Both Catesby and Fawkes left Gothurst as October wore on; so also did
any other conspirators who may have visited it. Most of them betook
themselves to White Webbs, a desolate, half-timbered house, with "many
trap-doors and passages,"[231] on Enfield Chase, to the north of London,
about ten miles from the cellar where their gunpowder lay.
[231] Cal. Sta. Pa. Dom., 1603-10, p. 256.
This house had been taken, a long time before this, by Anne Vaux, and
was rented by her[232] as a convenient place near London for the meeting
of priests and the Catholic laity. Unfortunately, it had gradually got
more into the hands of her relatives, who found it useful for other
purposes. These relatives were Catesby and Tresham.
[232] _Ib._, 1603-10, p. 297.
At one time White Webbs had been inhabited almost exclusively by
Jesuits, being used as a centre for the renovation of vows, religious
retreats, and conferences upon the affairs of their missions.[233] In
his examination,[234] Father Garnet said "that it was a spacious house
fitt to receave so great a company that should resort to him thither;
there being two bedds placed in a chamber, but thinketh there have not
been above the number of 14 Jesuits at one time there." Disastrously for
himself and his order, he was obliged to confess[235] that "Catesby and
Wynter, or Mr Catesby alone, came to him to White Webbs and tould this
exam{t}. there was a plott in hand for the Cath{c}. cause against the King
and the State," assuring him that it was something quite "lawfull"; but
that he had "dissuaded him," and that "he promised to surceasse."
[233] _Records S. J._, Vol. iv. p. 83, footnote.
[234] S. P. Dom. James I., Vol. xix. n. 16
[235] S. P. Dom. James I., Vol. xix. n. 44.
It was no secret that White Webbs had been one of the principal
meeting-places of the Jesuits; therefore, after they had given up going
there, and it had got into the hands of Catesby and his band of
conspirators, the Government, not altogether unnaturally, supposed that
the Jesuits had purposely assigned it to the plotters as a convenient
place from which to carry out their dread design.
This, however, was not the case; for, in October 1605, Father Garnet had
intended to have gone thither, but finding that Catesby and his friends
had established themselves in the house, most likely with the purpose of
carrying out the "plott in hand," which he so greatly feared, he did not
dare to go there,[236] "and so accepted the offer of Sir Everard to be
his tenants at Coughton." He felt the more anxious to go to Coughton
because Catesby had promised to come there on the 31st;[237] and he
says, "I assuredly, if they had come, had entered into the matter, and
perhaps might have hindered all." As the modern Jesuit, Father Pollen,
says, "to be able to do this he would, of course, have to ask Catesby to
allow him to open the matter, but of success in this, considering that
Catesby had of his own accord offered to tell him, he did not much
doubt, and, perhaps to make the negotiations easier, he had ordered
Greenway to be there too." The pity is that he had not "entered into the
matter" earlier. Nervous and horror-stricken, he had refused to allow
Catesby to tell him the details, when he had reason for believing a plot
to be brewing; he was tongue-tied when he afterwards met Catesby, having
heard those details in confession; yet, after being for some time at
Gothurst with Catesby, it was not until Catesby had left that he came to
the conclusion that he might, and that it was highly desirable that he
should, beg Catesby's leave to speak to him of a subject which had been
transmitted to him through the confessional, at Catesby's desire.
[236] _Father Garnet and the Gunpowder Plot_, p. 22.
[237] _Father Garnet and the Gunpowder Plot_, p. 23. See also
Lingard, Vol. vii. chap. i.
A zealous Catholic like Sir Everard would be comforted by learning that
an envoy had been privately despatched to Rome, to explain everything to
the Pope, from the point of view of the conspirators, as soon as the
great event should have taken place. The person selected for this
purpose was Sir Edward Baynham, a member of a good Gloucestershire
family, and an intimate friend of Catesby's. He had started in
September. Unluckily for himself, Father Garnet, on hearing that Baynham
was going to Rome, as Catesby's messenger, had encouraged it,
believing,[238] "that he had procured Baynham's mission in order to
inform the Pope generally of the Plot, and that this was the reason why
he so confidently expected from his Holiness a prohibition of the whole
business." Father Garnet's approval of Baynham's mission was thus
capable of quotation, or rather misquotation, to Sir Everard Digby, and
would naturally confirm the reports of his full approval of the
conspiracy, as previously cited by Catesby.
