1. Had God regarded servitude as a good thing, he would not, in

authoritatively predicting its existence, have said, "Cursed be Canaan;

a servant of servants shall he be unto his brethren." What God visits

men with as a curse cannot be intrinsically good and beneficial.

2. The judgments with which God visited Egypt and her proud monarch, for

refusing to emancipate the Israelites, and for essaying to recapture

them, when let go, and the wages which he caused his people, when

released, to receive for their hitherto unrequited tolls, clearly evince

that he has no complacency in compulsory, unrewarded servitude.

3. The same thing is indicated by the fact that God has, by statute,

provided expressly for the protection and freedom of an escaped slave;

but not for the recovery of such a fugitive by his master. "Thou shalt

not deliver unto his master, the servant which is escaped from his

master unto thee: he shall dwell with thee, even among you in that place

which he shall choose.... Thou shalt not oppress him." Now be it, if

you will, that this statute had reference only to servants who should

escape into the land of Israel from Gentile masters; does it not

indicate a strong bias, in the mind of God, to the side of freedom,

rather than that of slavery? And does it not establish the point, that,

in God's estimation, one man cannot rightfully be deemed the property of

another man? Were it otherwise, would not the Jew have been required to

restore a runaway to his pursuing master, just as he was to restore any

other lost thing which its owner should come in search of? Or, to say

the least, would not the Israelites have been allowed to reduce to

servitude among themselves the escaped slave of a heathen master? But

how unlike all this are the actual requirements of the statute. God's

people must neither deliver up the fugitive nor enslave him themselves;

but allow him to dwell among them as a FREEMAN, just "where it liketh

him best." And, in this connection, how significant a fact is it, that

the Bible nowhere empowers the master from whom a slave had escaped to

pursue, seize, and drag back to bondage that escaped slave.

4. That which constitutes the grand fountain of slavery,--the forcible,

stealthy seizure of a man, for the purpose of holding or selling him as

a slave,--was, under the Mosaic dispensation, punishable with death;

and is, in the New Testament, named in connection with the most heinous

crimes. "He that stealeth a man, and selleth him, or if he be found in

his hand, he shall surely be put to death." What could more forcibly

exhibit God's disapprobation of one of the distinctive features of

slavery,--compulsion? What more impressively show the value that he puts

upon a man's personal independence,--his right to himself? Now if God

doomed that man to die a felon's death who should steal and sell a

fellow man, can it be that he would hold him guiltless who should buy

the stolen man, knowing him to have been stolen? God's people were,

indeed, allowed to "buy bondmen and bondmaids" of the strangers that

dwelt among them, and of the surrounding heathen. But were they ever

allowed to buy persons whom they knew to have been unlawfully obtained,

and offered for sale in manifest opposition to their own wishes? If they

were not,--and, from the statute just referred to, it seems certain that

they were not,--does American slavery derive countenance from that which

was tolerated in the Jewish church and nation? True, the slaves now held

as such among us were not themselves feloniously seized on a foreign

soil, torn away from kindred, homes, and country, and sold into hopeless

bondage in a strange land; but their sires and grandsires were.

Man-stealing is confessedly the stock out of which has sprung, and grown

to its present dimensions, the vast and overshadowing Upas of American

slavery; and if the Bible brands that stock as pestiferous, must not the

entire tree partake of the noxious influence? Again: if, as competent

critics assert, the popular sense of the word rendered "men-stealers,"

in 1 Tim. i. 10, be "those who deal in men--literally, slave-traders,"

then trafficking in slaves for mercenary ends is, by Paul, ranked among

vices the most abominable; and American slavery is, if possible, more

pointedly condemned by that passage than by the statute found in Ex.

xxi. 16. For who does not know that trading in "the persons of men" has

ever been, and yet is, a main pillar in the fabric of slavery? Indeed,

man-stealing and slave-trading are to slave-holding precisely what the

business of the distiller and of the vendor is to the vice of

intemperance. There is, in either case, a trio of associated evils; and

it is difficult to say which member of either trio is the most repulsive

and harmful.

