Militia Staff, Travelling Expenses, Clerical

Assistance, etc. £2,726 6 11

Pay, Allowances, Messengers, etc. 319,980 4 3

Rations, Men and Horses 107,946 14 5

Remounts 50,159 2 4

Transport 108,737 4 6

Equipment of men and horses 89,466 0 9

Medical Supplies, Hospital and other Expenses 4,176 19 10

Compensation--

Injuries 222 19 9

Horses 7,790 1 10

Property 5,822 17 0

Rebellion Losses Claims 42,611 7 9

Veterinary 2,827 9 1

Stationery, Printing, etc. 3,282 3 9

Arms and Ammunition 51,482 8 3

Lagers 1,787 6 11

Miscellaneous 3,129 1 10

Prisons 1,972 6 1

Uniform Allowance 11,309 18 0

Upkeep of Rebel Prisoners 85,524 17 1

Construction of Rebel Prisons 7,456 7 2

--------------

£908,411 17 6

_Less_ Revenue Received for Hire of Rebel

Prisoners 23,196 15 8

--------------

£885,215 1 10

_Add_ Outstanding Liabilities 122 17 10

--------------

£885,337 19 8

_Deduct_ Transport and Remounts utilized by

transfer to Transport Service 1,761 12 6

--------------

£883,576 7 2

==============

In addition to lump sum gratuities paid in respect of injuries

received, annual allowances amounting to £5,912 4s. are paid from

ordinary revenue to disabled militiamen and to widows and children of

militiamen who died or were killed during the Rebellion.

Revenue benefited to the extent of approximately £38,000 on account

of fines imposed on certain rebels and sale of stock captured by the

troops during the operations.

IX. ZULU SONGS SUNG AT USUTU KRAAL BEFORE THE REBELLION.

I.

Ubani o za ukufel' esilungwini?

Mana, Nkosi!

U ngezwa be bubula,

Ba ya sola.

II.

Si kulu les' isizwe, e si twal' imiqiqingo,

Si hamba ne mpahla, si teng' izinkomo ngo lembu.

Ngi ya ku yi raya bo!

I za ku li qed' izwe.

I lu zwambuzwambu,

I suka pansi, ya qond' izulu.

I njenge nyoka e yadhl' isixabu sa ba mhlope.

Ba yi cupa, ya bajwa.

Ba yi dons' amalang' amabili, 'matatu;

Ba yi nquma ngo mese.

Kwa gqabuk' ilangab' esizibeni,

La ba rangula.

Kwa gqabuk' izintutu,

Za qond' izwe lonke, la vuta!

Na seMbilane,

Lapa kade beti i ya puma,

Beti i gcwel' iziziba zonke, nya!

Translations of the above appear on p. 116.

X. THE CAUSES, SUPERSTITIONS AND OTHER CHARACTERISTICS OF THE MATABELE

REBELLION, 1896.

The Matabele War of 1893 came to an end owing to the King, Lobengula,

fleeing from the country after his capital, Bulawayo, had been seized

and burnt by the British South Africa Company's forces. He died in

January, 1894. No one, of course, was appointed to succeed him. As

many of the Natives desired to continue the war--a number of the

regiments not having fought at all--it is not surprising that, although

a settlement was arrived at, the people did not regard themselves as

having been really conquered. Still less did they look on the Company

as entitled to appropriate their cattle as they proceeded to do.

These, indeed, all belonged to the King in theory. The Company held

that, having conquered the country and expelled the King, right of

possession had reverted to themselves. The cattle thereupon began to

be confiscated by way of indemnity. A large number was taken, whilst

the remainder, about 90,000, were branded with the Company's brand

and allowed to remain with the Natives for the time being. Seizure

of smaller lots took place periodically during 1894 and 1895. Had

confiscation been made immediately and universally on the conclusion

of the War, far less irritation would have been caused than actually

occurred. As it was, it was believed the Company intended to so

impoverish the people as to reduce them to a position of slaves and

paupers.

There was in Matabeleland another class of Natives known as amaHole.

