IV.

To have any clear idea, however, of what Montaigne did or could do for

Shakspere, we must revise our conception of the poet in the light of the

positive facts of his life and circumstances--a thing made difficult for

us in England through the transcendental direction given to our

Shakspere lore by those who first shaped it sympathetically, to wit,

Coleridge and the Germans. An adoring idea of Shakspere, as a mind of

unapproachable superiority, has thus become so habitual with most of us

that it is difficult to reduce our notion to terms of normal

individuality, of character and mind as we know them in life. When we

read Coleridge, Schlegel, and Gervinus, or even the admirable essay of

Charles Lamb, or the eloquent appreciations of Mr. Swinburne, or such

eulogists as Hazlitt and Knight, we are in a world of abstract aesthetics

or of abstract ethics; we are not within sight of the man Shakspere, who

became an actor for a livelihood in an age when the best actors played

in inn-yards for rude audiences, mostly illiterate and not a little

brutal; then added to his craft of acting the craft of play-patching and

refashioning; who had his partnership share of the pence and sixpences

paid by the mob of noisy London prentices and journeymen and idlers that

filled the booth theatre in which his company performed; who sued his

debtors rigorously when they did not settle-up; worked up old plays or

took a hand in new, according as the needs of his concern and his

fellow-actors dictated; and finally went with his carefully collected

fortune to spend his last years in ease and quiet in the country town in

which he was born. Our sympathetic critics, even when, like Dr.

Furnivall, they know absolutely all the archaeological facts as to

theatrical life in Shakspere's time, do not seem to bring those facts

into vital touch with their aesthetic estimate of his product; they

remain under the spell of Coleridge and Gervinus.[141] Emerson, it is

true, protested at the close of his essay that he "could not marry this

fact," of Shakspere's being a jovial actor and manager, "to his verse;"

but that deliverance has served only as a text for those who have

embraced the fantastic tenet that Shakspere was but the theatrical

agent and representative of Bacon; a delusion of which the vogue may be

partly traced to the lack of psychological solidity in the ordinary

presentment of Shakspere by his admirers. The heresy, of course, merely

leaps over the difficulty, into absolute irrelevance. Emerson was

intellectually to blame in that, seeing as he did the hiatus between the

poet's life and the prevailing conception of his verse, he did not try

to conceive it all anew, but rather resigned himself to the solution

that Shakspere's mind was out of human ken. "A good reader can in a sort

nestle into Plato's brain and think from thence," he said; "but not into

Shakspere's; we are still out of doors." We should indeed remain so for

ever did we not set about patiently picking the locks where the

transcendentalist has dreamily turned away.

It is imperative that we should recommence vigilantly with the concrete

facts, ignoring all the merely aesthetic and metaphysic syntheses. Where

Coleridge and Schlegel more or less ingeniously invite us to acknowledge

a miraculous artistic perfection, where Lamb more movingly gives forth

the intense vibration aroused in his spirit by Shakspere's ripest work,

we must turn back to track down the youth from Stratford; son of a

burgess once prosperous, but destined to sink steadily in the world;

married at eighteen, under pressure of circumstances, with small

prospect of income, to the woman of twenty-five; ill at ease in that

position; and at length, having made friends with a travelling company

of actors, come to London to earn a living in any tolerable way by means

of his moderate education, his "small Latin and less Greek," his knack

of fluent rhyming, and his turn for play-acting. To know him as he began

we must measure him narrowly by his first performances. These are not to

be looked for in even the earliest of his plays, not one of which can be

taken to represent his young and unaided faculty, whether as regards

construction or diction. Collaboration, the natural resort of the modern

dramatist, must have been to some extent forced on him in those years by

the nature of his situation; and after all that has been said by adorers

of the quality of his wit and his verse in such early comedies as

LOVE'S LABOUR LOST and THE TWO GENTLEMEN OF VERONA, the critical reader

is apt to be left pretty evenly balanced between the two reflections

that the wit and the versification have indeed at times a certain happy

naturalness of their own, and that nevertheless, if they really be

Shakspere's throughout, the most remarkable thing in the matter is his

later progress. But even apart from such disputable issues, we may

safely say with Mr. Fleay that "there is not a play of his that can be

referred even on the rashest conjecture to a date anterior to 1594,

which does not bear the plainest internal evidence of having been

refashioned at a later time."[142] These plays, then, with all their

evidences of immaturity, of what Mr. Bagehot called "clever

young-mannishness," cannot serve us as safe measures of Shakspere's mind

at the beginning of his career.