If, now, it be objected to this argument from the Bible, that the Mosaic

institutes expressly recognize such a thing as involuntary servitude,

and prescribe rules for its regulation, I answer: true, but the

servitude thus recognized and regulated by statute was of a far milder

type than that which is legalized in these American States. For, 1. It

allowed the bondman a large amount of leisure, or time which he need not

devote to his master's service; 2. It made it possible for him to

accumulate a considerable amount of property; 3. It placed him on a

perfect level with his master, in regard to religious privileges; 4. It

gave him his freedom whenever he should be so chastised as to result in

permanent injury to his person: thus operating as a powerful preventive

of inhumanity in chastising; 5. It respected the sanctity of the

conjugal and parental relations, when existing among bondmen, and did

not authorize a compulsory severing of family ties; 6. It made no

provision for the sale of a servant by his Jewish master, nor for any

such domestic commerce in the persons of men as is practised in the

southern States of this Union; 7. It provided for the periodical

emancipation of all that were in bondage; thus aiming a fatal blow at

the very existence of servitude in the Hebrew commonwealth. I may not,

consistently with the necessary brevity of a tract designed for popular

perusal, go into any demonstration of the facts above asserted. For

proof that they are facts, let my readers studiously examine the Mosaic

books, and the Rev. A. Barnes's "Inquiry into the Scriptural Views of

Slavery." I see not how any candid and discriminating investigator can

help being convinced that the servitude which was temporarily tolerated

in the Jewish church, was, in numerous respects, very unlike to that

which exists among us, and far less repulsive.

But suppose, for argument's sake, it had been just as repulsive a system

as ours, would the fact of its having been tolerated under the Jewish

economy prove it to be intrinsically good, and worthy of being

perpetuated? Then, by parity of reasoning, the good men of ancient times

might safely have concluded that certain other practices were good and

would endure, which we know were not good, and were not to last. Had the

question been propounded in Abraham's or in David's day, whether

polygamy and concubinage were approved of God, and would be perpetuated

in the church, it is probable that even the saints of those periods

would have responded affirmatively. The fact that God had so long

allowed his people to practise these things unrebuked, might, to them,

have seemed sufficient proof that these practices were intrinsically

proper, and were to rank among the permanent fixtures of human society.

But were Abraham and David now on the earth, with what changed feelings

would they regard the cast-off system of concubinage and a plurality of

wives. Again: suppose the conjecture had been hazarded, three thousand

years ago, that woman, from being a menial drudge, or a mere medium of

bestial indulgence, would one day occupy the dignified position to which

Christianity has actually lifted her, would not incredulity have lurked

in every heart, and found expression on every tongue? Now there are

plain indications, not only in the Word, but the providences of God,

that he never regarded slavery with complacency, any more than he did

polygamy, concubinage, or the serfdom of woman; and that he never

designed its perpetuity. Scrutinizing that Word and those providences,

one needs no prophetic ken to enable him to predict with certainty,

that, when Christ's millennial reign is ushered in, contraband will be

inscribed on slavery, as it already has been on some other evils that

were once tolerated, not only in society, but in the church of God.

But I shall be reminded here, that, when the apostles were disseminating

Christianity in the Roman empire, there prevailed throughout that empire

a system of slavery more odious and oppressive than ours; and yet that

both slaveholders and slaves were converted and admitted to the church,

without its affecting the relation of master and slave; that the New

Testament instructs the parties how to demean themselves in that

relation, but nowhere enjoins emancipation on the master, or encourages

absconding or non-submission in the slave; in short, that it nowhere

expressly condemns slavery, or intimates that its extermination was to

be expected or desired. In reply to this, I would say,--

(1.) To infer, because the New Testament enjoins obedience on slaves,

and makes no direct attack on the institution of slavery, that it

therefore sanctions the institution, and would have it perpetuated, is

as much a _non sequitur_ as to infer, because God enjoins on men

subjection to existing civil authorities, whatever may be their

character, that he as much approves of a despotic as of a constitutional

government,--of the government of Ferdinand of Naples as of that of

Victoria of England. Nor is it more difficult to comprehend why God has,

in the Scriptures, made no direct assault on slavery, than it is to see

why He has not directly assailed governmental despotisms, or expressed

any preference for one form of government over another. An obvious and

far-seeing wisdom is discernible in this, which it behooves us to

admire, and not unfrequently to imitate. Had the apostles or the

Scriptures openly denounced all absolutism, whether civil or domestic,

it would have aroused unnecessary prejudice and opposition, and diverted

the attention of men from the grand object aimed at in giving the world

a written and preached gospel. God deemed it wiser to reach these evils

through the slow but sure progress of certain great principles laid down

in his Word, than through the medium of specific prohibitions.

(2.) The fact that the apostles received into the church converts who

not only held slaves, but held them under a slave-system that was

awfully despotic, was no indorsement on their part of that odious

system, nor even of the slightest inhumanity on the part of a master

towards his slaves. It does, indeed, prove that a man may be a

Christian, without ceasing to be a slaveholder in form; but not that a

master may indulge in all the legal barbarities of the system, and yet

be a Christian. Merely to sustain the relation of a Christian master for

the good of the slave, or from the necessity of the case, is one thing,

while to advocate and defend this chattel system, and hold in bondage

fellow human beings for personal and selfish ends, is quite another

thing. Nowhere do the Scriptures countenance, or even wink at, the least

degree of inhumanity or injustice in the treatment of servants. So far

from this, they expressly enjoin it on masters to "give unto their

servants that which is just and equal," all the law of disinterested

love would require; accompanying the injunction with the significant

hint, that they themselves have a Master, and that with him there is "no

respect of persons."