These were found living there by the Matabele on arrival from the south

with Mzilikazi (Moselekatze) about 1836. After conquering them, the

latter proceeded to make slaves of them, and this was the position

when the Chartered Company, taking advantage of concessions previously

acquired, entered the country in considerable numbers in 1890 to

prospect and mine for gold, etc. After the war, the Company recruited

some 400 Natives, chiefly from the amaHole, and formed them into a

police force. The latter, remembering their former subjection, were not

slow to avenge themselves on the Matabele as opportunity offered. "In

days gone by you had your turn," they jeeringly said to the Matabele,

"it is ours now." And opportunities presented themselves in two

principal ways. First in regard to the cattle question, by the police

hunting about in all directions to see who possessed any. On secretly

obtaining information, they conveyed it to the authorities, showing

cause why the stock should be seized. Confiscation usually followed.

Secondly, in regard to the labour regulations. The Company required

each Chief to furnish periodically a certain number of labourers to

work on the mines, etc. The police were employed on this duty by the

Native Commissioners; the manner in which they dealt with the people

was frequently exasperating.

Although, towards the end of 1895, the Company waived all further

right to the cattle after receipt of two-fifths of the whole (70,000),

much strong dissatisfaction continued to prevail on account of the

tactics that had been employed. And this was accentuated by the disease

rinderpest breaking out in 1895 and sweeping off many of the cattle

still possessed by Natives. A plague of locusts and a long-continued

drought added still further to their troubles. Underlying the whole

was the deep resentment felt by men who, under their own regime,

had held high rank, but were now condemned to inferior status, with

corresponding loss of influence, material perquisites and opportunities

for advancement. The feeling, moreover, was still latent that the

nation had never been really conquered.

It being characteristic of all Bantu races, and particularly so of

those of Matabeleland, _e.g._ Makalanga and Matabele, to resort to

diviners (_izangoma_) to ascertain the causes of troubles as well as

the remedies, it is not surprising something of the kind should have

taken place at the present juncture. Perhaps the most famous of the

oracles was one reputed to inhabit a cave in the well-known Matoppo

Hills. To this cave many had repaired from time to time, in connection

with their private troubles, such as cases of illness or other

misfortune, mysterious loss of property, and so forth. So great was

the reputation that had been acquired by this particular oracle and,

under so weird circumstances and in so peculiar a manner did it impart

the knowledge obtained, as believed, direct from the departed spirits

(known by Matabeles as _amadhlozi_), that it was commonly referred to

as Umlimo, that is, the Deity himself. Such Umlimo--really the god of

the oldest residents of the country, the Makalangas--is said "to be

able to speak all languages, as well as to be possessed of a faculty

of roaring like a lion, crowing like a cock, barking like a dog, etc."

The truth of the matter, however, is that the oracle was an _isangoma_,

that is, an ordinary person who, whenever it was known anyone had come

to seek advice, would stealthily proceed to the cave and there, on

being consulted, communicate the reply to the inquirer. This reply was

given by means of ventriloquism and, as the speaker was inside the cave

and invisible, the voice appeared to the inquirer (who was outside) to

issue from the very bowels of the earth. The extreme ingenuity of the

device will be better appreciated when it is known that the spirits

of the departed are universally believed by Natives to dwell in an

underworld. For a ventriloquist to practise his calling as diviner in

the foregoing manner is probably not unworthy of that oracle which

Socrates himself felt it necessary to consult at Delphi.

On being appealed to by Mlugulu, one of the principal men in the

country, and others, as to the troubles that were afflicting the

people in general, the Umlimo directly attributed them to Europeans.

It was they who were the sorcerers that had caused the disasters. But

for their presence, neither locusts nor rinderpest would have invaded

the country. The aborigines were thereupon exhorted to rise and deliver

themselves from their thraldom. A recent total eclipse of the moon was

said to portend that the white man's blood was to be spilt; Lobengula

himself was not dead, but about to return from the north at the head

of a huge army, whilst other armies were advancing to his assistance

against the Europeans from the west and east. The tremendous potency of

such a 'voice' at such a time can hardly be over-estimated. The reason

why most obvious precautions, _e.g._ blocking the main road to Mangwe

(50 miles south-west of Bulawayo) were not adopted by the rebels was

said to be due to the Umlimo's explicit instruction "to give the white

man an opportunity of escaping from the country." Possibly this also

explains why the telegraph wire between Bulawayo and Mafeking was not

cut. "It certainly seems very strange," says Selous,[366] "that no

attempt has ever been made to stop waggons and coaches on this road,

... nor was Government House (less than three miles from the centre of

Bulawayo) burnt, the reason for this being, it is said, because the

Umlimo told the people that when Bulawayo had been destroyed, and all

the white men in the country killed, they would find Lobengula sitting

there, ready to rule them once more; for, be it said, Government House

has been built in the centre of the old kraal of Bulawayo, just where

the King's house once stood."

