desire to see it diminished, nor would I endeavour to lessen it in any
Man. But I wish it were more productive of good Works, than I have
generally seen it: I mean real good Works, Works of Kindness, Charity,
Mercy, and Publick Spirit; not Holiday-keeping, Sermon-Reading or
Hearing; performing Church Ceremonies, or making long Prayers, filled
with Flatteries and Compliments, despis'd even by wise Men, and much
less capable of pleasing the Deity. The worship of God is a Duty; the
hearing and reading of Sermons may be useful; but, if Men rest in
Hearing and Praying, as too many do, it is as if a Tree should Value
itself on being water'd and putting forth Leaves, tho' it never produc'd
any Fruit.
Your great Master tho't much less of these outward Appearances and
Professions than many of his modern Disciples. He prefer'd the _Doers_
of the Word, to the meer _Hearers_; the Son that seemingly refus'd to
obey his Father, and yet perform'd his Commands; to him that profess'd
his Readiness, but neglected the Work; the heretical but charitable
Samaritan, to the uncharitable tho' orthodox Priest and sanctified
Levite; & those who gave Food to the hungry, Drink to the Thirsty,
Raiment to the Naked, Entertainment to the Stranger, and Relief to the
Sick, tho' they never heard of his Name, he declares shall in the last
Day be accepted, when those who cry Lord! Lord! who value themselves on
their Faith, tho' great enough to perform Miracles, but have neglected
good Works, shall be rejected. He profess'd, that he came not to call
the Righteous but Sinners to repentance; which imply'd his modest
Opinion, that there were some in his Time so good, that they need not
hear even him for Improvement; but now-a-days we have scarce a little
Parson, that does not think it the Duty of every Man within his Reach to
sit under his petty Ministrations; and that whoever omits them [offends
God. I wish to such more humility, and to you health and happiness,
being your friend and servant,]
B. FRANKLIN.
THREE LETTERS TO GOVERNOR SHIRLEY[45]
LETTER I
Concerning the Voice of the People in Choosing the Rulers by Whom Taxes
are Imposed
Tuesday Morning [December 17, 1754].
SIR,
I return you the loose sheets of the plan, with thanks to your
Excellency for communicating them.
I apprehend, that excluding the _people_ of the colonies from all share
in the choice of the grand council will give extreme dissatisfaction, as
well as the taxing them by act of Parliament, where they have no
representative. It is very possible, that this general government might
be as well and faithfully administered without the people, as with them;
but where heavy burthens have been laid on them, it has been found
useful to make it, as much as possible, their own act; for they bear
better when they have, or think they have some share in the direction;
and when any public measures are generally grievous, or even distasteful
to the people, the wheels of government move more heavily.
LETTER II
On the Imposition of Direct Taxes upon the Colonies without Their
Consent
Wednesday Morning [December 18, 1754].
SIR,
I mentioned it yesterday to your Excellency as my opinion, that
excluding the _people_ of the colonies from all share in the choice of
the grand council, would probably give extreme dissatisfaction, as well
as the taxing them by act of Parliament, where they have no
representative. In matters of general concern to the people, and
especially where burthens are to be laid upon them, it is of use to
consider, as well what they will be apt to think and say, as what they
ought to think; I shall therefore, as your Excellency requires it of me,
briefly mention what of either kind occurs to me on this occasion.
First they will say, and perhaps with justice, that the body of the
people in the colonies are as loyal, and as firmly attached to the
present constitution, and reigning family, as any subjects in the king's
dominions.
That there is no reason to doubt the readiness and willingness of the
representatives they may choose, to grant from time to time such
supplies for the defence of the country, as shall be judged necessary,
so far as their abilities will allow.
That the people in the colonies, who are to feel the immediate mischiefs
of invasion and conquest by an enemy in the loss of their estates, lives
and liberties, are likely to be better judges of the quantity of forces
necessary to be raised and maintained, forts to be built and supported,
and of their own abilities to bear the expence, than the parliament of
England at so great a distance.
