CHAPTER XVI.

Sir Everard Digby was only allowed two clear days between his trial and

his execution to prepare for death. He was not permitted to see his

young wife or his little sons, nor was he granted the consolation of the

services of a priest. Short as was the time he had yet to live, it must

have hung heavily on his hands. Fortunately he had lived much with

Jesuits, who would doubtless have instructed him in their admirable

system of meditation; but "the exercise of the memory," which it

includes, can hardly have afforded him much consolation under the

circumstances. To add to his depression, it was at the time of year when

there are but few hours of daylight, and the artificial light permitted

in a prisoner's room in the Tower would certainly be very meagre, and

little more than sufficient to render the ghastly gloom of the

dungeon-walls more manifest. Very early, too, all prisoners' lights

would be put out, and terrible then must have been the dreariness of the

long nights and the dark mornings, until the sun rose at about a quarter

to eight o'clock. It is easy to imagine him dreaming of his happy home

at Gothurst, and fancying himself walking with his wife in its garden,

or playing with his little children by its great hall fireside, or

entertaining his guests at its long banquetting-table, and suddenly

waking with a start, to find himself in darkness, on a hard bed, with a

rough, cold wall beside him, and to remember that he was a condemned

traitor in the Tower of London; and then, perhaps, lying awake to

reflect upon the brilliant opportunities of happiness, prosperity, and

usefulness with which he had started in his short life, and the misery

in which he was about to end it. Nor does it require any great effort of

the imagination to see him falling, from sheer weariness, into a fitful,

feverish sleep, and, as he turned and tossed, frequently dreaming of the

horrors of his impending execution, as they had been so lately described

in his presence by the Attorney-General.

When, in the morning, he rose to obtain consolation from devotion, how

likely that the heavy drowsiness or headache resulting from a wretched

night would make him feel utterly helpless as he tried to pray or

meditate; or that, distracted by the memories of his misfortunes, and

the terrible thought of the destitution to which his wife and family

might be exposed--for he seems to have died in doubt whether Gothurst,

as well as his estates inherited from his father, would not be

confiscated--he would be unable to fix his attention upon spiritual

matters.

During the interval preceding his death Sir Everard wrote the following

lines. Criticise them as you please; call them doggrel if you will; but

at least respect them as the words of a broken-hearted and dying man.

* * * * *

JESUS MARIA.

Who's that which knocks? Oh stay, my Lord, I come:

I know that call, since first it made me know

My self, which makes me now with joy to run,

Lest He be gone that can my duty show.

Jesu, my Lord, I know Thee by the Cross

Thou offer'st me, but not unto my loss.

Come in, my Lord, whose presence most I crave,

And shew Thy will unto my longing mind;

From punishments of sin Thy servant save,

Though he hath been to Thy deserts unkind.

Jesu forgive, and strengthen so my mind,

That rooted virtues thou in me maist find.

Stay still, my Lord, else will they fade away,

As Marigold that mourns for absent Sun:

Thou know'st thou plantest in a barren clay

That choaks in Winter all that up is come;

I do not fear thy Summers wished for heat

May tears shall water where thy shine doth threat.

However deeply Sir Everard Digby may have sinned, he knew how to make

his peace with God when death approached him. He had a definite religion

to depend on, he had no need to consider which of many widely divergent

views held by the professors of one nominal church was the most

probable. It is true that he was deprived of those consoling rites which

the Catholic Church provides for her children when on the threshold of

death; he had none of the "soothing charm" of "the words of peace and

blessing"[405] uttered by the confessor in absolution; he was not

strengthened for the perilous journey from this life to the next by the

sacred viaticum, but he knew that, where these privileges could not be

obtained, a hearty desire for them, with a good act of contrition, might

obtain many of their blessings and all that was necessary for salvation.

[405] See Cardinal Newman in _Present Position of Catholics_, p.

351.

From a theological point of view, it was a happy thing that he knew the

plot in which he had been implicated to be all but universally condemned

by his co-religionists. If many of them had defended it, and he had

heard that there were two parties, one extenuating the conspiracy and

another anathematising it, he might have clung to the belief that he had

done nothing wrong, and that "rending of the heart" conducive to true

contrition might have been wanting.