Another man, who claimed to be a prophet of the Umlimo, so influenced

people through swallowing stones, dancing on ashes, putting burning

coals into his mouth, etc., as to induce an _impi_ to take up their

quarters where they were subsequently found by the troops "and there

wait for the white men to attack them. They were on no account to

endeavour to prevent their enemies from crossing the Umguza [a river

some twelve miles north of Bulawayo] but were to offer them every

encouragement to do so, 'for,' said the stone-swallower, 'once they

have crossed to the east of the river, the Umlimo will strike them all

blind; you will then be able to kill them without trouble, and go on

and murder all the women and children in Bulawayo.'"

The rising in Mashonaland, which began in the middle of June, 1896, was

probably "brought about by the leaders of the Matabele insurrection

through the instrumentality of the Umlimos or prophets ... North-west

of Salisbury there lives a prophetess," between whom and the leaders

of the Matabele or agents of the Umlimo messages passed during the

Rebellion.

In these circumstances, one can understand the observation commonly

made as to the inscrutability of the Native mind. That it is a closed

book to the vast majority of Europeans is proved by the fact that no

adequate preparation was made by the Government to meet a possible

rising, and that only one of the colonists had predicted that a

rebellion would occur.

When, with the country seething with discontent, the people learned

that the great majority of the European police had been withdrawn to

assist Dr. Jameson in his raid from Mafeking towards Johannesburg, and

that Dr. Jameson himself, who claimed to have conquered them in 1893,

as well as his entire force, had been captured by the Boers, they felt

that a unique occasion had arisen, and one of which immediate advantage

should be taken.

* * * * *

The population of Matabeleland in 1896 was: Europeans, about 4,000;

Natives, about 120,000. About nineteen-twentieths of the latter

rebelled, their fighting strength (independently of Mashonaland) being

nearly 20,000.

The Rebellion started on the 20th March with the murder of a Native

policeman. This, though evidently premature, became the signal for a

simultaneous rising. European men, women and children were forthwith

murdered in many outlying parts. A number of Native servants took

part in the murders. It is computed that 205 persons were massacred

during the rising, the great majority being killed before the end of

March. Of this number, six were women and twenty children. In addition,

ninety-nine were murdered in Mashonaland, chiefly about the middle of

June; of these, four were women and three children. There seems to have

been little or no mutilation of bodies by way of obtaining medicines,

for warding off danger, obtaining ascendancy, etc.

The rebels had no settled plan, consequently community of action

between the various groups was wanting. They seemed to be obsessed with

the idea that supernatural aid would be derived by them in some way

from the Umlimo.

A large number of Native police, especially such as had been less than

a year in the force, joined the rebels, carrying off with them the

Winchester repeaters with which they had been supplied. The older hands

remained loyal, but were disarmed. On the other hand, the Makalanga

people refrained from participating in the Rebellion. Such, indeed, was

but in accordance with the neutral attitude observed by them during the

War of 1893.

Hostilities did not terminate until the end of November, that is,

after a campaign of about eight months. The combined forces employed

in suppressing the Rebellion were 3,000 in Matabeleland and 2,200 in

Mashonaland, including 1,200 Imperial troops.

The casualties among the troops were: Matabeleland--34 killed, 100

wounded; Mashonaland--7 killed, 18 wounded. The number of rebels killed

is believed to have considerably exceeded that of the War, viz. 3,000.

On the conclusion of hostilities, the rebels were directed to hand

in their guns and assegais. They were known to be in possession of

several thousands of firearms--about 2,000 breech-loading rifles and

many muzzle-loading guns. "The Matabele kept on evading [the order],

promising to give up rifles one day, the next saying that in their own

particular tribe there were none, and making all sorts of excuses. They

were repeatedly told that, unless they came to a decision shortly and

surrendered to our satisfaction, hostilities would be recommenced and

they would be blockaded in the hills.... In [certain] districts they

came to surrender, ... bringing in 200 or 300 rifles." As to the rest,

only another hundred or so guns, with some 4,000 assegais, were given

up, "each Chief professing he did not know where his men had put their

[guns], and promising to bring all he could. Needless to say these

promises were never fulfilled."[367]