That governors often come to the colonies merely to make fortunes, with
which they intend to return to Britain; are not always men of the best
abilities or integrity; have many of them no estates here, nor any
natural connexions with us, that should make them heartily concerned for
our welfare; and might possibly be fond of raising and keeping up more
forces than necessary, from the profits accruing to themselves, and to
make provision for their friends and dependants.
That the counsellors in most of the colonies being appointed by the
crown, on the recommendation of governors, are often of small estates,
frequently dependant on the governors for offices, and therefore too
much under influence.
That there is therefore great reason to be jealous of a power in such
governors and councils, to raise such sums as they shall judge
necessary, by draft on the lords of the treasury, to be afterwards laid
on the colonies by act of parliament, and paid by the people here; since
they might abuse it by projecting useless expeditions, harassing the
people, and taking them from their labour to execute such projects,
merely to create offices and employments, and gratify their dependants,
and divide profits.
That the parliament of England is at a great distance, subject to be
misinformed and misled by such Governors and Councils, whose united
interests might probably secure them against the effect of any complaint
from hence.
That it is supposed an undoubted right of Englishmen, not to be taxed
but by their own consent given through their representatives.
That the colonies have no representatives in parliament.
That to propose taxing them by parliament, and refuse them the liberty
of choosing a representative council, to meet in the colonies, and
consider and judge of the necessity of any general tax, and the quantum,
shews suspicion of their loyalty to the crown, or of their regard for
their country, or of their common sense and understanding, which they
have not deserved.
That compelling the colonies to pay money without their consent, would
be rather like raising contributions in an enemy's country, than taxing
of Englishmen for their own public benefit.
That it would be treating them as a conquered people, and not as true
British subjects.
That a tax laid by the representatives of the colonies might easily be
lessened as the occasions should lessen, but being once laid by
parliament under the influence of the representations made by Governors,
would probably be kept up and continued for the benefit of Governors, to
the grievous burthen and discouragement of the colonies, and prevention
of their growth and increase.
That a power in Governors to march the inhabitants from one end of the
British and French colonies to the other, being a country of at least
1500 square miles, without the approbation or the consent of their
representatives first obtained, such expeditions might be grievous and
ruinous to the people, and would put them on footing with the subjects
of France in Canada, that now groan under such oppression from their
Governor, who for two years past has harassed them with long and
destructive marches to Ohio.
That if the colonies in a body may be well governed by governors and
councils appointed by the crown, without representatives, particular
colonies may as well or better be so governed; a tax may be laid upon
them all by act of parliament for support of government, and their
assemblies may be dismissed as an useless part of the constitution.
That the powers proposed by the Albany Plan of Union, to be vested in a
grand council representative of the people, even with regard to military
matters, are not so great as those the colonies of Rhode Island and
Connecticut are entrusted with by their charters, and have never abused;
for by this plan, the president-general is appointed by the crown, and
controls all by his negative; but in those governments, the people
choose the Governor, and yet allow him no negative.
That the British colonies bordering on the French are properly frontiers
of the British empire; and the frontiers of an empire are properly
defended at the joint expence of the body of the people in such empire:
It would now be thought hard by act of parliament to oblige the Cinque
Ports or seacoasts of Britain to maintain the whole navy, because they
are more immediately defended by it, not allowing them at the same time
a vote in choosing members of the parliament; and if the frontiers in
America bear the expence of their own defence, it seems hard to allow
them no share in voting the money, judging of the necessity and sum, or
advising the measures.
That besides the taxes necessary for the defence of the frontiers, the
colonies pay yearly great sums to the mother-country unnoticed: For
taxes paid in Britain by the land-holder or artificer, must enter into
and increase the price of the produce of land and of manufactures made
of it; and great part of this is paid by consumers in the colonies, who
thereby pay a considerable part of the British taxes.
We are restrained in our trade with foreign nations, and where we could
be supplied with any manufacture cheaper from them, but must buy the
same dearer from Britain; the difference of price is a clear tax to
Britain.
We are obliged to carry a great part of our produce directly to Britain;
and where the duties laid upon it lessen its price to the planter, or it
sells for less than it would in foreign markets; the difference is a tax
paid to Britain.