He had sinned deeply; let us hope that deep was his sorrow. Yet is not

this the moment--the moment when we are supposing him in the deepest

degradation of spirit for his iniquities--at which we may best say a

kind word for him?

Hitherto I have written little in palliation of his crime; perhaps the

very fact of his having professed my own religion may have made me more

careful to say nothing that might have the appearance of minimising his

guilt; nor, in the few more pages that I have still to write, do I

intend to plead that his sentence ought to have been commuted on account

of any extenuating circumstances. Unquestionably he deserved to die, but

I beg to commend his memory to the mercy of my readers.

Let others speak for him. The Protestant Bishop Barlow, in his book on

the Gunpowder Plot, which so severely condemns all concerned in it,

says[406]:--"This Gentleman was verily persuaded of the lawfulness of

this Design, and did engage in it out of a sincere, but ignorant zeal

for the advancement, as he thought, of the true Religion." These are the

words of a hostile historian: the following--some of which have been

quoted earlier--are those of a friend[407]:--"He was so much and so

generally lamented, and is so much esteemed and praised by all sorts in

England, both Catholics and others, although neither side can or do

approve this last outrageous and exorbitant attempt against our King and

country, wherein a man otherwise so worthy, was so unworthily lost and

cast away to the great grief of all that knew him, and especially of

all that loved him. And truly it was hard to do the one and not the

other." An unfriendly critic, Scott, in a footnote to the _Somers'

Tracts_,[408] says that Sir Everard "was a man of unblemished reputation

until this hellish conspiracy." Yet another, Caulfield, says of

him,[409] "Digby himself was as highly esteemed and beloved as any man

in England"; and one more hostile writer, Jardine, says[410]:--"There is

abundant evidence that Sir Everard Digby joined in the enterprise under

the full persuasion that in so doing he was rendering good service to

his church and promoting the cause of true religion."

[406] _Gunpowder Treason_, Appendix.

[407] _Narrative of the G. P._, Gerard, p. 91.

[408] Vol. ii. p. 116.

[409] _History of the G. P._, by James Caulfield, 1804, p. 56.

[410] _Gunpowder Plot_, p. 153.

Testimonies to his character would be incomplete without any from a

woman. Here is one from a Protestant to the back-bone, Miss

Aikin:--[411] "His youth, his personal graces, the constancy which he

had exhibited whilst he believed himself a martyr in a good cause, the

deep sorrow which he testified on becoming sensible of his error, seemed

to have moved all hearts with pity and even admiration; and if so

detestable a villainy as the powder plot may be permitted to have a

hero, Everard Digby was undoubtedly the man."

[411] _Memoirs of the Court of James I._, Vol. i. p. 254.

Lastly, he must be allowed to have his share in the fair and considerate

pleadings of the greatest of all historians of the Stuart period, on

behalf of the conspirators in the Gunpowder Plot. Dr Samuel Rawson

Gardiner writes:--[412] "Atrocious as the whole undertaking was, great

as must have been the moral obliquity of their minds before they could

have conceived such a project, there was at least nothing mean or

selfish about them. They had boldly risked their lives for what they

honestly believed to be the cause of God and of their country." A few

lines further on he says, "if the criminality of their design was hidden

from the eyes of the plotters, it was not from any ambitious thoughts of

the consequences of success to themselves." Presently he adds, "As far

as we can judge, they would have been ready, as soon as the wrongs of

which they complained had been redressed, to sink back again into

obscurity." And finally, after dwelling upon their difficulty in seeing

"their atrocious crime in the light in which we see it," he declares his

opinion that, just at last, at least some of them saw "their acts as

they really were," and "with such thoughts as these on their minds,"

"passed away from the world which they had wronged to the presence of

Him who had seen their guilt and their repentance alike."

[412] History of England, Vol. i. pp. 263-4.

It is well, however, to be just as well as generous, and if it be

impossible to consider the fine, handsome youth, of four and twenty,

awaiting execution in the Tower of London, without feelings of

compassion; we should none the less remember that Sir Everard Digby's

co-religionists have other reasons for sorrow in connection with him.

