the chamber of parliament, which had been greatly adorned, and seated
himself on the royal throne. He then published an act, in the presence
of the dukes, princes, nobility, clergy, and commonalty of his realm, by
which he ordained, that should he die before the duke of Acquitaine was
of lawful age, notwithstanding this he should govern the kingdom,—and
that all things should be conducted in his name by the three estates of
the realm, until he should be arrived at the proper age to take the
government into his own hands.
Should it happen that his eldest son should die before he came of age,
he ordained that his second son, the duke of Touraine, should succeed
him; and in like manner that his third son should succeed the duke of
Touraine, on his death; but that until these princes should be of the
proper age, the three estates should govern in their name.
These ordinances were very agreeable to the princes of the blood and
council, and were confirmed by them. On the third day of January, the
duchess of Orleans, for herself and children, did homage for the county
of Vertus, and all the other lordships that had been held by her late
husband. She took her oaths of fealty to the king himself, and, having
taken her leave of him, quitted Paris a few days after, and returned
with her state to Blois.
CHAP. XXXVIII.
THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY ASSEMBLES A NUMBER OF HIS DEPENDANTS,
AT LILLE IN FLANDERS, TO A COUNCIL, RESPECTING THE DEATH
OF THE DUKE OF ORLEANS.—HE GOES TO AMIENS, AND THENCE TO
PARIS.
When the duke of Burgundy was at Lille, he called to him the nobles,
clerks, and others of his council, to have their opinion respecting the
death of the late duke of Orleans,—and he was greatly comforted by the
advice they gave him. He went thence to Ghent to his duchess, and there
summoned the three estates of Flanders, to whom he caused the
counsellor, John de la Sancson, to explain publicly the reasons, article
by article, why he had caused the duke of Orleans to be put to death at
Paris; and as he was desirous that the whole should be made as public as
possible, he ordered copies to be given of his explanation to all who
might be desirous of having them. He then demanded, that they would
afford him their aid, in case any thing disagreeable should happen to
him in consequence of what he had done; and the Flemings promised they
would assist him willingly.
In like manner did those of Lille, Douay, and the inhabitants of Artois,
after they had heard the reasons for this death, and the duke’s request
of assistance against all the world, except the king of France and his
children. The reasons he assigned for causing the duke of Orleans to be
put to death were the same, or nearly the same, as those of master John
Petit, when, by command of the duke of Burgundy, he publicly harangued
at Paris, before the royal council, and which shall, hereafter, be very
minutely given.
During this time, the king of Sicily and the duke of Berry sent
messengers with letters to the duke of Burgundy at Lille, whither he was
returned, to require that he would meet them without fail at Amiens, on
an appointed day, which they made known to him, in order to confer and
consult together on what was to be done respecting the death of the duke
of Orleans.
The duke of Burgundy returned for answer, by the messengers, that he
would not fail to meet them; and, in consequence, he requested of the
states of Flanders and Artois to lend him a sum of money, which was
granted to him.
He made grand preparations for his journey, and assembled a very
considerable force. When the day appointed approached, in company with
his two brothers, the duke of Brabant and count of Nevers, with many
other noblemen and gentry, to the amount of three thousand, excellently
armed, and attended by several of his council, he went from Arras to
Corbie, and, on the appointed day, entered Amiens, and lodged at the
house of a citizen called James de Hanghart. He caused to be painted
over the door of this house two lances,—the one with a sharp pointed
head, and the other with a blunt one,—which many of the nobles of his
company said was meant to signify, that he was prepared for war or
peace, accordingly as it might be determined on.
The weather was exceedingly severe at this season, and the country was
covered with snow, insomuch that the king of Sicily and the duke of
Berry, accompanied by about two hundred horse, on leaving Paris, were
forced to employ great numbers of peasants with shovels to clear the
road for them. They arrived at Amiens on the day fixed upon; and the
duke of Burgundy, with his two brothers, magnificently attended, went
out of the town to meet them,—and mutual respects were paid on each
side.