(3.) Though the Scriptures do not directly assail the system of slavery,

they indirectly and obviously condemn it, and that very abundantly.

Slavery is indirectly and yet strongly rebuked in such passages of

Scripture as the following: "Wo unto him that ... useth his neighbor's

service without wages." "Is not this the fast that I have chosen, ... to

undo the heavy burdens, and to let the oppressed go free, and that ye

break every yoke?" "What doth the Lord require of thee, but to do

justly, and to love mercy?" ... "Have we not all one Father? Hath not

one God created us?" ... "And hath made of one blood all nations of men,

for to dwell on all the face of the earth; ... that they should seek the

Lord." ... "God is no respecter of persons." "The people of the land

have used oppression, ... therefore have I poured out mine indignation

upon them." ... "Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself." "Therefore,

all things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so

to them." It needs no unusual acuteness to see, that, were the spirit of

these and kindred passages (for numerous others of the sort might have

been cited) everywhere acted out, slavery would as readily vanish, as do

the icebergs of the North, if perchance they float away into milder

latitudes.

Fifth. To the four reasons already assigned for thinking that slavery

has not God's approbation, and ought not to be perpetuated, I will add

but one more,--its baleful effects. (1). As it respects worldly thrift,

or pecuniary prosperity. It is a fact, that slavery exerts a depressing

influence on the business welfare of any community where it prevails;

and that, other things being equal, slaveholding States can never

compete with free ones in the item of financial prosperity. A necessary

brevity forbids my pointing out the causes of this fact; but my readers

will, without my aid, readily ascertain what they are. Suffice it to

say, it has become a settled maxim of political economy, that there

exists an antagonism between slavery and the highest business prosperity

of any people that tolerates it; and the southern States of this Union

furnish abundant confirmation of its truth. (2.) I will name but one

other thing,--its baneful influence on character and morals. That

slavery tends to debase the character and morals of the slaves will

scarcely be questioned. Apart from the ignorance naturally resulting

from their condition, that condition powerfully tends to render them

sensual, indolent, artful, mendacious, stealthful, and revengeful. But

is the bad moral tendency of the institution limited to the bondmen?

Exerts it no corrupting influence on the hearts, the habits, and morals

of the masters? Is it not its legitimate tendency to foster in them such

vices as indolence, effeminacy, licentiousness, covetousness,

inhumanity, haughtiness, and a supreme regard for self? Of course, I do

not affirm that it uniformly produces these sad effects on the character

of masters. So far from this, there may doubtless be found slaveholders,

who, in all that adorns and ennobles human character, will compare

favorably with the very best men at the North. I think it will be

conceded, however, that the legitimate tendency is to evil, and that the

effects of slavery on the character of its sustainers are, in the main,

disastrous; and that the depreciated state of morals prevailing where

slavery exists is mainly attributable to this as its source. I need not

here enter into detail. Facts are too well known to make this

necessary.

Thus have we contemplated several distinct reasons for believing that

slavery is no good thing,--has not the sanction of Jehovah,--and cannot

with propriety be perpetuated. Its contrariety to nature,--its

antagonism to the moral sense of mankind,--its disgraceful parentage and

manner of support,--its condemnation by the Bible,--and its disastrous

influence on financial prosperity, on character, and on public

morals,--all proclaim that slavery, so far from being a good thing, is a

tremendous curse; yea, more, that it is a stupendous wrong; and hence,

that it should be tolerated in the church of Christ no longer than the

best interests of all concerned may render necessary for a safe

termination.

But it may be, after all, that I have failed to secure the assent of

some of my southern brethren to the justness of the foregoing positions

and inferences. It may be that they still regard the system of bondage

prevailing in their midst as in the main beneficial, defensible from the

Bible, and, with some modifications perhaps, worthy of perpetuity. Well,

brethren, suppose you do thus regard it; and for argument's sake

suppose, too, that you may possibly be right,--that slave-holding may be

in itself the harmless thing which you deem it; ought you not

cheerfully to abandon it, in obedience to a great Bible

principle,--that of refraining from things which are in themselves

lawful, or which your conscience may not condemn, out of regard to the

conscience of aggrieved Christian brethren, or to the prejudices of

those whose salvation you would not obstruct? You are aware, brethren,

that this magnanimous principle Paul both inculcated and exemplified.