Instead of benefiting the Catholic cause in his country by the

enterprise which he assisted with his influence, his wealth, his time,

and his personal services, he did it the most serious mischief

conceivable; we must keep before our minds, therefore, the fact, that to

Catholics he should appear, not so much an unhappy failure, as a most

active, if most unintentional, aggressor. Although King James himself

declared that the English Catholics, as a body, were neither implicated

in, nor approvers of the Gunpowder Plot; although the Archpriest

condemned it formally a day or two after its discovery; although Father

Gerard and other Jesuits distinctly and categorically disclaimed all

connection with it, and although the Pope himself addressed two letters

to King James, expressing his unqualified horror of it, the idea was

never dispelled that it was a Popish and Jesuitical design. For many

years, English people were ready to believe any absurd tale of Catholic

conspiracy, such as[413] "Rome's Master-piece: or, The Grand Conspiracy

of the Pope and his Jesuited Instruments," in 1640, and the pretended

plot to assassinate Charles II. in 1678, for which, on the perjured

evidence of Titus Oates and others,[414] "about eighteen Roman

Catholics were accused, and upon false testimony convicted and executed;

among them the aged Viscount Stafford." Ballads, such as that which

begins as follows, describing this so-called and non-existent

conspiracy, were eagerly purchased in the streets.

[415] "Good People, I pray you, give ear unto me,

A Story so strange you have never been told,

How the _Jesuit_, _Devil_, and _Pope_ did agree

Our State to destroy, and Religion so old.

To _murder_ our _King_,

A most horrible thing, &c."

[413] See Wharton's _Laud's History, &c._, p. 567.

[414] Haydn's _Dictionary of Dates_, 1892, p. 696.

[415] _A New Narrative of the Popish Plot, showing the Cunning

Contrivance thereof._

Nor did the prejudices against Catholics raised by the Gunpowder Plot,

early in the seventeenth century, die out at the end of it. Even now

there remains a traditional superstition in this country that it was

planned by the Jesuits, admired by the majority of English Catholics,

and secretly connived at by the Pope and the Sacred College. For

generations, English schoolboys have believed that Roman Catholics are

people who would blow up every Protestant with gunpowder if they could.

So indelible has been the prejudice created against Catholics by the

misdoings of a mere handful of conspirators in the Gunpowder Plot, that

the large number of English Catholic squires, baronets, and noblemen,

who squandered their estates and their patrimony, and even gave their

lives, for their king, in the reigns of Charles I. and Charles II.,

failed to eradicate the popular notion that all Catholics were disloyal.

The meetings at White Webbs and Gothurst gave rise to the idea that the

private house of every Catholic served as a rendezvous for plotters, and

every seminary as a nest of traitors; the fact that Catesby and Digby

had Jesuit friends has made Protestants believe that every Jesuit would

commit a murder if he thought it would serve the cause of his religion;

and the fact that they had priests in their houses has led to the

impression that, wherever there is a domestic Catholic chaplain,

mischief is certain to be brewing. Worst of all, when Protestants are

told of "an excellent Catholic," a man who goes to confession and

communion every week, a man of irreproachable character both in private

and in public life, a man of high position, great wealth, charming

manners, and popularity among Protestants as well as Catholics, they can

point, as they have been able to point for nearly three hundred years,

to the history of Sir Everard Digby, as an example of what even such a

man would be "obliged to do" were "his priest" so to order him.

Thus much for the moral effect produced by the efforts of Sir Everard

Digby and his friends for the benefit of the English Catholics; the

material effect may be described in a few words. It was, instead of

relieving them from oppression, to cause the laws and disabilities under

which they suffered to be redoubled. When they reflect upon all these

things, can Catholics recall the memory of Sir Everard Digby with no

other feelings than those of pity? Surely, if any class of men have

cause to execrate the memory of every conspirator in the Gunpowder Plot,

it is not the Protestants but the Catholics.

None the less may it be doubted, whether, among misguided men, there is

a character in history more to be pitied than Sir Everard Digby.

Whatever his faults, whatever his errors, whatever the mischief he

wrought to the cause for which he was ready to give his life, he never

seems to have been guilty of a selfish action; if he was disloyal to his

country, he believed that he was serving its best interests; if he

mistook atrocious murder for legitimate warfare, it was with the hope of

restoring his fellow-countrymen to the faith of their forefathers.

* * * * *

The inhabitants of London were to have two thoroughly happy days; there

was to be a great execution on Thursday and another on Friday. Four

traitors were to be hanged, drawn, and quartered on either day.