But it happens that we have such a measure in performances which, since

they imply no technical arrangement, are of a homogenous literary

substance, and can be shown to be the work of a man brought up in the

Warwickshire dialect,[143] are not even challenged, I believe, by the

adherents of the Baconian faith. The tasks which the greatest of our

poets set himself when near the age of thirty, and to which he

presumably brought all the powers of which he was then conscious, were

the uninspired and pitilessly prolix poems of VENUS AND ADONIS and THE

RAPE OF LUCRECE, the first consisting of some 1,200 lines and the second

of more than 1,800; one a calculated picture of female concupiscence and

the other a still more calculated picture of female chastity: the two

alike abnormally fluent, yet external, unimpassioned, endlessly

descriptive, elaborately unimpressive. Save for the sexual attraction of

the subjects, on the commercial side of which the poet had obviously

reckoned in choosing them, these performances could have no unstudious

readers in our day and few warm admirers in their own, so little sign do

they give of any high poetic faculty save the two which singly go so

often without any determining superiority of mind--inexhaustible flow of

words and endless observation of concrete detail. Of the countless

thrilling felicities of phrase and feeling for which Shakspere is

renowned above all English poets, not one, I think, is to be found in

those three thousand fluently-scanned and smoothly-worded lines: on the

contrary, the wearisome succession of stanzas, stretching the succinct

themes immeasurably beyond all natural fitness and all narrative

interest, might seem to signalise such a lack of artistic judgment as

must preclude all great performance; while the apparent plan of

producing an effect by mere multiplication of words, mere extension of

description without intension of idea, might seem to prove a lack of

capacity for any real depth of passion. They were simply manufactured

poems, consciously constructed for the market, the first designed at the

same time to secure the patronage of the Maecenas of the hour, Lord

Southampton, to whom it was dedicated, and the second produced and

similarly dedicated on the strength of the success of the first. The

point here to be noted is that they gained the poet's ends. They

succeeded as saleable literature, and they gained the Earl's favour.

And the rest of the poet's literary career, from this point forward,

seems to have been no less prudently calculated. Having plenty of

evidence that men could not make a living by poetry, even if they

produced it with facility; and that they could as little count on living

steadily by the sale of plays, he joined with his trade of actor the

business not merely of playwright but of part-sharer in the takings of

the theatre. The presumption from all we know of the commercial side of

the play-making of the times is that, for whatever pieces Shakspere

touched up, collaborated in, or composed for his company, he received a

certain payment once for all;[144] since there was no reason why his

partners should treat his plays differently in this regard from the

plays they bought of other men. Doubtless, when his reputation was made,

the payments would be considerable. But the main source of his income,

or rather of the accumulations with which he bought land and house and

tithes at Stratford, must have been his share in the takings of the

theatre--a share which would doubtless increase as the earlier partners

disappeared. He must have speedily become the principal man in the

firm, combining as he did the work of composer, reviser, and adaptor of

plays with that of actor and working partner. We are thus dealing with a

temperament or mentality not at all obviously original or masterly, not

at all conspicuous at the outset for intellectual depth or seriousness,

not at all obtrusive of its "mission;" but exhibiting simply a gift for

acting, an abundant faculty of rhythmical speech, and a power of minute

observation, joined with a thoroughly practical or commercial handling

of the problem of life, in a calling not usually taken-to by

commercially-minded men. What emerges for us thus far is the conception

of a very plastic intelligence, a good deal led and swayed by immediate

circumstances; but at bottom very sanely related to life, and so

possessing a latent faculty for controlling its destinies; not much

cultured, not profound, not deeply passionate; not particularly

reflective though copious in utterance; a personality which of itself,

if under no pressure of pecuniary need, would not be likely to give the

world any serious sign of mental capacity whatever.

In order, then, that such a man as this should develop into the

Shakspere of the great tragedies and tragic comedies, there must concur

two kinds of life-conditions with those already noted--the fresh

conditions of deeply-moving experience and of deep intellectual

stimulus. Without these, such a mind would no more arrive at the highest

poetic and dramatic capacity than, lacking the spur of necessity or of

some outside call, it would be moved to seek poetic and dramatic

utterance for its own relief. There is no sign here of an innate burden

of thought, bound to be delivered; there is only the sensitive plate or

responsive faculty, capable of giving back with peculiar vividness and

spontaneity every sort of impression which may be made on it. The

faculty, in short, which could produce those 3,000 fluent lines on the

bare data of the stories of Venus and Adonis and Tarquin and Lucrece,

with only the intellectual material of a rakish Stratford lad's

schooling and reading, and the culture coming of a few years'

