who had brought the bull at Lyons, and brought him back a prisoner to
Paris, with the aforesaid Sansien le Leu, who had been taken in the
church of Clervaulx; for the king and all the princes were very
indignant against the pope della Luna.
This pope, hearing how he had excited the anger of the king of France,
of the princes, and of the university of Paris, began to be much
alarmed, and, in consequence, embarked at Porto Venere, attended by four
cardinals only, and went first to Arragon, and thence to Perpignan.
About this time, king Louis of Sicily took leave of the king of France,
and left Paris for Provence, to oppose some who were favourable to his
adversary king Ladislaus. The queen of France was still at Melun,
whither the king went, and after some days stay returned to Paris, where
the ambassadors from Scotland were waiting for him. When they had
received a large sum of money from the king to carry on the war against
the English, they took leave and returned home.
The king of France also granted to the ambassadors from Wales, for the
same object, three hundred men at arms and two hundred cross-bows, to be
maintained at his expense for one whole year. They were to be commanded
by the borgne de la Heuse, a knight of great renown, and a native of
Normandy, to whom the king ordered vessels and money to be delivered,
that he might embark for Wales.
CHAP. XLII.
THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY DEPARTS FROM PARIS, ON ACCOUNT OF THE
AFFAIRS OF LIEGE.—THE KING OF SPAIN COMBATS THE SARACEN
FLEET.—THE KING OF HUNGARY WRITES TO THE UNIVERSITY OF
PARIS.
On the 5th day of July, the duke of Burgundy left Paris, attended by his
two brothers, to the great vexation of many princes, governors of the
realm. The object of his journey was to celebrate in Arras the birth-day
of the bishop of that city, whose name was Martin Porée, of the order of
Preachers, and also his confessor. He went thence to Ghent to visit his
duchess.
He made great preparations to march to the assistance of his
brother-in-law John of Bavaria, bishop of Liege, whom the Liegeois had
deprived of his bishoprick, and banished their country. He had taken
refuge with many gentlemen of his party in the town of Maestricht,
wherein he was besieged by his enemies under the command of the lord de
Pieruels and his son, whom the Liegeois had elected bishop in his stead.
On the other hand, duke William count of Hainault, brother to John of
Bavaria, the count de Conversent[125], lord of Anghien, and many other
great lords of the country, assembled a large body of men at arms, who,
when joined by the lords de Croy and de Hely with their men, sent by the
duke of Burgundy, amounted to a very considerable force.
They marched toward the country of Liege, to make war upon it, for the
cause before mentioned, and first burnt a house and farm belonging to a
church of the order of Cistercians. They then advanced to Fosse and
Florennes[126], where they committed much destruction by fire and sword,
as well as throughout the whole country on the banks of the Sambre. They
took several forts by storm, and put to death all found therein; nor
were the lives of any spared, of whatever sex or rank, in those parts.
On this expedition some new knights were made, among whom were Pierre de
Luxembourg count de Conversent, Engilbert d’Anghien, and many more. When
duke William had despoiled the country, suspecting the Liegeois would
march against him to offer battle, and knowing they were in superior
numbers, he retreated homeward, burning every house or village he
passed; and his men were loaded with the booty they had made.
When he was returned home, he raised another army in conjunction with
the duke of Burgundy, with the intent of marching again toward Liege and
offering battle to the Liegeois.
At this time, a severe war was carrying on between the Spaniards and the
Saracens of the kingdom of Granada. The king of Spain[127],
magnificently attended by his Spaniards, and sir Robinet de Braquemont,
a knight from Normandy, embarked on board twenty-four gallies, well
provided with men at arms and stores, to combat the Saracens, who were
at sea with twenty-two gallies. These last were defeated, and all on
board put to death.
At this period also the king of Hungary wrote to the university of Paris
a letter, the contents of which were as follows. It was addressed, ‘To
the learned, sage and prudent men, the rector and university of Paris,
our love and affection.’ Then follows the letter. ‘Noble personages, and
very renowned in science throughout the world, we have with pleasure
received your epistle, full of sense and eloquence, which no doubt will
be very agreeable to our Lord and the Holy Spirit, and most profitable
to all true Christians; for such is the abomination at present existing
in the church of God, that every sincere and pious Christian should
offer up his prayers to God that out of his grace he would provide a
remedy, by which this abomination, namely, the schism and division that
has existed in the church for thirty years may be destroyed, and put to
a final end by the re-union of the whole church.