Some manufactures we could make, but are forbidden, and must take them
of British merchants; the whole price is a tax paid to Britain.
By our greatly increasing the demand and consumption of British
manufactures, their price is considerably raised of late years; the
advantage is clear profit to Britain, and enables its people better to
pay great taxes; and much of it being paid by us, is clear tax to
Britain.
In short, as we are not suffered to regulate our trade, and restrain the
importation and consumption of British superfluities (as Britain can the
consumption of foreign superfluities) our whole wealth centers finally
amongst the merchants and inhabitants of Britain, and if we make them
richer, and enable them better to pay their taxes, it is nearly the same
as being taxed ourselves, and equally beneficial to the crown.
These kind of secondary taxes, however, we do not complain of, though we
have no share in the laying, or disposing of them; but to pay immediate
heavy taxes, in the laying, appropriation, and disposition of which we
have no part, and which perhaps we may know to be as unnecessary, as
grievous, must seem hard measure to Englishmen, who cannot conceive,
that by hazarding their lives and fortunes, in subduing and settling new
countries, extending the dominion, and increasing the commerce of the
mother nation, they have forfeited the native rights of Britons, which
they think ought rather to be given to them, as due to such merit, if
they had been before in a state of slavery.
These, and such kind of things as these, I apprehend, will be thought
and said by the people, if the proposed alteration of the Albany plan
should take place. Then the administration of the board of governors and
councils so appointed, not having any representative body of the people
to approve and unite in its measures, and conciliate the minds of the
people to them, will probably become suspected and odious; dangerous
animosities and feuds will arise between the governors and governed; and
every thing go into confusion.
Perhaps I am too apprehensive in this matter; but having freely given my
opinion and reasons, your Excellency can judge better than I whether
there be any weight in them, and the shortness of the time allowed me,
will, I hope, in some degree excuse the imperfections of this scrawl.
With the greatest respect, and fidelity, I have the honour to be,
Your Excellency's most obedient, and most humble servant,
B. FRANKLIN.
LETTER III
On the Subject of Uniting the Colonies More Intimately with Great
Britain, by Allowing Them Representatives in Parliament
Boston, Dec. 22, 1754.
SIR,
Since the conversation your Excellency was pleased to honour me with, on
the subject of _uniting the colonies_ more intimately with Great
Britain, by allowing them _representatives in parliament_, I have
something further considered that matter, and am of opinion, that such a
union would be very acceptable to the colonies, provided they had a
reasonable number of representatives allowed them; and that all the old
acts of Parliament restraining the trade or cramping the manufactures of
the colonies be at the same time repealed, and the British subjects _on
this side the water_ put, in those respects, on the same footing with
those in Great Britain, till the new Parliament, representing the whole,
shall think it for the interest of the whole to reënact some or all of
them. It is not that I imagine so many representatives will be allowed
the colonies, as to have any great weight by their numbers; but I think
there might be sufficient to occasion those laws to be better and more
impartially considered, and perhaps to overcome the interest of a petty
corporation, or of any particular set of artificers or traders in
England, who heretofore seem, in some instances, to have been more
regarded than all the colonies, or than was consistent with the general
interest, or best national good. I think too, that the government of the
colonies by a parliament, in which they are fairly represented, would be
vastly more agreeable to the people, than the method lately attempted to
be introduced by royal instructions, as well as more agreeable to the
nature of an English constitution, and to English liberty; and that such
laws as now seem to bear hard on the colonies, would (when judged by
such a Parliament for the best interest of the whole) be more cheerfully
submitted to, and more easily executed.
I should hope too, that by such a union, the people of Great Britain,
and the people of the colonies, would learn to consider themselves, as
not belonging to a different community with different interests, but to
one community with one interest; which I imagine would contribute to
strengthen the whole, and greatly lessen the danger of future
separations.