"It is worthy of remark that whilst, in the first war, the Matabele

attacked strong positions defended by artillery and Maxim guns, thereby

suffering very heavy loss themselves but killing very few white men,

in the present [rebellion] all the fighting has been amongst broken

ground, and in country more or less covered with bush, and all the

killing has been done with rifles; for, in the first war, the Natives

learnt the futility of attacking fortified positions, and now only

fight in the bush in skirmishing order, giving but little opportunity

for the effective use of machine guns; so that, although a good many

rounds have been fired from Maxims at long ranges, only a very small

amount of execution has been done by them."[368]

XI. NATIVE CORPS.

(i) _Natal Native Horse._

Reference was made in a note in the Introduction to the Natal Native

Police organized in 1848. Since their disbandment in 1854, no other

Native corps has been permanently established in Natal. In times

of trouble, however, apart from the ordinary Native levies and

contingents, settlements of Native Christians, such as Edendale and

Driefontein, invariably offered their services to the Government. The

fact that these men, a number of whom were Basutos, were mounted,

added greatly to their usefulness. The first occasion of importance

on which they volunteered was the Bushman Expedition of 1866. During

the Langalibalele Rebellion, 1873, they again took part, under Col.

A.W. Durnford,[369] several being killed in the action at Bushman's

River Pass. By that time, Durnford, who arrived in Natal in June, 1873,

had already begun to take an exceptional interest in the training of

Natives for military purposes. Under his sympathetic control, the

people evinced the keenest desire to assist the Government. The same

spirit was shown by the large contingents of uneducated Natives,

recruited and organized to a great extent by Durnford at the beginning

of the Zulu War, not to refer to those called out on other occasions

under other officers. The men of Edendale and Driefontein under Jabez

Molife and Simeon Kambule[370] respectively, as well as Basutos under

Chief Hlubi, served throughout the 1879 campaign, and rendered very

valuable assistance. They took part in the battles of Isandhlwana,

Kambule, Hlobane and Ulundi, and suffered considerable losses.

The same communities, with Hlubi's Basutos, again volunteered during

the Boer War, 1899-1901. To these communities should be added that at

Nyanyadu, as well as members of Chief Ncwadi's tribe. Although, in a

"white man's war," allowed to serve only as scouts, drivers and leaders

and in limited numbers, some 150 came from Driefontein alone, and 200

from Chief Ncwadi. Under Capt. R.C. Samuelson, N.C., a considerable

section of the Drakensberg Mountains was thoroughly patrolled. A

portion of the men went through the siege of Ladysmith, whilst

conspicuous gallantry was displayed by individual members of the corps

on several other occasions during the same war.

By 1906, the great majority of those who had served in the earlier

campaigns were, of course, no longer able to turn out. They, however,

strongly influenced their sons to do so in their stead, with the result

that the Natal Native Horse, under Major G. Moe, U.M.R., with Samuelson

as adjutant and second in command, was raised with surprising rapidity.

On instructions from the Government, Samuelson, by the 2nd April,

succeeded in enrolling nearly 1,000 picked men, including Chiefs and

Chiefs' sons. This number was, however, reduced by the Government to

326. As only about half the men had horses, the principal difficulty

experienced was in obtaining mounts for the remainder.

The corps did not take the field until the middle of May, largely owing

to its having to be equipped and trained; it was consequently unable

to take part, like the Nongqai, in some of the main operations and

engagements.

It was found necessary, during the campaign, considerably to the

disappointment of the members, to break the corps up and distribute

sections about the country. To whatever command, however, they

happened to be attached, the men proved to be thoroughly reliable and

serviceable, and their conduct exemplary. With better training, which

in common fairness should have been available in some way _before_ the

necessity for recruiting arose, they would have been even more valuable

than they were.

(ii) _Zululand Native Police_ (_Nongqai_).

This corps was originally formed in April, 1883, under the authority of

the Imperial Government, by Colonel G. Mansel (late Chief Commissioner

of Police, Natal). The 50 non-commissioned officers and men of whom

the corps consisted, half of them recruited in Natal,[371] were under

the command of two European officers, and were originally enrolled as

bodyguard to the Resident Commissioner (the late Sir Melmoth Osborn,

K.C.M.G.). They served with distinction during the disturbances of

1884. Although attacked at Maqonga, near Nkandhla, by about 2,500

Zulus--the Resident Commissioner being with them--they held their

ground and drove off the enemy with considerable loss, and this in

spite of warning as to their probable untrustworthiness from John

Dunn, a man intimately acquainted with the country. The force was

augmented in succeeding years and became almost entirely an infantry

one. During the Zululand disturbances of 1888, the men again greatly

distinguished themselves, notably at Ceza, Lower Umfolozi magistracy

and Hlopekulu. On every occasion, though pitted against overwhelming

odds, they fought steadily, effectively and with the utmost courage,

without betraying at any time the least sign of breach of faith or

disloyalty.