association with the primitive English stage and its hangers-on, was

capable of broadening and deepening, with vital experience and vital

culture, into the poet of LEAR and MACBETH. But the vital culture must

come to it, like the experience: this was not a man who would go out of

his way to seek the culture. A man so minded, a man who would bear

hardship in order to win knowledge, would not have settled down so

easily into the actor-manager with a good share in the company's

profits. There is almost nothing to show that the young Shakspere read

anything save current plays, tales, and poems. Such a notable book as

North's PLUTARCH, published in 1579, does not seem to have affected his

literary activity till about the year 1600: and even then the subject of

JULIUS CAESAR may have been suggested to him by some other play-maker, as

was the case with his chronicle histories. In his contemporary, Ben

Jonson, we do have the type of the young man bent on getting scholarship

as the best thing possible to him. The bricklayer's apprentice,

unwillingly following the craft of his stepfather, sticking obstinately

all the while to his Horace and his Homer, resolute to keep and to add

to the humanities he had learned in the grammar school, stands out

clearly alongside of the other, far less enthusiastic for knowledge and

letters, but also far more plastically framed, and at the same time far

more clearly alive to the seriousness of the struggle for existence as a

matter of securing the daily bread-and-butter. It may be, indeed--who

knows--that but for that peculiarly early marriage, with its consequent

family responsibilities, Shakspere would have allowed himself a little

more of youthful breathing-time: it may be that it was the existence of

Ann Hathaway and her three children that made him a seeker for pelf

rather than a seeker for knowledge in the years between twenty and

thirty, when the concern for pelf sits lightly on most intellectual men.

The thesis undertaken in LOVE'S LABOUR LOST--that the truly effective

culture is that of life in the world rather than that of secluded

study--perhaps expresses a process of inward and other debate in which

the wish has become father to the thought. Scowled upon by jealous

collegians like Greene for presuming, actor as he was, to write dramas,

he must have asked himself whether there was not something to be gained

from such schooling as theirs.[145] But then he certainly made more than

was needed to keep the Stratford household going; and the clear shallow

flood of VENUS AND ADONIS and the RAPE OF LUCRECE stands for ever to

show how far from tragic consciousness was the young husband and father

when close upon thirty years old. It was in 1596 that his little Hamnet

died at Stratford; and there is nothing to show, says Mr. Fleay,[146]

that Shakspere had ever been there in the interval between his departure

in 1587 and the child's funeral.

But already, it may be, some vital experience had come. Whatever view we

take of the drama of the sonnets, we may so far adopt Mr. Fleay's

remarkable theory[147] as to surmise that the central episode of

faithless love occurred about 1594. If so, here was enough to deepen and

impassion the plastic personality of the rhymer of VENUS AND ADONIS; to

add a new string to the heretofore Mercurial lyre. All the while, too,

he was undergoing the kind of culture and of psychological training

involved in his craft of acting--a culture involving a good deal of

contact with the imaginative literature of the Renaissance, so far as

then translated, and a psychological training of great though little

recognised importance to the dramatist. It seems obvious that the

practice of acting, by a plastic and receptive temperament, capable of

manifold appreciation, must have counted for much in developing the

faculties at once of sympathy and expression. In this respect Shakspere

stood apart from his rivals, with their merely literary training. And in

point of fact, we do find in his plays, year by year, a strengthening

sense of the realities of human nature, despite their frequently

idealistic method of portraiture, the verbalism and factitiousness of

much of their wit, and their conventionality of plot. Above all things,

the man who drew so many fancifully delightful types of womanhood must

have been intensely appreciative of the charm of sex; and it is on that

side that we are to look for his first contacts with the deeper forces

of life. What marks off the Shakspere of thirty-five, in fine, from all

his rivals, is just his peculiarly true and new[148] expression of the

living grace of womanhood, always, it is true, abstracted to the form of

poetry and skilfully purified from the blemishes of the actual, but none

the less convincing and stimulating. We are here in presence at once of

a rare receptive faculty and a rare expressive faculty: the plastic

organism of the first poems touched through and through with a hundred

vibrations of deeper experience; the external and extensive method

gradually ripening into an internal and intensive; the innate facility

of phrase and alertness of attention turned from the physical to the

psychical. But still it is to the psychics of sex, for the most part,

that we are limited. Of the deeps of human nature, male nature, as apart

from the love of woman, the playwright still shows no special

perception, save in the vivid portrait of Shylock, the exasperated Jew.

The figures in which we can easily recognise his hand in the earlier

historical plays are indeed marked by his prevailing sanity of

perception; always they show the play of the seeing eye, the ruling

sense of reality which shaped his life; it is this visible actuality

that best marks them off from the non-Shaksperean figures around them.

And in the wonderful figures of Falstaff and his group we have a

roundness of comic reality to which nothing else in modern literature

thus far could be compared. But still this, the most remarkable of all,

remains comic reality; and, what is more, it is a comic reality of

which, as in the rest of his work, the substratum was pre-Shaksperean.