‘Should not this union be speedily effected, it is to be feared, that
from this double division three others may spring up; and it is on this
account, and some others, we have sent our orator to that most Christian
prince the king of France our lord, in order that the object of our
legation to him may not be frustrated by unbelievers and others. We have
requested of him by our ambassadors to send us some one of his noble
race to aid and counsel us in our affairs, which we hope he will comply
with, knowing that, if he grants us this favour, we shall be alway
ready, as heretofore, to serve him.—Given at Rome, the 11th day of June,
in the 22d year of our reign.’
CHAP. XLIII.
HOW ALL THE PRELATES AND CLERGY OF FRANCE WERE SUMMONED TO
PARIS.—THE ARRIVAL OF THE QUEEN AND OF THE DUCHESS OF
ORLEANS.
In these days, the prelates and clergy, or their procurators, were
summoned from the greater part of France and Dauphiny to attend the king
and his council, to give their opinions respecting an union of the
church, and other matters touching the person of the king and his realm.
They attended in great numbers, and on the vigil of the feast of St
Laurence assembled at eight o’clock in the morning in the great hall of
the palace. The chancellor of France presided for the king, who was
indisposed. When the mass of the Holy Ghost had been solemnly celebrated
by the archbishop of Toulouse, a very renowned doctor in theology, of
the order of Friars Preachers, harangued notably in the presence of the
dukes of Orleans, of Berry, and many great lords, the rector, the
university, and a large body of clergy.
He chose for his text, ‘Quæ pacis sunt sectemur, et quæ ædificationis
sunt invicem custodiamus,’ Rom. iv. c. That is to say, St Paul tells the
Romans, in the 4th chapter of his epistle to them, to follow the things
of peace, and be careful of what may bring edification. The doctor
harangued much respecting the union of the church, and uttered many
invectives against Pietro della Luna, who, he said, from first to last,
had opposed this so-much-to-be-desired union, and that he was a
schismatic-heretic, obstinate in his wickedness.
He proved this by six arguments; and after declaring that the king of
France had formerly been neuter, but had since withdrawn himself from
his obedience, on account of the letter and bull lately issued, which
was full of falsehoods and deceit, and highly offensive to the royal
majesty, he said that it was on this account the assembly was held, that
it might be notified to the members of it, for them to consider the
business, and on the means of obtaining a solid peace and re-union of
the church.
While these things were passing, master Sausien and the messenger from
Pietro della Luna, who had brought the letter and bull of
excommunication to the king, both of them Arragonians, with mitres on
their heads, and having surcoats emblazoned with the arms of Pietro
della Luna reversed, were carried most disgracefully in a dung cart from
the Louvre to the court of the palace; and shortly after, near the
marble table, at the end of the steps, were set on a pillory. They were
thus exhibited, for a very long time, to all who wished to see them,
having labels on the mitres, on which was written, ‘Disloyal traitors to
the church and king.’
They were then carried back in the aforesaid cart to the Louvre; and on
the morrow the assembly met again at the palace, when the chancellor of
France presided instead of the king.
A celebrated doctor in theology, called master Ursin Talvande, a native
of Normandy, harangued the assembly in the name of the university of
Paris, and took his text from the hundredth Psalm, ‘Fiat pax in virtute
tua.’ He addressed himself to the throne, and to the princes of the
blood and other nobles there present, exhorting them to attempt every
possible means to restore peace and union to the church, by putting an
end to the dangerous schism,—proving to them the wickedness of Pietro
della Luna, that he was an incorrigible heretic, and ought not to be
styled pope Benedict, nor enjoy the dignity of cardinal or any
other,—and that they were not bound to obey him, and indeed could not
without incurring the penalties due to favourers of heresy and
schismatics.