You are also aware that a large majority of the Christians now living

regard your cherished institution as unjustifiable, and at variance with

the spirit of Christianity; and, so regarding it, they long for its

extinction, and are grieved with you for cleaving to it so tenaciously,

and refusing to concert measures for its ultimate overthrow. Indeed,

they are more than grieved; they are profoundly agitated by the fresh

developments of the iniquitous system which you are helping to uphold;

and there seems no prospect, while that system endures, of their

becoming tranquillized. A tempest has sprung up and is raging in the

church of Christ,--to say nothing of the civilized world,--which seems

not likely to cease till its cause be removed; and slavery is that

cause. Now I put it to you, brethren, if here be not an opportunity of

exemplifying, on a broad scale, the self-denying and noble principle

which Paul indicates in the words, "All things are lawful for me, but

all things are not expedient;" "Eat not for his sake that shewed it, and

for conscience' sake: ... conscience, I say, not thine own, but of the

other;" "Though I be free from all men, yet have I made myself servant

unto all, that I might gain the more." Have it, if you will, that the

brethren for whose sake you are asked to make this sacrifice are weak

brethren, and their consciences weak. Your obligation to make it is none

the less on that account; for the principle just adverted to

contemplates cases of this very sort. Since the practice which grieves

these weak brethren is one that you can probably abandon without

wounding your own conscience, are you at liberty to undervalue their

conscience by persisting in that which grieves them?

But how much weightier does this argument become, when it is remembered

that the opposers of slavery, besides being exceedingly numerous, have,

many of them, been eminent,--not merely for a conscientious piety, but

for talent, for research, for scholarship, for broad and comprehensive

views of things;--and that the list embraces distinguished southern, as

well as northern men; and men of celebrity in both church and state.

There have been found in the anti-slavery ranks, presidents and noble

men, jurists and legislators, statesmen and divines, scholars and

authors, poets and orators. And, still further to enhance the dignity of

the cause, it should be remembered that several General Assemblies of

the Presbyterian Church of the United States, together with numerous

lesser ecclesiastical bodies, have lifted up their voice in opposition

to slavery, and proclaimed substantially the same views which this

humble Essay has aimed to exhibit. Now if, as we have seen, a

deferential regard should be had to the conscience of aggrieved

Christian brethren, even when they are few and feeble-minded, how much

more, when the aggrieved ones are counted in hundreds of thousands? when

theirs is an intelligent piety and an enlightened conscience? and when,

too, their remonstrance is backed up by a public sentiment that is

wellnigh unanimous through all christendom?

If now, in spite of all these considerations, I still have readers that

say in their hearts, slavery must be perpetuated, they will pardon me

for lingering no longer in the hope of changing their views. I would be

indulged, however, in one parting interrogation. Has it never occurred

to you, brethren, that yours is, on some accounts, a very unfavorable

stand-point from which to form just and disinterested views of slavery;

and that your very position as slave-holders, and your long familiarity

with the system and its evils, may have blinded you to the magnitude of

those evils, and to the great desirableness of their being removed? May

it not be that long use, and self-interest, and the love of power and

ease, have conspired to warp your judgment, blunt your sensibilities,

and cause you to view slavery through a deceptive medium?

Having, as I hope, the cordial assent of the great mass of my readers,

northern and southern, to the foregoing argument against slavery and its

perpetuity, we are now prepared to advance to the last great division of

our subject, and to inquire: What are the duties, positive and negative,

which this subject imposes on American Christians? What does it demand

that we, as Christians, should do, and refrain from doing? This question

subdivides itself thus: What ought we northern and professedly

anti-slavery Christians to do, and not do? And, next, What duties,

positive and negative, does the question devolve on professing

Christians in the slave-holding States?

I. We are to consider what we, the northern and avowedly anti-slavery

section of the American church, ought, in view of this subject, both to

do, and refrain from doing. In reply to the question, What ought we to

do? I would say,--

1. It is not only our right, but duty, temperately and with Christian

courtesy to continue to discuss this great theme, both orally and with

the pen; and especially to endeavor to bring the truth into contact with

the mind and heart of our southern brethren,--if, peradventure, we may

thus persuade them soon to cease their connection with slavery. Freedom

of discussion is one important safeguard of the public weal; and that

must be regarded as a bad, untenable cause which will not bear the test

of a full and free discussion before the world. Free inquiry, too, has

not only preceded all great reformations, but has been an important

instrument in bringing them about. That great moral change known as the

temperance reformation is but one example among many that might be

adduced. If slavery is ever to be numbered in history among the things

that are past, it will be by having Bible light and truth made to

converge upon it, through the lens of free public discussion. Hence,

believing as we do that American slavery is an enormous evil and a

gigantic wrong,--a thing with which the church should cease to have

connection as speedily as may be,--as Christians we may, we must, employ

our tongues and our pens in behalf of the enslaved, till our world

shall cease to contain such a class of men.

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