Compare the following extracts from Florio's translation:--

"The _Daemon_ of Socrates were peradventure a certain

impulsion or will which without the advice of his discourse

presented itself unto him. In a mind so well purified, and

by continual exercise of wisdom and virtue so well prepared

as his was, it is likely his inclinations (though rash and

inconsiderate) were ever of great moment, and worthy to be

followed. Every man feeleth in himself some image of such

agitations, of a prompt, vehement, and casual opinion. It is

in me to give them some authority, that afford so little to

our wisdom. And I have had some (equally weak in reason and

violent in persuasion and dissuasion, which was more

ordinary to Socrates) by which I have so happily and so

profitably suffered myself to be transported, as they might

perhaps be thought to contain some matter of divine

inspiration."[15]

"Even in our counsels and deliberations, some chance or good

luck must needs be joined to them; for whatsoever our

wisdom can effect is no great matter."[16]

"When I consider the most glorious exploits of war, methinks

I see that those who have had the conduct of them employ

neither counsel nor deliberation about them, but for fashion

sake, and leave the best part of the enterprise to fortune;

and on the confidence they have in her aid, they still go

beyond the limits of all discourse. Casual rejoicings and

strange furies ensue among their deliberations."[17] etc.

Compare finally Florio's translation of the lines of Manilius cited by

Montaigne at the end of the 47th Essay of the First Book:

"'Tis best for ill-advis'd, wisdom may fail,[18]

Fortune proves not the cause that should prevail,

But here and there without respect doth sail:

A higher power forsooth us overdraws,

And mortal states guides with immortal laws."

It is to be remembered, indeed, that the idea expressed in Hamlet's

words to Horatio is partly anticipated in the rhymed speech of the

Player-King in the play-scene in Act III., which occurs in the First

Quarto:

"Our wills, our fates do so contrary run

That our devices still are overthrown;

Our thoughts are ours, their ends none of our own."

Such a passage, reiterating a familiar commonplace, might seem at first

sight to tell against the view that Hamlet's later speech to Horatio is

an echo of Montaigne. But that view being found justified by the

evidence, and the idea in that passage being exactly coincident with

Montaigne's, while the above lines are only partially parallel in

meaning, we are forced to admit that Shakspere may have been influenced

by Montaigne even where a partial precedent might be found in his own or

other English work.

III. The phrase "discourse of reason," which is spoken by Hamlet in his

first soliloquy,[19] and which first appears in the Second Quarto, is

not used by Shakspere in any play before HAMLET; and he uses it again in

TROILUS AND CRESSIDA;[20] while "discourse of thought" appears in

OTHELLO;[21] and "discourse," in the sense of reasoning faculty, is used

in Hamlet's last soliloquy.[22] In English literature this use of the

word seems to be special in Shakspere's period,[23] and it has been

noted by an admirer as a finely Shaksperean expression. But the

expression "discourse of reason" occurs at least four times in

Montaigne's Essays, and in Florio's translation of them: in the

essay[24] THAT TO PHILOSOPHISE IS TO LEARN HOW TO DIE; again at the

close of the essay[25] _A demain les affaires_; again in the first

paragraph of the APOLOGY OF RAIMOND SEBONDE[26]; and yet again in the

chapter on THE HISTORY OF SPURINA;[27] and though it seems to be

scholastic in origin, and occurs once or twice before 1600 in English

books, it is difficult to doubt that, like the other phrase above cited,

it came to Shakspere through Florio's Montaigne. The word _discours_ is

a hundred times used singly by Montaigne, as by Shakspere in the phrase

"of such large discourse," for the process of ratiocination.

IV. Then again there is the clue of Shakspere's use of the word

"consummation" in the revised form of the "To be" soliloquy. This, as

Mr. Feis pointed out,[28] is the word used by Florio as a rendering of

_aneantissement_ in the speech of Socrates as given by Montaigne in the

essay[29] OF PHYSIOGNOMY. Shakspere makes Hamlet speak of annihilation

as "a consummation devoutly to be wished." Florio has: "If it (death) be

a consummation of one's being, it is also an amendment and entrance into

a long and quiet night. We find nothing so sweet in life as a quiet and

gentle sleep, and without dreams." Here not only do the words coincide

in a peculiar way, but the idea in the two phrases is the same; the

theme of sleep and dreams being further common to the two writings.

Beyond these, I have not noted any correspondences of phrase so precise

as to prove reminiscence beyond possibility of dispute; but it is not

difficult to trace striking correspondences which, though falling short

of explicit reproduction, inevitably suggest a relation; and these it

now behoves us to consider. The remarkable thing is, as regards HAMLET,

that they almost all occur in passages not present in the First Quarto.

V. When we compare part of the speech of Rosencrantz on sedition[30]

with a passage in Montaigne's essay, OF CUSTOM,[31] we find a somewhat

close coincidence. In the play Rosencrantz says:

"The cease of Majesty,

Dies not alone; but like a gulf doth draw

What's near with it: it is a massy wheel

Fix'd on the summit of the highest mount,

To whose huge spokes ten thousand lesser things

Are mortised and adjoined; which, when it falls,

Each small annexment, petty consequence,

Attends the boisterous ruin."

Florio has:

"Those who attempt to shake an Estate are commonly the first

overthrown by the fall of it.... The contexture and

combining of this monarchy and great building having been

dismissed and dissolved by it, namely, in her old years,

giveth as much overture and entrance as a man will to like

injuries. Royal _majesty_ doth more hardly fall from the top

to the middle, than it tumbleth down from the middle to the

bottom."

The verbal correspondence here is only less decisive--as regards the use

of the word "majesty"--than in the passages collated by Mr. Morley;

while the thought corresponds as closely.

VI. The speech of Hamlet,[32] "There is nothing either good or bad but

thinking makes it so"; and Iago's "'tis in ourselves that we are thus or

thus,"[33] are expressions of a favourite thesis of Montaigne's, to

which he devotes an entire essay.[34] The Shaksperean phrases echo

closely such sentences as:--

"If that which we call evil and torment be neither torment

nor evil, but that our fancy only gives it that quality, it

is in us to change it.... That which we term evil is not so

of itself." ... "Every man is either well or ill according as

he finds himself."

And in the essay[35] OF DEMOCRITUS AND HERACLITUS there is another close

parallel:--

"Therefore let us take no more excuses from external

qualities of things. To us it belongeth to give ourselves

account of it. Our good and our evil hath no dependency but

from ourselves."

VII. Hamlet's apostrophe to his mother on

the power of custom--a passage which, like the

others above cited, first appears in the Second

Quarto--is similarly an echo of a favourite

proposition of Montaigne, who devotes to it the

essay[36] OF CUSTOM, AND NOT TO CHANGE READILY A

RECEIVED LAW. In that there occur the typical

passages:--

"Custom doth so blear us that we cannot distinguish the

usage of things.... Certes, chastity is an excellent virtue,

the commodity whereof is very well known; but to use it, and

according to nature to prevail with it, is as hard as it is

easy to endear it and to prevail with it according to

custom, to laws and precepts." "The laws of conscience,

which we say are born of nature, are born of custom."

Again, in the essay OF CONTROLLING ONE'S WILL[37] we have: "Custom is a

second nature, and not less potent."

Montaigne and Shakspere · 第 7 / 24 题