The personnel continued to increase from 250 in 1889 to 500 in 1899.

During the Boer War, the numbers were again raised to 600, with 8

European officers, Inspector C.E. Fairlie taking command. The corps was

then employed chiefly in and about Melmoth, in putting the place into

a state of defence and escorting convoys. In September, 1904, it was

suddenly disbanded by direction of the Natal Government.

During such time as the force existed, the men were disciplined,

drilled and equipped to a large extent on the same lines as European

troops; they were armed with Martini-Henry rifles, and lived in

barracks. Each man was obliged to serve for three years, with the right

of re-enlisting. Many took advantage of the right. It is estimated

that, between 1883 and 1904, some 3,000 to 4,000 served in the ranks.

When the 1906 Rebellion broke out, the Government re-established the

force under Fairlie. With Mansel's assistance, about 100 men were

recruited, but only with the greatest difficulty, owing to their

feeling sore at having been summarily disbanded in 1904. The reader

will find several references in this history to the conspicuous

services rendered by this really excellent body of men, notably at Bobe

and Mome. They were disbanded once more in November, 1906.

The following, from a report by Colonel Mansel, will be perused with

interest: "I wish to bear full testimony to the value of Zulus as

soldiers. Their instincts are wholly military. When you enlist a Zulu,

you have a ready-made soldier.... All you have to do is to teach

him how to handle a rifle. This you can do in about three or four

months. He is then as good as he will ever become. He is, as a rule,

the best-tempered, most easily-managed man in the world; understands

discipline by instinct; is docile, plucky, proud of himself and his

corps; kindly-disposed towards his officers; full of mettle, and

capable of enduring the extremes of marching and hunger.... Though

often fighting against his own kith and kin, not a single case of

treachery or breach of faith ever occurred."

(iii) _Proposed Creation of a Permanent Native Corps._

The oft-repeated experiment of forming corps of coloured people

inhabiting countries conquered by England, has apparently met with

success in the main. The problem is, however, by no means an easy one

to deal with, and it is generally owing to inability on the part of

the rulers to formulate sound and workable schemes that failure has

occasionally attended their efforts. Utilization of often excellent

fighting material, as, for instance, may be found in the Zulus, is

obviously a matter of importance, and any intention by a Government

to establish such corps is deserving of careful consideration. But

irresolution in a matter of this kind does more harm than good. Rather

not make any attempt than be half-hearted or lukewarm. It has been seen

that a Native police corps was formed as long ago as 1848, only to be

disbanded a few years later without any reasons being given. Similar

half-heartedness is observable in the foregoing account of the N.N.H.

and the Z.N.P.

Any reflecting person will, we venture to think, arrive at the

conclusion that a Native corps, established on a sound basis, is a wise

and necessary provision, and this from several points of view. It does

what nothing else can do so well, namely, proves to the people that

the Government has confidence in them (as it unquestionably ought to

have) and, by enabling them to share directly in the defence of the

State, powerfully induces them to take a deep and abiding interest

in the welfare, not only of themselves, but of the entire community,

white and black. Thus the primary object in establishing a corps is

not so much the intrinsic value of the fighting material recruited, as

that it is an outward and visible sign to Natives in general that the

rulers look on their interests as indissolubly connected with those of

Europeans, which is only another way of saying that a premium is set on

the promotion of patriotism, loyalty and contentment. As matters are at

present in South Africa, anyone can see with half an eye that, in the

absence of these corps, the respective Governments have neglected to

use material that lies near at hand. The splendid record of the N.N.H.

and Z.N.P., and the consistent loyalty of each in all vicissitudes, are

as sure a guarantee as could be desired, that they would be loyal. If a

permanently-established corps be but treated in a fair and reasonable

manner, it is impossible to see what object any of its members would

have for becoming mutinous or disloyal.

A history of the Zulu Rebellion, 1906, and of Dinuzulu's arrest, trial, and expatriation · 第 48 / 51 段