It is, I suppose, agreed to be the general interest of any state, that
its people be numerous and rich; men enough to fight in its defence, and
enough to pay sufficient taxes to defray the charge; for these
circumstances tend to the security of the state, and its protection from
foreign power: But it seems not of so much importance, whether the
fighting be done by John or Thomas, or the tax paid by William or
Charles. The iron manufacture employs and enriches British subjects, but
is it of any importance to the state, whether the manufacturers live at
Birmingham, or Sheffield, or both, since they are still within its
bounds, and their wealth and persons still at its command? Could the
Goodwin Sands be laid dry by banks, and land equal to a large country
thereby gained to England, and presently filled with English
inhabitants, would it be right to deprive such inhabitants of the common
privileges enjoyed by other Englishmen, the right of vending their
produce in the same ports, or of making their own shoes, because a
merchant or a shoemaker, living on the old land, might fancy it more for
his advantage to trade or make shoes for them? Would this be right, even
if the land were gained at the expence of the state? And would it not
seem less right, if the charge and labour of gaining the additional
territory to Britain had been borne by the settlers themselves? And
would not the hardship appear yet greater, if the people of the new
country should be allowed no representatives in the parliament enacting
such impositions?
Now I look on the colonies as so many counties gained to Great Britain,
and more advantageous to it than if they had been gained out of the seas
around its coasts, and joined to its land: For being in different
climates, they afford greater variety of produce, and being separated by
the ocean, they increase much more its shipping and seamen; and since
they are all included in the British empire, which has only extended
itself by their means; and the strength and wealth of the parts are the
strength and wealth of the whole; what imports it to the general state,
whether a merchant, a smith, or a hatter, grow rich in Old or New
England? And if, through increase of people, two smiths are wanted for
one employed before, why may not the _new_ smith be allowed to live and
thrive in the _new_ country, as well as the _old_ one in the _old_? In
fine, why should the countenance of a state be _partially_ afforded to
its people, unless it be most in favour of those who have most merit?
And if there be any difference, those who have most contributed to
enlarge Britain's empire and commerce, increase her strength, her
wealth, and the numbers of her people, at the risk of their own lives
and private fortunes in new and strange countries, methinks ought rather
to expect some preference. With the greatest respect and esteem, I have
the honour to be
Your Excellency's most obedient and most humble servant,
B. FRANKLIN.
TO MISS CATHERINE RAY[46] [AT BLOCK ISLAND]
Philadelphia, March 4, 1755.
DEAR KATY:--
Your kind letter of January 20th is but just come to hand, and I take
this first opportunity of acknowledging the favour. It gives me great
pleasure to hear, that you got home safe and well that day. I thought
too much was hazarded, when I saw you put off to sea in that very little
skiff, tossed by every wave. But the call was strong and just, a sick
parent. I stood on the shore, and looked after you, till I could no
longer distinguish you, even with my glass; then returned to your
sister's, praying for your safe passage. Towards evening all agreed that
you must certainly be arrived before that time, the weather having been
so favourable; which made me more easy and cheerful, for I had been
truly concerned for you.
I left New England slowly, and with great reluctance.[47] Short day's
journeys, and loitering visits on the road, for three or four weeks,
manifested my unwillingness to quit a country, in which I drew my first
breath, spent my earliest and most pleasant days, and had now received
so many fresh marks of the people's goodness and benevolence, in the
kind and affectionate treatment I had everywhere met with. I almost
forgot I had a _home_, till I was more than halfway towards it; till I
had, one by one, parted with all my New England friends, and was got
into the western borders of Connecticut, among mere strangers. Then,
like an old man, who, having buried all he loved in this world, begins
to think of heaven, I began to think of and wish for home; and, as I
drew nearer, I found the attraction stronger and stronger. My diligence
and speed increased with my impatience. I drove on violently, and made
such long stretches, that a very few days brought me to my own house,
and to the arms of my good old wife and children, where I remain, thanks
to God, at present well and happy.
Persons subject to the _hyp_ complain of the northeast wind, as
increasing their malady. But since you promised to send me kisses in
that wind, and I find you as good as your word, it is to me the gayest
wind that blows, and gives me the best spirits. I write this during a
northeast storm of snow, the greatest we have had this winter. Your
favours come mixed with the snowy fleeces, which are pure as your virgin
innocence, white as your lovely bosom, and--as cold. But let it warm
towards some worthy young man, and may Heaven bless you both with every
kind of happiness.