For it is clear that the figure of Falstaff, as Oldcastle, had been

popularly successful before Shakspere took hold of it:[149] and what he

did here, as elsewhere, with his uninventive mind, in which the faculty

of imagination always rectified and expanded rather than originated

types and actions, was doubtless to give the hues and tones of perfect

life to the half-real inventions of others. This must always be insisted

on as the special psychological characteristic of Shakspere. Excepting

in the doubtful case of LOVE'S LABOUR LOST, he never invented a plot;

his male characters are almost always developments from an already

sketched original; it is in drawing his heroines, where he is most

idealistic, that he seems to have been most independently creative, his

originals here being doubtless the women who had charmed him, set living

in ideal scenes to charm others. And it resulted from this specialty of

structure that the greater reality of his earlier male historic figures,

as compared with those of most of his rivals, is largely a matter of

saner and more felicitous declamation--the play of his great and growing

faculty of expression--since he had no more special knowledge of the

types in hand than had his competitors. It is only when his unequalled

receptive faculty has been acted upon by a peculiarly concentrated and

readily assimilated body of culture, the English translation by Sir

Thomas North of Amyot's French translation of Plutarch's Lives, that we

find Shakspere incontestably superior to his contemporaries in the

virile treatment of virile problems no less than in the sympathetic

rendering of emotional charm and tenderness and the pathos of passion.

The tragedy of ROMEO AND JULIET, with all its burning fervours and

swooning griefs, remains for us a picture of the luxury of woe: it is

truly said of it that it is not fundamentally unhappy. But in JULIUS

CAESAR we have touched a further depth of sadness. For the moving tragedy

of circumstance, of lovers sundered by fate only to be swiftly joined in

exultant death, we have the profounder tragedy of mutually destroying

energies, of grievously miscalculating men, of failure and frustration

dogging the steps of the strenuous and the wise, of destiny searching

out the fatal weakness of the strong. To the poet has now been added the

reader; to the master of the pathos of passion the student of the

tragedy of universal life. It is thus by culture and experience--culture

limited but concentrated, and experience limited but intense--that the

man Shakspere has been intelligibly made into the dramatist Shakspere as

we find him when he comes to his greatest tasks. For the formation of

the supreme artist there was needed alike the purely plastic organism

and the special culture to which it was so uniquely fitted to respond;

culture that came without search, and could be undergone as

spontaneously as the experience of life itself; knowledge that needed no

more wooing than Ann Hathaway, or any dubious angel in the sonnets. In

the English version of Plutarch's LIVES, pressed upon him doubtless by

the play-making plans of other men, Shakspere found the most effectively

concentrated history of ancient humanity that could possibly have

reached him; and he responded to the stimulus with all his energy of

expression because he received it so freely and vitally, in respect

alike of his own plasticity and the fact that the vehicle of the

impression was his mother tongue. It is plain that to the last he made

no secondary study of antiquity. He made blunders which alone might warn

the Baconians off their vain quest: he had no notion of chronology:

finding Cato retrospectively spoken of by Plutarch as one to whose ideal

Coriolanus had risen, he makes a comrade of Coriolanus say it, as if

Cato were a dead celebrity in Coriolanus' day; just as he makes Hector

quote Aristotle in Troy. These clues are not to be put aside with

aesthetic platitudes: they are capital items in our knowledge of the man.

And if even the idolator feels perturbed by their obtrusion, he has but

to reflect that where the trained scholars around Shakspere reproduced

antiquity with greater accuracy in minor things, tithing the mint and

anise and cumin of erudition, they gave us of the central human forces,

which it was their special business to realise, mere hollow and tedious

parodies. Jonson was a scholar whose variety of classic reading might

have constituted him a specialist to-day; but Jonson's ancients are

mostly dead for us, even as are Jonson's moderns, because they are the

expression of a psychic faculty which could neither rightly perceive

reality, nor rightly express what it did perceive. He represents

industry in art without inspiration. The two contrasted pictures, of

Jonson writing out his harangues in prose in order to turn them into

verse, and of Shakspere giving his lines unblotted to the

actors--speaking in verse, in the white heat of his cerebration, as

spontaneously as he breathed--these historic data, which happen to be

among the most perfectly certified that we possess concerning the two

men, give us at once half the secret of one and all the secret of the

other. Jonson had the passion for book knowledge, the patience for hard

study, the faculty for plot-invention; and withal he produced dramatic

work which gives little or no permanent pleasure. Shakspere had none of

these characteristics; and yet, being the organism he was, it only

needed the culture which fortuitously reached him in his own tongue to

make him successively the greatest dramatic master of eloquence, mirth,

charm, tenderness, passion, pathos, pessimism, and philosophic serenity

that literature can show, recognisably so even though his work be almost

constantly hampered by the framework of other men's enterprises, which

he was so singularly content to develop or improve. Hence the critical

importance of following up the culture which evolved him, and above all,

that which finally touched him to his most memorable performance.

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