The king of Sicily was lodged at the hôtel of the bishop, and the duke
of Berry at St Martin les jumeaux. At the time that these two princes
left Paris, the duke of Bourbon[115], and his son the count de Clermont,
much grieved and melancholy at the death of the duke of Orleans, did the
same, and returned to the duchy of Bourbon.
The king of Sicily and the duke of Berry had brought with them to Amiens
some of the members of the royal council, to attempt, if possible, a
reconciliation between the two parties of Orleans and Burgundy, for the
advantage of the king and realm; but their attempts were vain, for duke
John’s obstinancy was so great that he would no way consent to ask the
king’s pardon, nor require any remission for what had passed. On the
contrary, he maintained that the king and his council should feel
themselves much obliged to him for what he had done.
In support of this conduct, he had brought with him three doctors in
theology, of high fame and reputation in the university of
Paris,—namely, master John Petit, who afterwards argued it publicly at
Paris, and two others. They declared, in the presence of these two
princes and the royal council at Amiens, that it was lawful for the duke
of Burgundy to act as he had done, in regard to the duke of
Orleans,—adding, that if he had not done it, he would have been greatly
to blame; and they were ready to maintain these two propositions against
all who should say to the contrary.
When the two parties had discussed this matter for some days, and when
those sent by the king perceived they could not bring it to the
conclusion wished for by them, namely peace, they broke up the
conference, and took their departure to Paris, having first signified to
the duke of Burgundy, in the king’s name, that he must not return to
Paris until he was so ordered.
Duke John, however, plainly told them, he should pay no attention to
this order; for that it was his intention to go to Paris as speedily as
possible, to lay his charges and defence publicly before the king and
the Parisians. On the morrow of the departure of the two princes, the
duke of Burgundy, with his two brothers and those who had accompanied
them, returned to the town of Arras, with the exception of Waleran count
de St Pol, who remained for six days after them in Amiens.
When the king of Sicily and the duke of Berry, with the lords of the
council, were returned to Paris, and had made their report to the king
and princes, relating at length the answers which the duke of Burgundy
had made, and that he had asserted the king ought to requite him in
various ways for having caused the death and murder of the duke of
Orleans, they were much disgusted and astonished at the great
presumption and audacity of the duke of Burgundy.
It was talked of differently according to the bias of each party. Those
of Orleans were much angered, and declared, that the king ought to
assemble all his forces to subdue the duke of Burgundy, and punish him
as his conduct deserved. While others, attached to the Burgundy-party,
held a contrary opinion, thinking the duke had done a praise-worthy act
toward the king and his family; and this was the opinion of the greater
part of the Parisians, by whom the duke of Burgundy was much beloved.
The cause of his popularity in Paris were the hopes they entertained,
that through his means the heavy taxes with which they and all France
were oppressed would be taken off,—which the duke of Orleans, when
alive, had been so instrumental in imposing, because he had had a great
share in them.
The duke of Burgundy went shortly after to Flanders, and summoned a
great number of his nobles, gentry and men at arms, to prepare
themselves to accompany him to Paris,—notwithstanding the king of Sicily
and the duke of Berry had forbidden him, in the king’s name, to come
thither until further orders. He did not, however, pay any attention to
this command, but advanced, by short journeys to St Denis, whither the
king of Sicily, and the dukes of Berry and Brittany, and several of the
king’s council, came to visit him,—and again forbade him, in the king’s
name, to enter Paris, if accompanied by more than two hundred men.
The duke of Burgundy, on this, quitted St Denis, in company with his
brother the count de Nevers, his brother-in-law the count de Cleves, and
the duke of Lorraine, with a very large body of men well armed, and
entered Paris, with the intent of justifying his act and his quarrel
with the late duke of Orleans, as well before the king as before all who
might think proper to demand it of him.
The Parisians shewed great joy on his entering the town; and even little
children sung carols in all the squares, which much displeased the king,
the queen, and the princes then in Paris. He dismounted at his hôtel
d’Artois, and was, in truth, greatly beloved by the common people; for
they believed he was much attached to the good of the kingdom, and to
the general weal. This made him more popular than the other princes of
the blood,—and the people freshly remembered the heavy taxes that had
been laid on them since the death of the late duke Philip of Burgundy,
and principally, as they thought, by means of the duke of Orleans, who
was exceedingly unpopular with them; and they considered his death, and
the being delivered from his government, as a peculiar mark of God’s
grace, not foreseeing what was afterward to befal them and the whole
kingdom of France.