I desired Miss Anna Ward[48] to send you over a little book I left with
her, for your amusement in that lonely island. My respects to your good
father, and mother, and sister. Let me often hear of your welfare, since
it is not likely I shall ever again have the pleasure of seeing you.
Accept mine, and my wife's sincere thanks for the many civilities I
receive from you and your relations; and do me the justice to believe
me, dear girl, your affectionate, faithful friend, and humble servant,
B. FRANKLIN.
P.S. My respectful compliments to your good brother Ward, and sister;
and to the agreeable family of the Wards at Newport, when you see them.
Adieu.
TO PETER COLLINSON
Philadelphia, Aug. 25, 1755.
DEAR SIR,--
As you have my former papers on Whirlwinds, &c., I now send you an
account of one which I had lately an opportunity of seeing and examining
myself.
Being in _Maryland_, riding with Colonel _Tasker_, and some other
gentlemen to his country-seat, where I and my son were entertained by
that amiable and worthy man with great hospitality and kindness, we saw
in the vale below us, a small whirlwind beginning in the road, and
shewing itself by the dust it raised and contained. It appeared in the
form of a sugar-loaf, spinning on its point, moving up the hill towards
us, and enlarging as it came forward. When it passed by us, its smaller
part near the ground, appeared no bigger than a common barrel, but
widening upwards, it seemed, at 40 or 50 feet high, to be 20 or 30 feet
in diameter. The rest of the company stood looking after it, but my
curiosity being stronger, I followed it, riding close by its side, and
observed its licking up, in its progress, all the dust that was under
its smaller part. As it is a common opinion that a shot, fired through a
water-spout, will break it, I tried to break this little whirlwind, by
striking my whip frequently through it, but without any effect. Soon
after, it quitted the road and took into the woods, growing every
moment larger and stronger, raising, instead of dust, the old dry leaves
with which the ground was thick covered, and making a great noise with
them and the branches of the trees, bending some tall trees round in a
circle swiftly and very surprizingly, though the progressive motion of
the whirl was not so swift but that a man on foot might have kept pace
with it; but the circular motion was amazingly rapid. By the leaves it
was now filled with, I could plainly perceive that the current of air
they were driven by, moved upwards in a spiral line; and when I saw the
trunks and bodies of large trees invelop'd in the passing whirl, which
continued intire after it had left them I no longer wondered that my
whip had no effect on it in its smaller state. I accompanied it about
three quarters of a mile, till some limbs of dead trees, broken off by
the whirl, flying about and falling near me, made me more apprehensive
of danger; and then I stopped, looking at the top of it as it went on,
which was visible, by means of the leaves contained in it, for a very
great height above the trees. Many of the leaves, as they got loose from
the upper and widest part, were scattered in the wind; but so great was
their height in the air, that they appeared no bigger than flies. My
son, who was by this time come up with me, followed the whirlwind till
it left the woods, and crossed an old tobacco-field, where, finding
neither dust nor leaves to take up, it gradually became invisible below
as it went away over that field. The course of the general wind then
blowing was along with us as we travelled, and the progressive motion of
the whirlwind was in a direction nearly opposite, though it did not keep
a strait line, nor was its progressive motion uniform, it making little
sallies on either hand as it went, proceeding sometimes faster and
sometimes slower, and seeming sometimes for a few seconds almost
stationary, then starting forward pretty fast again. When we rejoined
the company, they were admiring the vast height of the leaves now
brought by the common wind, over our heads. These leaves accompanied us
as we travelled, some falling now and then round about us, and some not
reaching the ground till we had gone near three miles from the place
where we first saw the whirlwind begin. Upon my asking Colonel _Tasker_
if such whirlwinds were common in _Maryland_, he answered pleasantly,
"No, not at all common; but we got this on purpose to treat Mr.
Franklin." And a very high treat it was, to