He brought forward many examples of former popes, which were favourable
to his arguments, and the determination of the last council, when it had
been resolved, that if Pietro della Luna and his adversary did not
establish peace within the church before Ascension-day, as they had
promised, the kingdom of France in general, and the inhabitants of
Dauphiny would withdraw themselves from his obedience; for such had been
the conclusion of the prelates who had attended this council, as was
apparent from their letters to the university of Paris,—in consequence
of which the aforesaid obedience had been withdrawn by order of the king
of France, until one properly-elected head of the church should be
chosen. The doctor then proposed the means for granting dispensations
and collations to benefices in the interim, as well for Dauphiny as for
France, and also other measures proper to be taken during this
neutrality.
It was at length concluded, that no one should obey either of the popes
after a certain day, under pain of suffering the before mentioned
penalties, and without incurring the indignation of the king. The doctor
insisted, that the bull of excommunication, and some letters which had
been brought from Toulouse, should be publicly destroyed, which was
done.
The prelates and clergy were then ordered to proclaim their neutrality
throughout their dioceses and parishes, and different documents were
given them by the university to teach them how they were to govern
themselves respecting the several points of this neutrality. When this
had been done, every one retired to his home.
On the morrow, the two Arragonians were again carried through Paris, and
pilloried, in the same manner as before. The queen, who had remained
some time at Melun, returned to Paris with her son the dauphin. He was
mounted on a white horse led by four footmen, and followed the car of
the queen. The dukes of Berry, of Brittany and Bourbon, the counts de
Mortaign, de Clermont, de Vendôme, and a numerous train of nobles, as
well churchmen as seculars, and esquires followed the dauphin. Great
rejoicings were made on their return by the Parisians, and carols were
sung in many of the streets.
The queen, the dauphin, and the lord Louis of Bavaria her brother, took
up their lodgings in the castle of the Louvre. On the morrow, the
duchess-dowager of Orleans came likewise to Paris with her
daughter-in-law Isabella, eldest daughter to the king of France,
accompanied by many noble persons, knights and others, dressed in
mourning. All the before-mentioned princes went out of Paris to meet
them, and conducted them to the queen and the duke of Acquitaine, to
request of them justice and reparation for the melancholy death of the
late duke of Orleans, and also permission to make a reply to charges
which John duke of Burgundy had publicly brought against her late lord
and husband the deceased duke of Orleans,—which last request she at
length obtained.
CHAP. XLIV.
THE DUCHESS-DOWAGER OF ORLEANS AND HER SON CAUSE A PUBLIC
ANSWER TO BE MADE, AT PARIS, TO THE CHARGES OF THE DUKE
OF BURGUNDY AGAINST THE LATE DUKE OF ORLEANS, AND
CHALLENGE THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY FOR HIS MURDER.
Eight days after, the duke of Orleans, attended by about three hundred
men at arms, came to Paris. He was met by the duke of Berry and other
great lords, his relations, without the gate of St Antoine, and went to
wait on the queen and the duke of Acquitaine, his cousin-german, at the
castle of the Louvre.
Having strongly recommended his cause to them, he took leave and
hastened to visit the duchess his mother, and his wife. They were
incessant in their petitions to the king and council to do them justice
on John duke of Burgundy and his accomplices for the murder of the duke
of Orleans, and obtained leave to make any reply they might please
against the duke of Burgundy.
In consequence, the duke of Acquitaine, as representative of his father,
and the queen, both dressed in royal robes, went, by command of the
king, to the great hall of the Louvre, where were present the dukes of
Berry, of Brittany, of Bourbon, the counts d’Alençon, de Clermont, de
Mortaign, de Vendôme, and many more lords of the council; with numbers
of knights, the rector of the university of Paris, and great crowds of
common people. The duchess-dowager, attended by her son the duke of
Orleans, master Pierre l’Orfevre, his chancellor, master Pierre
Cousinet, advocate in parliament, and by a large train of friends and
familiars, entered the hall. She then caused to be read aloud by the
abbot of Saint Fiacre, of the order of St Benedict, the contents of a
book, written in French, which she gave to him publicly, and which were
confirmed by quotations from the writings of the prophets, in both the
Old and New Testaments, as well as from those of philosophers and
historians. The contents of the book were as follows.