On Thursday, the 30th of January 1606, Sir Everard Digby was taken from

his prison in the Tower to a doorway in front of which four horses were

each harnessed to a separate wattled hurdle lying on the ground. He

found three of his fellow-conspirators awaiting him--his late host,

Robert Winter of Huddington, the courageous, but rough and pugnacious,

John Grant of Norbrook, and--there being no respect of persons on the

scaffold--Thomas Bates, Catesby's servant.

Ordered to lie down on his back, with his head towards the horse's tail,

Sir Everard was tightly bound to the hurdle, and when all the four

condemned men had been treated in the same manner, the procession

started on its doleful journey. To be dragged through the muddy streets

of London, to be splashed and saturated with their slush and filth, and

to be bruised and shaken over the rough stones as the hurdle rose and

fell over them, must have been as disagreeable as it was degrading; and

the mile or more from the Tower to the place of execution--the west of

St Paul's Cathedral--was a long distance over which to be submitted to

such an ordeal. To add to the sensations of disgrace, the streets were

crowded, and nearly every window in Cheapside was filled with people

watching the prisoners passing to their doom.

Every pains had been taken to render the execution as imposing as

possible. A large number of soldiers accompanied the procession, and the

Lord Mayor had issued an order to the Alderman of each ward of the city,

ordering him to[416] "cause one able and sufficient person, with a

halbard in his hand, to stand at the door of every several

dwelling-house in the open street in the way that the traitors were to

be drawn towards the place of execution, from seven in the morning until

the return of the sheriff." This was partly with a view to add dignity

and importance to the terrible function, and partly to provide against

tumult or raids by the mob.

[416] Repertories in the Town Clerk's Office. _Criminal Trials._

Jardine, Vol. xi. pp. 181-2.

When the shadow of St Paul's Cathedral fell upon his hurdle, Sir Everard

knew that he was very near the scene of his execution; the crowd became

greater at every step of the horse that was dragging him, and he had

scarcely passed the great church before he found himself in a narrow

lane formed by a densely packed mass of people, kept apart by a line of

soldiers on either side.

Suddenly the horse that was drawing his hurdle stopped, and, on looking

up, he saw the ghastly gallows by his side. There, also, was the long,

low, thick table, or block, on which the quartering would take place;

there, too, were the preparations for the fire in which certain portions

of his body would be burnt before it went out.

He was liberated from the hurdle. Stiff and mud-bespattered, he got up

and was led towards the gallows. He was then informed that he was to be

the first to suffer. Many officials were present. The protestant clergy

came forward and offered their services. He courteously refused them;

but turning to the crowd, he begged the assistance and prayers of all

good Catholics.[417] Even his enemies admitted that as he stood on the

scaffold, he was[418] "a man of a goodly personage and a manly aspect,"

although "his colour grew pale," as well it might, after having been

dragged on his back for a mile over the streets of that period; nor

could a man be expected to carry much colour on his face immediately

before being put to a horrible death in cold blood.

[417] Narrative G. P., Gerard, p. 217.

[418] Somers' Tracts, Vol. ii. p. 114.

After saying a few prayers, he again turned to the people, and one of

the officials asked him to acknowledge his treason before he died. He

then made a short speech. [419] "Sir Everard Digby" says Stow,

"protested from the bottome of his heart, he asked forgivenesse of God,

the King, the Queene, the Prince, and all the Parliament, and if that

hee had knowne it at first to have ben so foule a treason, he would not

have concealed it to have gayned a world, requiring the people to

witnesse he died penitent and sorrowfull for this vile Treason, and

confident to be saved in the merits of his sweet Saviour Jesus, etc."

[419] Stow's _Annales_, p. 882.

Still, he declared most solemnly[420] that while he was quite willing to

die for his offence, he had not been impelled to commit the treason by

feelings of ill-will towards any living creature, or a desire for

self-advancement or worldly gains. His sole motive had been to put an

end to the persecutions of Catholics, to benefit human souls, and to

serve the cause of religion. The action itself he acknowledged to have

been sinful; the intentions which prompted it he protested to have been

pure.

[420] Narrative of the G. P., Gerard, p. 217.