[238] Garnet's letters to the fathers and brethren, Palm Sunday,
after his trial. _Antilogia_, p. 141. Jardine, p. 319.
This mission of Baynham to Rome was destined to bring trouble upon the
conspirators, Sir Everard among them. In the indictment afterwards made
against them, was the following Count.[239] "That after the destruction
of the King, the Queen, the Prince, and the Royal Issue Male, the Lords
Spiritual and Temporal, the Knights and Burgesses; they should notifie
the same to Foreign States; and therefore Sir _Edmund Bayham_, an
attainted person of Treason, and stiling himself prince of the damned
crew, should be sent, and make the same known to the Pope, and crave his
aid; an Ambassador fit, both for the message and persons, to be sent
betwixt the Pope and the Devil."
[239] _Gunpowder Treason_, p. 13.
The last week of October must have been a time of great anxiety to Sir
Everard. His companions at Gothurst appear to have been his wife and his
two little children, Mrs Vaux, her sister-in-law, Anne Vaux, and Father
Garnet. In the meantime he was making his preparations for the pretended
coursing-meeting at Dunchurch. He was arranging how the arms, armour,
and ammunition were to be conveyed in carts, covered over with other
things to conceal them, and he was getting his men and horses ready for
the start. He was also making preparations for the journey of his wife,
children, and guests to Coughton, and for this party, alone, a good many
servants and horses were required.
It is highly improbable that Catesby and the other conspirators at White
Webbs kept up communications with their friend and ally at Gothurst; so
most likely he was spared the anxiety of the news that on Saturday, the
26th, Lord Mounteagle had received, when at supper, an anonymous letter,
warning him to "devyse some exscuse" for absenting himself from the
"parleament," and to "retyere" himself into the "contri" where he might
"expect the event in safti for thoghe theare be no apparance of anni
stir yet i saye they shall receyve a terribel blowe this parleament and
yet they shall not seie who hurts them &c.";[240] and that Lord
Mounteagle[241] ordered a man in his service to read this letter then
and there before the party assembled. Most likely, too, Sir Everard did
not learn till much later that when, early in the following week,
Catesby and Winter heard of the delivery of this letter of warning, they
suspected Tresham of being its author; that, on Wednesday, the 30th,
they summoned him, after he had been down in Northamptonshire for about
a week, to come at once to White Webbs, with the full intention of
poignarding him on the spot, if they could convince themselves that he
had been guilty of writing and sending the warning, and that he denied
it, with such firmness and so many oaths, that they hesitated to
assassinate him, while still doubting his sincerity.
[240] Lingard, Vol. vii. chap. i.
[241] It would be beyond my sphere, nor have I the space, to go into
the vexed question of the authorship of this letter. Nor can I here
inquire whether Mounteagle was privy to the plot. A very
affectionate letter from Mounteagle to Catesby is given in
_Archaeologia_, Vol. xxviii. pp. 423-4, and with it are some
interesting remarks by Mr Bruce upon this subject. He infers from
some, at first sight, playful words about "the ellimentes of Aier
and fyre," and "the fyre of your spirite," that Mounteagle referred
to the Gunpowder Plot; and he suspects that in telling Catesby that
he "accumptes thy person the only sone that must Ripene our
harvest," Mounteagle implies that Catesby is the chief instigator of
the great blow that is to deliver the Catholics from persecution.
The letter invites Catesby to meet him at Bath, and Mr Bruce says,
"Catesby went to Bath about Michaelmas 1605, it now appears, in
consequence of the above invitation. Percy, and, as we may conclude,
Lord Mounteagle, met him there." This must have been either
immediately before, or immediately after, Catesby revealed the Plot
to Sir Everard Digby. Mr Bruce thinks before.
