is in

the Way of domestic Manufacture, for the Use of the Family. The buying

up Quantities of Wool and Flax, with the Design to employ Spinners,

Weavers, &c., and form great Establishments, producing Quantities of

Linen and Woollen Goods for Sale, has been several times attempted in

different Provinces; but those Projects have generally failed, goods of

equal Value being imported cheaper. And when the Governments have been

solicited to support such Schemes by Encouragements, in Money, or by

imposing Duties on Importation of such Goods, it has been generally

refused, on this Principle, that, if the Country is ripe for the

Manufacture, it may be carried on by private Persons to Advantage; and

if not, it is a Folly to think of forcing Nature. Great Establishments

of Manufacture require great Numbers of Poor to do the Work for small

Wages; these Poor are to be found in Europe, but will not be found in

America, till the Lands are all taken up and cultivated, and the Excess

of People, who cannot get Land, want Employment. The Manufacture of

Silk, they say, is natural in France, as that of Cloth in England,

because each Country produces in Plenty the first Material; but if

England will have a Manufacture of Silk as well as that of Cloth, and

France one of Cloth as well as that of Silk, these unnatural Operations

must be supported by mutual Prohibitions, or high Duties on the

Importation of each other's Goods; by which means the Workmen are

enabled to tax the home Consumer by greater Prices, while the higher

Wages they receive makes them neither happier nor richer, since they

only drink more and work less. Therefore the Governments in America do

nothing to encourage such Projects. The People, by this Means, are not

impos'd on, either by the Merchant or Mechanic. If the Merchant demands

too much Profit on imported Shoes, they buy of the Shoemaker; and if he

asks too high a Price, they take them of the Merchant; thus the two

Professions are checks on each other. The Shoemaker, however, has, on

the whole, a considerable Profit upon his Labour in America, beyond what

he had in Europe, as he can add to his Price a Sum nearly equal to all

the Expences of Freight and Commission, Risque or Insurance, &c.,

necessarily charged by the Merchant. And the Case is the same with the

Workmen in every other Mechanic Art. Hence it is, that Artisans

generally live better and more easily in America than in Europe; and

such as are good OEconomists make a comfortable Provision for Age, and

for their Children. Such may, therefore, remove with Advantage to

America.

In the long-settled Countries of Europe, all Arts, Trades, Professions,

Farms, &c., are so full, that it is difficult for a poor Man, who has

Children, to place them where they may gain, or learn to gain, a decent

Livelihood. The Artisans, who fear creating future Rivals in Business,

refuse to take Apprentices, but upon Conditions of Money, Maintenance,

or the like, which the Parents are unable to comply with. Hence the

Youth are dragg'd up in Ignorance of every gainful Art, and oblig'd to

become Soldiers, or Servants, or Thieves, for a Subsistence. In America,

the rapid Increase of Inhabitants takes away that Fear of Rivalship, and

Artisans willingly receive Apprentices from the hope of Profit by their

Labour, during the Remainder of the Time stipulated, after they shall be

instructed. Hence it is easy for poor Families to get their Children

instructed; for the Artisans are so desirous of Apprentices, that many

of them will even give Money to the Parents, to have Boys from Ten to

Fifteen Years of Age bound Apprentices to them till the Age of

Twenty-one; and many poor Parents have, by that means, on their Arrival

in the Country, raised Money enough to buy Land sufficient to establish

themselves, and to subsist the rest of their Family by Agriculture.

These Contracts for Apprentices are made before a Magistrate, who

regulates the Agreement according to Reason and Justice, and, having in

view the Formation of a future useful Citizen, obliges the Master to

engage by a written Indenture, not only that, during the time of Service

stipulated, the Apprentice shall be duly provided with Meat, Drink,

Apparel, washing, and Lodging, and, at its Expiration, with a compleat

new Suit of Cloaths, but also that he shall be taught to read, write,

and cast Accompts; and that he shall be well instructed in the Art or

Profession of his Master, or some other, by which he may afterwards gain

a Livelihood, and be able in his turn to raise a Family. A Copy of this

Indenture is given to the Apprentice or his Friends, and the Magistrate

keeps a Record of it, to which recourse may be had, in case of Failure

by the Master in any Point of Performance. This desire among the

Masters, to have more Hands employ'd in working for them, induces them

to pay the Passages of young Persons, of both Sexes, who, on their

Arrival, agree to serve them one, two, three, or four Years; those, who

have already learnt a Trade, agreeing for a shorter Term, in proportion

to their Skill, and the consequent immediate Value of their Service; and

those, who have none, agreeing for a longer Term, in consideration of

being taught an Art their Poverty would not permit them to acquire in

their own Country.