‘Most Christian king, most noble and sovereign prince, and fountain of
justice, to thee do I address my speech; for thou art competent to
display justice to all thy subjects of the realm of France, inasmuch as
not only the neighbouring, but even the most distant nations may take
example from the conscientiousness of thy judgments, which flow from
thee and thy council, as from the fountains of justice and truth. I
address myself to thee in the names of my highly honoured and most noble
lady the duchess of Orleans and of my lords her children, who in their
deplorable state present to thee their complaints with lamentations and
tears, seeing that after God there can be no relief but in thy pity and
compassion.
‘That what I have to say may not have the smallest appearance of
fallacy, but may be perfectly clear, I shall divide my discourse into
three parts, or principal divisions. In the first, I shall show, to the
utmost of my ability, that kings, as sovereigns, are bounden to do
justice to all their subjects, and to maintain peace within their
realms.
‘Secondly, That our adversary, John duke of Burgundy, and his abettors,
have, by counsel and otherwise, been instrumental in unjustly and
disgracefully murdering the late duke of Orleans, whose soul may God
receive!
‘Thirdly, That my aforesaid lord, the late duke of Orleans, has been
wickedly and unjustly accused of several crimes of high treason of which
he has been no way guilty, as shall appear hereafter.
‘It is, beside, my intention to divide these three points into six other
divisions: thus, therefore, my discourse will consist of eighteen
divisions.
‘In regard to the first point, it appears very clear to me, that the
king is singularly obliged to do justice in this case, and especially
for six reasons. The first of which constrains him to do justice from
the consideration of his power and dignity, which not only binds him to
do it of his own will, but as matter of right from his title of office;
for kings are so called on account of doing justice, and not for
anything else.
‘The second reason is founded on his paternal love,—for, as the common
proverb says, ‘Nature cannot belie herself:’ the king, therefore, as
sovereign and brother, is bound from reason and justice to support his
right.
‘Thirdly, From the melancholy state of my lady of Orleans, now reduced
to widowhood and despair, who with her disconsolate young children, and
many knights, are overwhelmed with grief by the cruel death of her lord
and husband.
‘The fourth reason is, The enormity of the crime, which can scarcely
have its parallel found; for all who have heard of this scandalous deed
have thought it abominable, and have declared, that if the king did not
provide a remedy for it, he could not be considered as sovereign of his
kingdom when he is thus forced to humiliate himself before his subjects.
‘Fifthly, If this crime be not punished, innumerable evils will
ensue,—such as the destruction of cities and towns, murders, and
rebellion of subjects.
‘Sixthly, The wickedness of our enemy, who by force of arms seeks to
maintain his crime, and who pleads his cause with a drawn sword in his
hand. And in these six reasons consist the grounds of our proceedings.
‘With respect to my second point, I will demonstrate by six reasons,
that our adverse party has so greatly sinned that it is impossible for
any reparation to make amends.
‘My first reason is, That our opponent had no authority whatever for
murdering so great and so noble a person as the late duke of Orleans.
‘Secondly, That he followed no forms of law or justice in putting my
late lord to such a death; and even supposing that he had any authority
over him, which was not the case, it was illegal to put him to death
without hearing what he might have to say in his own defence; and seeing
that he had not any authority, his crime will appear so much the deeper.
‘Thirdly, From the alliances formed between these two dukes, I do not
mean those of blood, but the engagements mutually entered into, to avoid
the inconveniences that might arise from their quarrels, by which they
were bounden not to annoy or attack each other without having sent a
previous challenge. In confirmation of this, they had several times
sworn to the same on the holy Scriptures, and on the cross of our Lord,
giving to each other letters signed with their seals.
‘Fourthly, The death of my said lord of Orleans was so sudden that no
true Christian can say it was not damnable to those who committed the
crime, as well as to those who had commanded it.
‘Fifthly, I shall demonstrate clearly, that our opponent did not cause
the late duke of Orleans to be murdered for any good purpose, nor for
the public welfare, but solely through ambition and covetousness, from a
lust of power, and in order to make his dependants rich, and from the
great hatred that had been long fostered at his heart.