On Tuesday, the 29th of October, Lady Digby, her children, guests, and
servants, started for Coughton, a journey of some fifty miles. In
mentioning Coughton, it may be worth noticing how many of those whose
names are more or less connected, even indirectly, with the story of the
Gunpowder Plot were related to each other. The owner of Coughton, Thomas
Throckmorton, was a cousin both of Catesby's and of Tresham's, although
he never had anything to do with the conspiracy. He was also a cousin of
the Vaux family, his grandmother having been a daughter of a Lord Vaux
of Harrowden.
It being known that Father Garnet was to be at Coughton for All Hallows'
Eve, All Saints' Day, and All Souls' Day, many Catholics in the
neighbourhood came thither in order to attend mass and go to their
religious duties.
The feast of All-Hallows used then to be kept with some solemnity, and
it was Father Garnet's custom on such occasions to sing the mass,[242]
where it was practicable and safe to do so, and also to preach.
Lingard[243] thought that it was "plain that Garnet had acted very
imprudently at Coughton, probably had suffered expressions to escape him
which, though sufficiently obscure then, might now prove his
acquaintance with the plot; for he writes to Anne Vaux, on March 4th,
'there is some talk here of a discourse made by me or Hall; I fear it is
that which I made at Coughton.'--Autib. 144." He certainly recited the
prayer for the conversion of England, which had been authorised for that
purpose by Cardinal Allen; and, although it was used that day throughout
the world, being taken from the office of the feast,[244] his doing so
was afterwards used in evidence against him as an act of treason. The
words
"Gentem auferte perfidam
Credentium de finibus,
Ut Christo laudes debitas
Persolvamus alacriter."[245]
from a hymn in the Office, had certainly no reference to the Gunpowder
Plot.
[242] _Father Garnet and the Gunpowder Plot_, p. 23.
[243] Hist, of Eng., Vol. vii. Appendix H.H.H.
[244] _Father Garnet and the Gunpowder Plot_, p. 23.
[245] See Jardine, p. 217.
On Saturday, the second of November, Sir Everard was up early,
superintending the arrangements for his start a day or two later, as
well as the putting away of valuables at Gothurst, and the closing of
the house in preparation for a long absence. Already some of his horses
and men had been sent on to Dunchurch, together with his greyhounds,
which were all-important for appearance sake.
Possibly my readers may have experienced the sensation caused by the
unexpected and very sudden arrival of a hitherto invariably welcome
friend at a moment when his presence was not exactly convenient. Now few
men, if any, were so dear to Sir Everard as Father Gerard, and he used
to be specially welcome when he occasionally rode to Gothurst early in
a morning to say a mass in its chapel; but when Sir Everard saw "his
brother," as he usually called him, riding up to Gothurst on that
particular Saturday morning, and when he was told by the Father that he
had come to say his mass in his chapel on this All Souls' Day, he
wished, for the first time, that his favourite guest had not taken it
into his head to come on that Saturday morning, "of all Saturday
mornings." He knew that all the chapel furniture, as well as the
chalices, vestments, and other necessaries for saying mass, had been
carefully hidden away, with the exception of those which had been sent
on to Dunchurch with a view to having mass said during his stay there.
Besides, everything was in a state of fuss and confusion in anticipation
of the start; and, as his family were to remain for some time at
Coughton, the house was on the point of being shut up. One reason why
the presence of Father Gerard might be particularly unwelcome just then
was that, about that time, Digby may have been superintending the "great
provision of armour and shot, which he sent before him in a cart with
some trusty servants" to Dunchurch.[246]
[246] _Narrative of the G. P._, by Father Gerard, p.92.
When told that it would be impossible to have mass at Gothurst that
morning, Father Gerard, in addition to his expression of
disappointment--for All Souls' is a Feast upon which no priest likes to
miss saying mass--may have shown signs of embarrassment; for the
presence of a stranger prevented his asking his host the reasons. As
soon as an opportunity offered itself, Father Gerard beckoned to Sir
Everard to follow him into a room in which they would be alone.[247]
There he told him that he could not understand the sudden alteration in
the arrangements of his house, the putting away of so many things as if
a long absence was contemplated, the removal of the family to Coughton,
the preparations for a journey to Dunchurch with such an unusual number
of men and horses, and--now that he came to think of it--the sales of
land and stock, of which Sir Everard had spoken to him not long ago, as
if to raise money for some special purpose. All this, as an intimate
friend, Father Gerard was in a position to say to his so-called
"brother"; and he ventured to go further and inquire whether he "had
something in hand for the Catholic cause."