The almost general Mediocrity of Fortune that prevails in America

obliging its People to follow some Business for subsistence, those

Vices, that arise usually from Idleness, are in a great measure

prevented. Industry and constant Employment are great preservatives of

the Morals and Virtue of a Nation. Hence bad Examples to Youth are more

rare in America, which must be a comfortable Consideration to Parents.

To this may be truly added, that serious Religion, under its various

Denominations, is not only tolerated, but respected and practised.

Atheism is unknown there; Infidelity rare and secret; so that persons

may live to a great Age in that Country, without having their Piety

shocked by meeting with either an Atheist or an Infidel. And the Divine

Being seems to have manifested his Approbation of the mutual Forbearance

and Kindness with which the different Sects treat each other, by the

remarkable Prosperity with which He has been pleased to favour the whole

Country.

APOLOGUE[117]

[1783?]

Lion, king of a certain forest, had among his subjects a body of

faithful dogs, in principle and affection strongly attached to his

person and government, but through whose assistance he had extended his

dominions, and had become the terror of his enemies.

Lion, however, influenced by evil counsellors, took an aversion to the

dogs, condemned them unheard, and ordered his tigers, leopards, and

panthers to attack and destroy them.

The dogs petitioned humbly, but their petitions were rejected haughtily;

and they were forced to defend themselves, which they did with bravery.

A few among them, of a mongrel race, derived from a mixture with wolves

and foxes, corrupted by royal promises of great rewards, deserted the

honest dogs and joined their enemies.

The dogs were finally victorious: a treaty of peace was made, in which

Lion acknowledged them to be free, and disclaimed all future authority

over them.

The mongrels not being permitted to return among them, claimed of the

royalists the reward that had been promised.

A council of the beasts was held to consider their demand.

The wolves and the foxes agreed unanimously that the demand was just,

that royal promises ought to be kept, and that every loyal subject

should contribute freely to enable his majesty to fulfil them.

The horse alone, with a boldness and freedom that became the nobleness

of his nature, delivered a contrary opinion.

"The King," said he, "has been misled, by bad ministers, to

war unjustly upon his faithful subjects. Royal promises, when

made to encourage us to act for the public good, should

indeed be honourably acquitted; but if to encourage us to

betray and destroy each other, they are wicked and void from

the beginning. The advisers of such promises, and those who

murdered in consequence of them, instead of being

recompensed, should be severely punished. Consider how

greatly our common strength is already diminished by our loss

of the dogs. If you enable the King to reward those

fratricides, you will establish a precedent that may justify

a future tyrant to make like promises; and every example of

such an unnatural brute rewarded will give them additional

weight. Horses and bulls, as well as dogs, may thus be

divided against their own kind, and civil wars produced at

pleasure, till we are so weakened that neither liberty nor

safety is any longer to be found in the forest, and nothing

remains but abject submission to the will of a despot, who

may devour us as he pleases."

The council had sense enough to resolve--that the demand be rejected.

TO SIR JOSEPH BANKS

Passy, July 27, 1783.

DEAR SIR,

I received your very kind letter by Dr. Blagden,[118] and esteem myself

much honoured by your friendly Remembrance. I have been too much and too

closely engaged in public Affairs, since his being here, to enjoy all

the Benefit of his Conversation you were so good as to intend me. I hope

soon to have more Leisure, and to spend a part of it in those Studies,

that are much more agreable to me than political Operations.

I join with you most cordially in rejoicing at the return of Peace. I

hope it will be lasting, and that Mankind will at length, as they call

themselves reasonable Creatures, have Reason and Sense enough to settle

their Differences without cutting Throats; for, in my opinion, _there

never was a good War, or a bad Peace_. What vast additions to the

Conveniences and Comforts of Living might Mankind have acquired, if the

Money spent in Wars had been employed in Works of public utility! What

an extension of Agriculture, even to the Tops of our Mountains: what

Rivers rendered navigable, or joined by Canals: what Bridges, Aqueducts,

new Roads, and other public Works, Edifices, and Improvements, rendering

England a compleat Paradise, might have been obtained by spending those

Millions in doing good, which in the last War have been spent in doing

Mischief; in bringing Misery into thousands of Families, and destroying

the Lives of so many thousands of working people, who might have

performed the useful labour!

I am pleased with the late astronomical Discoveries made by our Society

[the Royal--Eds.]. Furnished as all Europe now is with Academies of

Science, with nice Instruments and the Spirit of Experiment, the

progress of human knowledge will be rapid, and discoveries made, of

which we have at present no Conception. I begin to be almost sorry I was

born so soon, since I cannot have the happiness of knowing what will be

known 100 years hence.