‘Sixthly, That the death of the late duke of Orleans was not sufficient
for our adversary, but that he has exerted himself to the utmost to
blast and scandalize his memory by defamatory libels, and by supporting
traitors and murderers. This regards the second part of my discourse.
‘In respect to my third point, I shall produce six arguments, in
opposition to the six false accusations brought by our adversary against
the late duke of Orleans, and which shall clearly prove the innocence of
the defunct. Such will be my third division.
‘I have thus shown you my three divisions. The first regards
justice,—the second declares the malice of our adversaries,—and the
third exonerates the late duke of Orleans from the false charges brought
against him. Before I proceed further, I must here solemnly declare,
that I intend not to say any thing but the exact truth, or to advance
more than has been enjoined me by my foresaid lady of Orleans, and my
lords her children.
‘It is true, indeed, that the defender of our adversary has very
unadvisedly called my late lord of Orleans criminal, although he has no
way proven it; nevertheless I shall not use this expression in speaking
of our adversary, though I repute all murderers criminal, and him in
particular, not from any suspicion, but from the confession made by
himself; and as wisdom conquers malice, according to the holy
Scriptures, it will be sufficient for me to name the adverse party, the
party of Burgundy; for it will be better that I first demonstrate the
crimes, and then show the duke of Burgundy guilty of them, than to
follow his example, and call him criminal without any proof or
verification. I shall now, having divided my subject into three
divisions, enter on my first point, which treats of the justice of the
king, and quote the words of the prophet which say, ‘Justitia et
judicium præparatio sedis tuæ.’ These words are in the lxxviiith Psalm,
and declare to the king that his throne is founded on justice and
judgment. I shall quote in regard to my second division, which relates
to the malice of our adversary, the very words his defender made use of,
namely, ‘Radix omnium malorum cupiditas, quam quidem appetentes
erraverunt a fide.’ These words are taken from the first epistle of St
Paul to Timothy, in the last chapter, and which mean, That covetousness
is the root of all evil, and causes a defalcation from the faith.
‘In regard to my third division, respecting the innocence of the late
duke of Orleans, I shall use the words of the Psalmist in the seventh
Psalm, ‘Judica me secundum justitiam tuam et secundum innocentiam meam
super me;’ that is to say, Do me right according to thy justice, and
judge me according to my innocence.
‘I shall now return to my first point, and repeat the words of the
Psalmist, ‘Justitia et judicium præparatio sedis tua.’ This expression I
may address personally to the king our lord, in saying, ‘Justice and
judgment are the foundations of thy royal throne;’ for royalty without
justice is undeserving of the name, and should be called a robbery
according to St Austin, in the 10th chapter of his 9th book, ‘De
Civitate Dei:’ ‘Regna, inquit, remota a justitia, quid sint nisi magna
latrocinia.’
‘It appears, therefore, that the king is bound to do justice to all his
subjects, and to preserve to every one his right, and that for the six
reasons touched upon at the beginning of my speech,—my first reason
being founded on the regard due to the royal dignity, which dignity has
been instituted principally in order to do justice, the king being
truly, in respect to his subjects, what a shepherd is to his flock, as
Aristotle says in his 8th chapter of ethics, or in the 5th of his
politics, on the government of cities; and it is also declared, in his
book on the ruling of princes, that they are bounden to preserve
justice.
‘‘Justitia inquit regnantis utilior est subditis quam fertilitas
ipsius;’ which means, That the justice of the governing powers is more
advantageous to the subject than fertility or riches. The Psalmist, on
this matter, says, ‘Honor inquit regis judicium diligit;’ that is, The
honour of the king loves justice and judgment. The justice here spoken
of is nothing else than to preserve to every one his right, which is
also declared by the emperor Justinian, in the first book of his
Constitutions.
‘‘Justitia est constans voluntas unicuique jus suum tribuens,’ meaning,
That justice is firm and stable, giving to every one his due; and it
should be considered that justice is not to be administered according to
pleasure, but as the written laws prescribe. Weigh well, therefore, how
much you are bounden to do justice.