[247] _Life of Father J. Gerard_, p. ccxxxvi.-vii.
Sir Everard's answer was "No, there is nothing in hand that I know of,
or can tell you of."
Father Gerard then replied that he had some reason to feel anxious on
the subject, as Sir Everard was much too careful a man to injure his
estate by leaving it understocked, and by selling any portion of it in
order to purchase horses, hire men, and spend money in other ways,
unless he had some great object in view for what he believed to be the
good of the Catholic cause; and, added the Father, "Look well that you
follow counsel in your proceedings, or else you may hurt both yourself
and the cause."
Ah! if some such words as these had been addressed to him by Father
Garnet at the time he first joined the conspiracy, how much misery he
might have been saved.
Perhaps Father Gerard's persistence in suspecting and implying that Sir
Everard had "something in hand," after he had avowed that he had
"nothing" may have irritated him, for he replied, with dignity: "I
respect the Catholic cause much more than my own commodity, as it should
well appear whenever I undertake anything."
Father Gerard was not to be put off in this manner, and he asked once
more, "whether there were anything to be done," and, if so, whether help
was expected from any foreign power.
Sir Everard was becoming hard pressed, and raising one finger, he
replied, "I will not adventure so much in hope thereof."
Distressed and anxious, Father Gerard then said--"I pray God you follow
counsel in your doings. If there be any matter in hand, doth Mr Walley
know of it?" Walley was the name by which Father Garnet, the Provincial
of the Jesuits, was spoken of at that time.
Digby's answer was a curious one, unless Catesby had not told him the
name of the particular Jesuit whose approval he pretended to have
obtained. "In truth, I think he doth not."
Then, said Father Gerard, "In truth, Sir Everard Digby, if there should
be anything in hand, and that you retire yourself and company into
Warwickshire, as into a place of most safety, I should think you did not
perform the part of a friend to some of your neighbours not far off, and
persons that, as you know, deserve every respect, and to whom you have
professed much friendship, that they are left behind, and have not any
warning to make so much provision for their own safety as were needful
in such a time, but to defend themselves from rogues."
Sir Everard, who must have sincerely wished that his friend had stayed
away, replied--"I warrant you it shall not need."
At this assurance Father Gerard felt rather more satisfied, and shortly
afterwards he rode away, much to the relief of his host, who at any
other time would have pressed him to remain as his guest.
Sir Everard stayed at home over the Sunday--whether he rode to some
other Catholic's house to hear Mass on that day does not appear--and on
the Monday[248] he started for Dunchurch, accompanied by his page,
William Ellis, Richard Day, "his receaver," and five servants.
[248] S. P. Gunpowder Plot Book, Part I. No. 108.
He can scarcely have left Gothurst in the best of spirits, as he must
have reflected that, for the first time, he had prevaricated and
dissembled, if not actually lied, to the man he considered his best
friend, the very priest who had received him into the Church; that he
had parted with him on a far from satisfactory footing, and that he had
been obliged to send him away from his house without saying Mass on a
day of such importance to all good Catholics as that devoted to the
memory of and intercession for the dead.
Besides these, he had other good reasons for depression as he rode away
from his beautiful home; he must have known that, at best, he was
starting upon a very perilous enterprise; whether it succeeded or
failed, many of his party might fall on the field in prosecuting it, if
nothing worse happened to them; and it may be that, as he caught a last
glimpse of Gothurst in the distance, the thought occurred to his mind
that he would never see it again.
The journey and his plans, however, would soon distract his thoughts.
The plot itself, too, would occupy his mind above all other subjects. In
each of the conspirators it seems to have produced a sort of
intoxication. Stow says that,[249] "being drunke with the same folly,"
Sir Everard Digby "went to the appointed hunting at Don-church."