"His speech was not long,"[421] and, when it was ended he knelt down,

made the sign of the Cross, and said some prayers in a low voice in

Latin, "often bowing his head to the ground," says Stow, "mumbling to

himself," and "refusing to have any prayers of any but of the Romish

Catholics," says the hostile historian in the _Somers' Tracts_, he "fell

to his prayers with such devotion as moved all the beholders," states

his friend Father Gerard, who goes on to say:--"And when he had done, he

stood up and saluted all the noblemen and gentlemen that stood upon the

scaffold, every one according to his estate, to the noblemen with a

lower _conge_, to others with more show of equality, but to all in so

friendly and so cheerful a manner, as they afterwards said, he seemed so

free from fear of death, as that he showed no feeling at all of any

passion therein, but took his leave of them as he was wont to do when he

went from the Court or out of the city to his own house in the country;

yet he showed so great devotion of mind, so much fervour and humility in

his prayers, and so great confidence in God, as that very many said[422]

they made no doubt but his soul was happy, and wished themselves might

die in the like state of mind."

[421] Somers' Tracts.

[422] A footnote says, "Here wants something. _In another hand,

erased in Original._"

The hangman now came up to assist him in his preparations for execution.

Before going to the gallows for hanging and quartering, the condemned

man was stripped, with the exception of his shirt. This humiliating

process having been completed, with his hands bound, Sir Everard

accompanied the executioner to the foot of the ladder, and saying, "Oh!

Jesu, Jesu, save me and keep me," he ascended it, as also did the

hangman.

I should like to let the curtain fall here; but, were I to do so, my

story would be incomplete.

The punishment of hanging, drawing, and quartering was so horrible, that

it was often mitigated by allowing the victim to hang until he was dead.

This might well have been done in the case of Sir Everard Digby. To be

hung, partially naked, knowing that his body would afterwards be hacked

to pieces in the most disgraceful manner before the eyes of an immense

concourse of people, should have been considered a sufficient

punishment. But no! Not even was he permitted to be to some extent

stupefied by being half-strangled. The executioner had no sooner turned

him off the ladder than he cut the rope.[423] Sir Everard "fell on his

face and bruised his forehead." Then followed a scene of vivisection and

butchery,[424] which would not be tolerated in these days if the

subject were a sheep or an ox. Yet even on the awful block, Sir Everard

never betrayed his dignity;[425] and, condemn his offences as we may, we

cannot fairly refuse to give him credit for having died like a good

Christian, a courteous gentleman, and a courageous Englishman.

[423] _Narrative G. P._, Gerard, p. 218.

[424] Wood, in his _Athenae Oxonienses_, Vol. ii. p. 354, says, "when

the Executioner pluck't out his Heart (when his Body was to be

quartered), and according to the manner held it up, saying, _Here is

the Heart of a Traytor, Sir Everard_ made answer, _Thou liest_." This

a most famous Author ["_Franc._ Lord _Bacon_" says a footnote],

mentions, but tells us not his Name, in his _Historia Vitae et

Mortis_.

[425] Narrative G. P., Gerard, p. 218.

* * * * *

No biographer ever felt more genuine sorrow for his subject than have I

for Sir Everard Digby. My sympathy for him has been the greater because

he was, like myself, a convert to the Roman Catholic Church; because

both he and I were received into that Church by Fathers of the Society

of Jesus; because, both in his house and in mine, Jesuits have very

frequently been welcomed as guests, and because in my private chapel, as

in his, they have often acted as chaplains. Moreover, an additional bond

between Sir Everard Digby and myself is the fact that he was my

ancestor. Nevertheless, I hope that I have not allowed any of these

accidents of faith or family to induce me wilfully to conceal an

incident important to his history, to gloss over a mistake that he

committed, to put a dishonest construction upon one of his actions, or

to say an untrue word either about himself, or any other character that

has been introduced among these pages. Like his own life, my attempt at

recounting it may be disfigured by mistaken zeal, false inferences, and

rash conclusions; or possibly my authorities, like his friends, may have

led me into error; if so, before laying down my pen, like Sir Everard

Digby, before laying down his life, let me admit the offence, but

declare that it was prompted by no unworthy motive.

TURNBULL AND SPEARS, PRINTERS, EDINBURGH.

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