When the duke of Burgundy had been some days in Paris, and had learnt
from his friends and partisans how he was to conduct himself, he found
means to obtain an audience of the king, when the princes, clergy and
people should be present, to hear his justification of the murder of the
late duke of Orleans.
He went to the appointed place of audience well armed, and escorted by
the princes and lords whom he had brought with him, and great crowds of
Parisians. During his stay at Paris he was always armed, to the surprise
of the other princes and members of the royal council, who were afraid
to say any thing disagreeable to him, from his popularity with the
citizens, and because he was ever surrounded by men at arms, and had his
hôtel full of them; for he had quartered there the whole, or the greater
part, of those whom he had brought with him. He had also a strong tower
constructed of masonry[116], in which he slept at nights, and his
chamber was strongly guarded. The justification of the duke now follows,
and shall be literally given, as delivered by doctor John Petit.
CHAP. XXXIX.
THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY OFFERS HIS JUSTIFICATION, FOR HAVING
CAUSED THE DEATH OF THE DUKE OF ORLEANS, IN THE PRESENCE
OF THE KING AND HIS GREAT COUNCIL.
On the 8th day of March, in the year 1407, duke John of Burgundy offered
his justification for having caused the death of the late duke of
Orleans, at the hôtel de St Pol at Paris, by the mouth of master John
Petit, doctor of theology. There were present, in royal state, the duke
of Guienne[117], dauphin of the Viennois, eldest son and heir to the
king of France, the king of Sicily, the cardinal de Bar[118], the dukes
of Berry, Brittany and Lorraine, and many counts, barons, knights and
esquires, from divers countries, the rector of the university,
accompanied by a great many doctors and other clerks, and a numerous
body of the citizens of Paris and people of all ranks.
John Petit[119] opened his speech in the manner following. ‘In the first
place,’ said he, ‘the duke of Burgundy, count of Flanders, of Artois and
of Burgundy, doubly a peer of France, and dean of the french peerage,
comes hither, with all humility, to pay his reverence to his royal
majesty, like an obedient subject,—to which he is bounden by four
obligations, according to the decisions of the doctors of civil and
canon law. The first of these obligations is,—‘Proximi ad proximum qua
quisque tenetur proximum non offendere. Secunda, est cognatorum ad illos
quorum de genere geniti vel procreati sunt qua tenetur parentes suos non
solum non offendere, sed etiam deffendere verbo et facto. Tertia, est
vassalorum ad dominum qua tenentur non solum non offendere dominum suum,
sed deffendere verbo et facto. Quarta est, non solum non offendere
dominum suum, sed etiam principis injurias vindicare.’
‘Now, my lord of Burgundy is a good Catholic, a prudent man, a lord of a
godly life in the Christian faith, and likewise nearly connected to the
king,—by which he is bound to love him as himself, and to be careful to
avoid giving him any offence. He is his relation by blood, so near as to
be his cousin german, which not only obliges him to be attentive not to
give him offence, but on the slightest ground to defend him by speech
against all who might intend to injure him. Thirdly, he is his vassal,
and is therefore bound to defend him not only by words, but by deeds,
with all the united strength of his power. Fourthly, he is his subject,
by which he is obliged not only to defend him by word and deed against
his enemies, but is bound to avenge him on such as commit, or do intend
to commit, and contrive any evil attempts against his person, should
such come to his knowledge.
‘Beside these obligations, he is also bounden to his royal majesty, from
the daily honours and presents he is in the habit of receiving from
him,—and not only as his relation, vassal and subject, as has been
stated, but as his very humble knight, duke, count and peer of France;
not only a peer of France from two claims, but also the dean of the
peerage, which, next to the crown, is the highest rank and prerogative
in the kingdom of France.