[249] Stow's _Annales_, p. 879.
Then there were his arms and his followers to be thought of and looked
after. It is difficult in these days to realise that, some three hundred
years ago, the servants, retainers, and to some extent the tenants, of
large landowners were expected to fight when required by their lords.
It is true that the feudal system had then almost ceased to exist; but
although vassalage had been considerably limited more than a hundred
years earlier by Henry VII., it was not abolished by statute until more
than fifty years after the time of which I am writing.
To carry ourselves back to that period, we have to imagine our
gardeners, under-gardeners, grooms, stable-helpers, gamekeepers, and
perhaps footmen, strapping on broad-swords, carrying pikes, putting on
such armour as could be provided, and going forth to possible battle,
some on foot, and some mounted on hacks, coach-horses, cart-horses, and
ponies, not a few of which would be taken up from grass for the purpose.
In this particular instance, the motley troop, with the exception of the
seven men accompanying Sir Everard, had been already sent on, ostensibly
to assist at the coursing and, perhaps, hawking, which was to take place
at Dunchurch, while some of them were to attend to the wants of the
guests. As to Sir Everard's own journey, most of his attendants rode;
but one of them, Richard Hollis, the under-cook, walked, leading the
"truncke-horse," on which his master's personal clothing was slung.[250]
This trunk, wrote Sir Everard,[251] "had in it cloathes of mine, as, a
white Sattin Dublet cut with purple, a Jerkin and Hoase of De-roy
colour sattin, laid very thicke with Gold-lace, there were other
garments in it of mine, with a new black Winter Gown of my wife's, there
was also in the trunk L300 in money."
[250] S. P. Dom. James I., Vol. xvii.; G. P. Book, Part II. n. 138.
[251] Sir E. Digby's Letters, p. 172.
On reaching Dunchurch, Sir Everard took his supper alone,[252] and it is
not likely that his reflections as he did so were of the calmest or the
happiest.
[252] S. P. Gunpowder Plot Book, Part I. No. 108.
Now that it takes considerably less than a couple of hours to travel
from London to Rugby, it seems curious that no news of the difficulties
of the conspirators at White Webbs should have reached those at
Dunchurch; but it would have been dangerous in the extreme to have sent
a letter describing them, and neither of the principals concerned wished
to go far from London until they had seen what would happen.
Their anxiety on Wednesday, the 30th of October, had been increased by
Tresham's eagerness in urging Catesby to give up the plot, which he said
was discovered, and to leave England, promising that he should always
"live upon his purse";[253] and by his imploring Winter to begone, on
Saturday, the 2nd of November. On the Saturday or the Sunday, Winter
again met Tresham in Lincoln's Inn Walks, when the latter declared that
they were all lost men, unless they saved themselves by instant flight.
Through another source, Catesby and Winter learned, on the Sunday, that
the letter of warning which had been received by Lord Mounteagle had
been shown to the king, who considered the matter of the highest
importance, but enjoined the strictest secrecy. The leading
conspirators, therefore, were in a state of great consternation on the
Sunday, two days before the explosion was to take place. Of all this,
however, Sir Everard Digby knew nothing.
[253] Tresham's Declaration, Nov. 13. S.P.O. Jardine's G. P., 93.
Either late on the Monday night, or early on the Tuesday morning,
several of Sir Everard's friends assembled at the Inn[254] where he was
staying, at Dunchurch; among these were Throckmorton,[255] Sir Robert
Digby of Coleshill, James Digby, George Digby, Stephen Littleton and
Humphrey Littleton. On the Tuesday morning,[256] mass was said by Father
Hart, a Jesuit, who had been a secular priest, and had been introduced
to Fathers of the Society of Jesus by Father Strange,[257] Sir Everard
Digby's own chaplain. The party, after breakfast, hunted or coursed, so
that, although the "hunting-match" was a mere cover for other designs,
it actually took place for one day.
[254] S. P. Gunpowder Plot Book, Part II. No. 121.
[255] S. P. Gunpowder Plot Book, Part I. No. 108.
[256] _Cal. Sta. Pa._, 1603-10, p. 263.