I wish continued success to the Labours of the Royal Society, and that

you may long adorn their Chair; being, with the highest esteem, dear

Sir, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

P.S. Dr. Blagden will acquaint you with the experiment of a vast Globe

sent up into the Air, much talked of here, and which, if prosecuted, may

furnish means of new knowledge.

TO MRS. SARAH BACHE[119]

Passy, Jan. 26, 1784.

MY DEAR CHILD,

Your Care in sending me the Newspapers is very agreable to me. I

received by Capt. Barney those relating to the _Cincinnati_. My Opinion

of the Institution cannot be of much Importance; I only wonder that,

when the united Wisdom of our Nation had, in the Articles of

Confederation, manifested their Dislike of establishing Ranks of

Nobility, by Authority either of the Congress or of any particular

State, a Number of private Persons should think proper to distinguish

themselves and their Posterity, from their fellow Citizens, and form an

Order of _hereditary Knights_, in direct Opposition to the solemnly

declared Sense of their Country! I imagine it must be likewise contrary

to the Good Sense of most of those drawn into it by the Persuasion of

its Projectors, who have been too much struck with the Ribbands and

Crosses they have seen among them hanging to the Buttonholes of Foreign

Officers. And I suppose those, who disapprove of it, have not hitherto

given it much Opposition, from a Principle somewhat like that of your

good Mother, relating to punctilious Persons, who are always exacting

little Observances of Respect; that, "_if People can be pleased with

small Matters, it is a pity but they should have them_."

In this View, perhaps, I should not myself, if my Advice had been ask'd,

have objected to their wearing their Ribband and Badge according to

their Fancy, tho' I certainly should to the entailing it as an Honour on

their Posterity. For Honour, worthily obtain'd (as for Example that of

our Officers), is in its Nature a _personal_ Thing, and incommunicable

to any but those who had some Share in obtaining it. Thus among the

Chinese, the most ancient, and from long Experience the wisest of

Nations, honour does not _descend_, but _ascends_. If a man from his

Learning, his Wisdom, or his Valour, is promoted by the Emperor to the

Rank of Mandarin, his Parents are immediately entitled to all the same

Ceremonies of Respect from the People, that are establish'd as due to

the Mandarin himself; on the supposition that it must have been owing to

the Education, Instruction, and good Example afforded him by his

Parents, that he was rendered capable of serving the Publick.

This _ascending_ Honour is therefore useful to the State, as it

encourages Parents to give their Children a good and virtuous Education.

But the _descending Honour_, to Posterity who could have no Share in

obtaining it, is not only groundless and absurd, but often hurtful to

that Posterity, since it is apt to make them proud, disdaining to be

employ'd in useful Arts, and thence falling into Poverty, and all the

Meannesses, Servility, and Wretchedness attending it; which is the

present case with much of what is called the _Noblesse_ in Europe. Or

if, to keep up the Dignity of the Family, Estates are entailed entire on

the Eldest male heir, another Pest to Industry and Improvement of the

Country is introduc'd, which will be followed by all the odious mixture

of pride and Beggary, and idleness, that have half depopulated [and

_decultivated_] Spain; occasioning continual Extinction of Families by

the Discouragements of Marriage [and neglect in the improvement of

estates].

I wish, therefore, that the Cincinnati, if they must go on with their

Project, would direct the Badges of their Order to be worn by their

Parents, instead of handing them down to their Children. It would be a

good Precedent, and might have good Effects. It would also be a kind of

Obedience to the Fourth Commandment, in which God enjoins us to _honour_

our Father and Mother, but has nowhere directed us to honour our

Children. And certainly no mode of honouring those immediate Authors of

our Being can be more effectual, than that of doing praiseworthy

Actions, which reflect Honour on those who gave us our Education; or

more becoming, than that of manifesting, by some public Expression or

Token, that it is to their Instruction and Example we ascribe the Merit

of those Actions.

But the Absurdity of _descending Honours_ is not a mere Matter of

philosophical Opinion; it is capable of mathematical Demonstration. A

Man's Son, for instance, is but half of his Family, the other half

belonging to the Family of his Wife. His Son, too, marrying into another

Family, his Share in the Grandson is but a fourth; in the Great

Grandson, by the same Process, it is but an Eighth; in the next

Generation a Sixteenth; the next a Thirty-second; the next a

Sixty-fourth; the next an Hundred and twenty-eighth; the next a Two

hundred and Fifty-sixth; and the next a Five hundred and twelfth; thus

in nine Generations, which will not require more than 300 years (no very

great Antiquity for a Family), our present Chevalier of the Order of

Cincinnatus's Share in the then existing Knight, will be but a 512th

part; which, allowing the present certain Fidelity of American Wives to

be insur'd down through all those Nine Generations, is so small a

Consideration, that methinks no reasonable Man would hazard for the sake

of it the disagreable Consequences of the Jealousy, Envy, and Ill will

of his Countrymen.