‘The king has likewise had such an affection for him, and shewn him such
great honour as to make him father-in-law to the most noble and potent
lord the duke of Guienne and dauphin of the Viennois, his eldest son and
heir, by his marriage with the eldest daughter of my lord the duke, and
has added to this honour by the marriage of the princess Michelle of
France with the eldest son of my aforesaid lord of Burgundy; and as St
Gregory says, ‘Cum crescunt dona et rationes donorum,’ he is obliged to
defend him from every injury within his power. This he has acknowledged,
does acknowledge, and will acknowledge (if it please God), and will ever
retain in his heart the remembrance of these obligations, which are
twelve in number,—namely, those of neighbour, relation, vassal, subject,
baron, count, duke and peer, count and peer, duke, and dean of the
peerage, and these two marriages.
‘These twelve obligations bind him to love, serve and obey the king, and
to do him every personal reverence and honour, and not only to defend
him against his enemies, but to exercise vengeance against them. In
addition, that prince of noble memory, my late lord of Burgundy his
father, when on his death-bed, commanded him, above all things, to
behave most loyally, honourably, justly and courageously toward the
person of the king of France, his children and his crown; for he greatly
feared his enemies would practise to deprive him of his crown, and that
after his decease they would be too strong for him. It was for this
reason, that when on his death-bed, he insisted on his sons resisting
every attempt of the sort.
‘The wise and determined conduct of my lord duke of Berry, in
conjunction with my above-mentioned deceased lord, must not be
forgotten, in their government of the kingdom, so that not even the
slightest suspicion was ever formed against them.
‘For these reasons, my lord of Burgundy could not feel greater grief of
heart, or more displeasure, than in doing any thing respecting the late
duke of Orleans that might anger the king. The deed that has been done
was perpetrated for the safety of the king’s person, and that of his
children, and for the general good of the realm, as shall be so fully
hereafter explained that all those who shall hear me will be perfectly
satisfied thereof.
‘My lord of Burgundy, therefore, supplicates the king to withdraw from
him any hatred he may have conceived against him, and that he would show
him that benignity and grace due to his loyal vassal and subject, and to
one nearly related to him as he is by blood, while I shall explain the
causes of justification of my lord of Burgundy, in consequence of his
commands, which I cannot refuse, for the two following reasons:
‘In the first place, I am bound by my oath, given to him three years
ago, to serve him. Secondly, on his perceiving that I had very small
benefices, he gave me annually a considerable pension that I might
continue my studies at the schools, which pension has furnished the
greater part of my expenses, and will continue, under his good favour,
so to do.
‘When, however, I consider the very high importance of the matter I have
to discuss, and the great rank of the persons to whom I am to address
myself, and, on the other hand, when I feel how weak I am in
understanding, memory and language, I am seized with apprehension and
fear, so that what abilities and remembrance I may have had are fled. I
have no other remedy, therefore, but to recommend myself to God my
Creator and Redeemer, to his glorious mother, and to my lord St John the
evangelist, the prince of Theologians, that they would have the goodness
to guard me from saying or doing any thing wrong, in following the
advice of my lord St Austin, who says, ‘Libro quarto de doctrina
Christiana circa finem; sive apud populum vel apud quoslibet jamiamque
dicturus, sive quod apud populum dicendum vel ab eis qui voluerint aut
potuerint legendum est dictaturus, oret ut Deus sermonem bonum det in os
ejus. Si enim regina Hester oravit pro suæ gentis salute temporali
locutura apud regem ut in os ejus Deus congruum sermonem daret,
quanto-magis orare debet, ut tale munus accipiat qui pro æterna hominum
salute in verbo et doctrina laborat,’ &c.
‘And because the matters I am to treat of are of such very great moment,
it does not behove so insignificant a person as myself to speak of them,
nor indeed to open my lips before so august and solemn an assembly. I
therefore very humbly entreat you, my noble lords, and the whole
company, that should I utter any thing improper, it may be attributed to
my simplicity and ignorance, and not to malice; for the Apostle says,
‘Ignorans feci: ideoque misericordiam consecutus sum.’