[257] _Records of the Eng. Prov. S. J._, Series I. p. 169.
It seems that Sir Everard took opportunities of confiding to his friends
the news that a scheme was on foot for asserting the rights of
Catholics; that active measures of some sort were to be taken on their
behalf immediately in London, probably on the following day, and that
very possibly the sportsmen assembled at Dunchurch might receive a
message, summoning them to arms about Thursday or Friday; to some he
told more, and to some less, according to their dispositions and the
spirit in which they received his information.
The sportsmen naturally conversed together upon the intelligence they
had received, although a few of the more enlightened were to some extent
tongue-tied, and the whole party gradually became in an anxious and
excited state.[258] This was especially the case when they all met
together at supper at the inn after hunting, and more particularly as
they talked in groups over their tankards when supper was finished.
[258] Jardine, p. 108.
Sir Everard Digby, his relative, Sir Robert Digby, and one of the
Littletons, withdrew from the rest of the party to play cards[259]
together in a room by themselves.
[259] S. P. Dom. James I., Nov. 1605, Vol. xvi. No. 94.
A little distraction must have been very desirable for Sir Everard's
mind in its state of tension. As we know, he was usually an excellent
card-player, but we may doubt whether he played his best on this
occasion. He believed that the horrible catastrophe was either at that
moment taking place, had just taken place, or was to take place
immediately. Perhaps, as he sat quietly playing cards, numbers of men
whom he had known personally, or at least by sight, had just been put to
a horrible death, among them his king, who had knighted him. The poor
princes, innocent boys, might be lying beside him, dead also, crushed
and mangled. Many among the slain would be almost as innocent, so far as
any desire to injure the Catholics was concerned. Of course, Digby had
made up his mind that the explosion was a necessary and even a heroic
undertaking; but, if bloodguiltiness there were in it, he could not help
knowing that it rested on his own head. Can one help imagining that,
while he played cards, he must have devoutly wished, now that it was too
late, that he could prevent such a fearful slaughter, or that he had
never heard of or conspired in the plot? Let us hope that the game of
cards diverted such thoughts; yet who could blame him if, with such
matters on his mind, he forgot to follow suit?
At any rate, while he shuffled the cards, grim realities would be apt to
present themselves to his memory. When would he hear of the great event?
It would only take place that afternoon or evening at soonest. Dunchurch
was about eighty miles from London. Catesby would hardly despatch a
messenger until he had something definite to relate as to the result of
the catastrophe upon the minds of the populace, the officials, and the
army; so it might be almost another twenty-four hours before Digby
could receive the news; yet such an appalling massacre would be talked
about, right and left, and the intelligence would be passed on from one
place to another very rapidly; it was possible, therefore, that
tidings--most likely meagre, exaggerated, and untrustworthy
tidings--might reach Dunchurch, in some form or other, on the following
morning. As the day wore on they might, perhaps, see Rookwood himself,
or one of his servants entrusted with a letter, for he had placed relays
of horses on the road between London and Dunchurch.[260] Or Percy or
Christopher Wright might appear, as Sir Everard had sent a servant with
a couple of horses to meet them at Hockliffe.[261]
[260] Jardine, p. 105.
[261] _Ib._, p. 106, footnote.
But it was useless to disturb the mind as to the particular moment at
which the news could arrive; possibly there was not at present any to
send; therefore it would be wisest, Sir Everard might tell himself, to
divert his mind with his game, to go early to bed, and get a good
night's rest, so as to be fresh and ready for whatever might happen on
the following day.
Suddenly there was a sound without of many and hurried footsteps; the
door opened, and in rushed Catesby, Percy, John Wright, Christopher
Wright, Rookwood, and Winter, mud-bespattered, heavily armed, and with
grave faces. Acton and Grant came in after them.
It was clear, at a glance, that something was wrong; and Sir Everard
looked eagerly to Catesby for information. Instead of speaking, Catesby
took him by the arm and led him out of the room, saying nothing until he
had found an empty chamber, which they both entered alone.
Exactly what was said to Sir Everard by Catesby can never be known; but
what he had to tell him, if he chose to do so, was much as follows.