Let us go back with our Calculation from this young Noble, the 512th

part of the present Knight, thro' his nine Generations, till we return

to the year of the Institution. He must have had a Father and Mother,

they are two. Each of them had a father and Mother, they are four. Those

of the next preceding Generation will be eight, the next Sixteen, the

next thirty-two, the next sixty-four, the next One hundred and

Twenty-eight, the next Two hundred and fifty-six, and the ninth in this

Retrocession Five hundred and twelve, who must be now existing, and all

contribute their Proportion of this future _Chevalier de Cincinnatus_.

These, with the rest, make together as follows:

2

4

8

16

32

64

128

256

512

____

Total 1022

One Thousand and Twenty-two Men and Women, contributors to the formation

of one Knight. And, if we are to have a Thousand of these future

knights, there must be now and hereafter existing One million and

Twenty-two Thousand Fathers and Mothers, who are to contribute to their

Production, unless a Part of the Number are employ'd in making more

Knights than One. Let us strike off then the 22,000, on the Supposition

of this double Employ, and then consider whether, after a reasonable

Estimation of the Number of Rogues, and Fools, and Royalists and

Scoundrels and Prostitutes, that are mix'd with, and help to make up

necessarily their Million of Predecessors, Posterity will have much

reason to boast of the noble Blood of the then existing Set of

Chevaliers de Cincinnatus. [The future genealogists, too, of these

Chevaliers, in proving the lineal descent of their honour through so

many generations (even supposing honour capable in its nature of

descending), will only prove the small share of this honour, which can

be justly claimed by any one of them; since the above simple process in

arithmetic makes it quite plain and clear that, in proportion as the

antiquity of the family shall augment, the right to the honour of the

ancestor will diminish; and a few generations more would reduce it to

something so small as to be very near an absolute nullity.] I hope,

therefore, that the Order will drop this part of their project, and

content themselves, as the Knights of the Garter, Bath, Thistle, St.

Louis, and other Orders of Europe do, with a Life Enjoyment of their

little Badge and Ribband, and let the Distinction die with those who

have merited it. This I imagine will give no offence. For my own part, I

shall think it a Convenience, when I go into a Company where there may

be Faces unknown to me, if I discover, by this Badge, the Persons who

merit some particular Expression of my Respect; and it will save modest

Virtue the Trouble of calling for our Regard, by awkward roundabout

Intimations of having been heretofore employ'd in the Continental

Service.

The Gentleman, who made the Voyage to France to provide the Ribands and

Medals, has executed his Commission. To me they seem tolerably done; but

all such Things are criticis'd. Some find Fault with the Latin, as

wanting classic Elegance and Correctness; and, since our Nine

Universities were not able to furnish better Latin, it was pity, they

say, that the Mottos had not been in English. Others object to the

Title, as not properly assumable by any but Gen. Washington, [and a few

others] who serv'd without Pay. Others object to the _Bald Eagle_ as

looking too much like a _Dindon_, or Turkey. For my own part, I wish the

Bald Eagle had not been chosen as the Representative of our Country; he

is a Bird of bad moral Character; he does not get his living honestly;

you may have seen him perch'd on some dead Tree, near the River where,

too lazy to fish for himself, he watches the Labour of the Fishing-Hawk;

and, when that diligent Bird has at length taken a Fish, and is bearing

it to his Nest for the support of his Mate and young ones, the Bald

Eagle pursues him, and takes it from him. With all this Injustice he is

never in good Case; but, like those among Men who live by Sharping and

Robbing, he is generally poor, and often very lousy. Besides, he is a

rank Coward; the little _King Bird_, not bigger than a sparrow, attacks

him boldly and drives him out of the District. He is therefore by no

means a proper emblem for the brave and honest Cincinnati of America,

who have driven all the _Kingbirds_ from our Country; though exactly fit

for that Order of Knights, which the French call _Chevaliers

d'Industrie_.

I am, on this account, not displeas'd that the Figure is not known as a

Bald Eagle, but looks more like a Turk'y. For in Truth, the Turk'y is in

comparison a much more respectable Bird, and withal a true original

Native of America. Eagles have been found in all Countries, but the

Turk'y was peculiar to ours; the first of the Species seen in Europe

being brought to France by the Jesuits from Canada, and serv'd up at the

Wedding Table of Charles the Ninth. He is, [though a little vain and

silly, it is true, but not the worse emblem for that,] a Bird of

Courage, and would not hesitate to attack a Grenadier of the British

Guards, who should presume to invade his Farm Yard with a _red_ Coat on.

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