‘I should be afraid to speak of such things as my subject will lead me
to, and which I am charged to say, were it not for the commands of my
lord of Burgundy.—After this, I now protest that I intend no injury
whatever to any person, whether he be alive or dead; and should it
happen that some parts of my speech seem to bear hard for or in the name
of my lord of Burgundy, I pray that I may be held excused, as it will
proceed from his commands, and in his justification, and not otherwise.
‘But some one may put a question to me, saying, Does it belong to a
theologian to offer such justification, in preference to a lawyer? I
reply, that it certainly does not belong to me, who am neither a
theologian nor a lawyer; but to satisfy those who may think such a
question proper, I shall say, that were I a theologian, it might become
a duty under one consideration, namely, that every doctor in theology is
bounden to labour in excusing and justifying his lord, and to guard and
defend his honour and good name, according to the truth, particularly
when his aforesaid lord is good and loyal, and innocent of all crimes.
‘I prove this consideration to be true, from the duty attached to
doctors in theology to preach and say the truth at all times and in all
places. They are likewise styled ‘Legis divinæ professores quia inter
omnes alios doctores ipsi magis tenentur profiteri veritatem.’ Should
they die for having uttered the truth, they become true martyrs.
‘It is not therefore to be wondered at, if I offer my poor abilities in
the justification of my before-mentioned lord, since he has afforded me
the means of pursuing my studies, and, if God please, will continue so
to do. If ever there were a proper time and place to bring forward the
justification of my lord of Burgundy, it is at this moment, and before
this assembly; and such as may find fault with me for so doing are, I
think, to be blamed, for every man of honour and good sense will hold me
excused. In the hope, therefore, that no one will bear me ill will for
this justification, I shall produce an authority for it from St Paul.
‘ON COVETOUSNESS.
‘‘Radix omnium malorum cupiditas, quam quidem appetentes erraverunt a
fide,’ 1 Tim. vi. which may be thus translated, Covetousness is the root
of all evil; for the moment any one is in her net, he follows her
doctrine:—she has even made apostates of some who have been too much
seduced by her. This proposition contains three dogmas: first, that
covetousness is the motive of all evil to such as she has entangled by
her wiles; secondly, that she has caused many apostates, who, having
denied the catholic faith, have turned to idolatry; thirdly, that she
has made others traitors, and disloyal to their kings, princes, and
lords paramount.
‘These three propositions I shall bring forward as my major, and then
add a minor, for the complete justification of my said lord of Burgundy.
I may indeed divide these into two parts; the first consisting of my
major, and the second of my minor. The first will comprehend four
others, and discuss the first subject of my theme,—the second the
second,—and the third the third. In the fourth article, I propose to
bring forward some facts as the ground-work of my lord’s justification.
‘In regard to the first article, that covetousness is the root of all
evil, I may bring forward an instance to the contrary from the holy
Scriptures, which declares, ‘Initium omnis peccati superbia.’ Eccles. x.
‘Ergo, non est cupiditas radix omnium malorum.’
‘Since the holy church says that pride is the foundation of sin,
covetousness is not the root of all evil,—and thus the words of St Paul
do not seem true. In answer to this I say, from St John the evangelist,
‘Nolite diligere mundum nec ea quæ in eo sunt. Si quis diligit mundum,
non est charitas Patris in eo: quoniam omne quod est in mundo aut est
concupiscentia carnis, aut oculorum, aut superbia vitæ, quæ non est ex
Patre sed mundo: et mundus transibit, et concupiscentia carnis; sed qui
facit voluntatem Dei vivet in æternum.’
‘That is to say, Do not love the world, nor place your sole happiness in
worldly things; for the pleasures of this world consist in covetousness
and in a love of the flesh,—in the pursuit of worldly riches and vain
honours, which are not the passions given us by God. All worldly things
are transitory,—and the world dies and its desires with it; but he who
does the will of God will enjoy everlasting glory with him.
‘It appears clearly from this quotation from St John that there are
three sorts of covetousness, which include within them every sin,
namely, covetousness of vain honours,—covetousness of worldly
riches,—covetousness of carnal delights; and it was thus understood by
the Apostle when he said, ‘Radix omnium malorum cupiditas.’