On the evening, or late in the afternoon, of the previous day (Monday,
November 4th), Catesby, Rookwood, John and Christopher Wright, Thomas
Winter, Percy, and Keyes, who formed the band of conspirators in and
about London, received notice from Fawkes that the cellar in which their
gunpowder was laid had just been visited by the Lord Chamberlain--the
already mentioned Earl of Suffolk, and Lord Mounteagle. Catesby and John
Wright immediately fled, and started for Dunchurch. Christopher Wright,
Rookwood, Keyes, Winter, and Percy waited in London to observe what
would happen. They hung about during the night, and at about four or
five o'clock in the morning[262] they discovered that Fawkes had been
arrested. Then Christopher Wright and Percy started for Dunchurch.
[262] _Somer's Tracts_, Vol. ii. p. 105.
Only Rookwood, Winter, and Keyes now remained. They were staying in the
same lodging, and they determined to wait and see what the morning would
bring forth.[263] On going out early, they found the populace in a
state of great consternation and terror.[264] "The news of Fawkes's
apprehension, and exaggerated rumours of a frightful plot discovered,
were spread in every direction." Guards and soldiers protected all the
streets and roads leading to the palace, and no one, excepting
officials, was permitted to pass them. The whole town was in a state of
excitement. Keyes sprang on his horse and galloped after the other
fugitives; but Rookwood, who had taken care to place relays of horses
along the road to Dunchurch, remained longer, in order to carry the
latest news to his fellow-conspirators in Warwickshire. At ten[265]
o'clock it became evident that it would be dangerous to delay an instant
longer, so he also mounted his horse and galloped away.
[263] A man named Tatnell deposed that "he met 2 gentlemen that
morning near Lincoln's Inn, and one said, 'God's woundes! we are
wonderfully besett, and all ys marred.'" S. P. Dom. James I., Vol.
xvi.; G. P. Bk., No. 11.
[264] Jardine, p. 105.
[265] S. P. Dom. James I., Vol. xvii. n. 9. See also Vol. xvi. Nos.
11 and 13.
The last of all to fly was Thomas Winter.[266] Of his movements Catesby
could have told Sir Everard nothing; but he left London very soon after
Rookwood, and eventually joined his fellow-conspirators at Huddington.
[266] Gardiner. _Hist. Eng._, Vol. i. p. 257.
When Rookwood had gone about three miles beyond Highgate, he overtook
Keyes, and rode with him into Bedfordshire, where Keyes took a
different road, as is conjectured by Jardine,[267] for "Lord Mordaunt's
house at Turvey, where his wife resided." Somewhere in the neighbourhood
of Brick-hill, a place not far from Fenny Stratford, Rookwood overtook
Percy, the two Wrights, and Catesby, after which these five rode
together to Ashby St Leger, Lady Catesby's place in Northamptonshire,
which was very near to Dunchurch. Roughly speaking, the course of the
fugitives had been not very wide of the route of the London and
North-Western railway from Euston to Rugby, and while all did it
quickly, Rookwood's pace was exceptionally fast, as he rode about eighty
miles between eleven in the morning and six in the evening, averaging
more than eleven miles an hour, including stoppages to change horses. He
himself stated that he[268] "rode thirty miles of one horse in two
hours," and that "Percy and John Wright cast off their cloaks and threw
them into the hedge to ride the more speedily."
[267] _G. P._, p. 106.
[268] _Rookwood's Examination_, Dec. 2, 1605. S.P.O. Jardine, _G.
P._, p. 106.
The five fugitives entered Lady Catesby's house just as she and her
party, which included Robert Winter and Acton, were sitting down to
supper. The news of the arrest of Fawkes and the failure of the main
design having been announced by the new arrivals, who, as Jardine says,
were[269] "fatigued and covered with dirt,"--Father Gerard, again, in
describing their ride, writes of[270] "the foulness of the winter
ways"--no time was lost over the hurried meal, during which a short
conference took place, ending in a decision that the whole party should
ride off immediately to Dunchurch, taking with them all the arms that
were in the house.
[269] P. 108.
[270] _Narrative G. P._, p. 106.