ARGUMENT.
I. Julian crosses the Rhine and plunders and burns the towns of the
Allemanni, repairs the fortress of Trajan, and grants the
barbarians a truce for ten months.--II. He hems in six hundred
Franks who are devastating the second Germania, and starves them
into surrender.--III. He endeavours to relieve the Gauls from some
of the tribute which weighs them down.--IV. By order of the Emperor
Constantius an obelisk is erected at Rome in the Circus
Maximus;--some observations on obelisks and on hieroglyphics.--V.
Constantius and Sapor, king of the Persians, by means of
ambassadors and letters, enter into a vain negotiation for
peace.--VI. The Nethargi, an Allemanni tribe, are defeated in the
Tyrol, which they were laying waste.--VII. Nicomedia is destroyed
by an earthquake; some observations on earthquakes--VIII. Julian
receives the surrender of the Salii, a Frankish tribe. He defeats
one body of the Chamavi, takes another body prisoners, and grants
peace to the rest.--IX. He repairs three forts on the Meuse that
had been destroyed by the barbarians. His soldiers suffer from
want, and become discontented and reproachful.--X. Surmarius and
Hortarius, kings of the Allemanni, surrender their prisoners and
obtain peace from Julian.--XI. Julian, after his successes in Gaul,
is disparaged at the court of Constantius by enviers of his fame,
and is spoken of as inactive and cowardly.--XII. The Emperor
Constantius compels the Sarmatians to give hostage, and to restore
their prisoners; and imposes a king on the Sarmatian exiles, whom
he restores to their country and to freedom.--XIII. He compels the
Limigantes, after defeating them with great slaughter, to emigrate,
and harangues his own soldiers.--XIV. The Roman ambassadors, who
had been sent to treat for peace, return from Persia; and Sapor
returns into Armenia and Mesopotamia.
I.
A.D. 357.
§ 1. After the various affairs which we have described were brought to a
conclusion, the warlike young prince, now that the battle of Strasburg
had secured him the navigation of the Rhine, felt anxious that the
ill-omened birds should not feed on the corpses of the slain, and so
ordered them all to be buried without distinction. And having dismissed
the ambassadors whom we have mentioned as having come with some arrogant
messages before the battle, he returned to Saverne.
2. From this place he ordered all the booty and the prisoners to be
brought to Metz, to be left there till his return. Then departing for
Mayence, to lay down a bridge at that city and to seek the barbarians in
their own territories, since he had left none of them in arms, he was at
first met by great opposition on the part of his army; but addressing
them with eloquence and persuasion he soon won them to his opinion. For
their affection for him, becoming strengthened by repeated experience,
induced them to follow one who shared in all their toils, and who, while
never surrendering his authority, was still accustomed, as every one
saw, to impose more labour on himself than on his men. They soon arrived
at the appointed spot, and, crossing the river by a bridge they laid
down, occupied the territory of the enemy.
3. The barbarians, amazed at the greatness of his enterprise, inasmuch
as they had fancied they were situated in a position in which they could
hardly be disturbed, were now led by the destruction of their countrymen
to think anxiously of their own future fate, and accordingly, pretending
to implore peace that they might escape from the violence of his first
invasion, they sent ambassadors to him with a set message, offering a
lasting treaty of agreement; but (though it is not known what design or
change of circumstances altered their purpose) they immediately
afterwards sent off some others with all speed, to threaten our troops
with implacable war if they did not at once quit their territories.
4. And when this was known, the Cæsar, as soon as all was quiet, at the
beginning of night embarked 800 men in some small swift boats, with the
intention that they should row with all their strength up stream for
some distance, and then land and destroy all they could find with fire
and sword.
5. After he had made this arrangement, the barbarians were seen at
daybreak on the tops of the mountains, on which our soldiers were led
with speed to the higher ground; and when no enemy was found there
(since the barbarians, divining their plan, immediately retreated to a
distance), presently large volumes of smoke were seen, which indicated
that our men had broken into the enemy's territory, and were laying it
waste.
6. This event broke the spirit of the Germans, who, deserting the
ambuscades which they had laid for our men in narrow defiles full of
lurking-places, they fled across the river Maine to carry aid to their
countrymen.
7. For, as is often the case in times of uncertainty and difficulty,
they were panic-stricken by the incursion of our cavalry on the one
side, and the sudden attacks of our infantry, conveyed in boats, on the
other; and therefore, relying on their knowledge of the country, they
sought safety in the rapidity of their flight; and, as their retreat
left the motions of our troops free, we plundered the wealthy farms of
their crops and their cattle, sparing no one. And having carried off a
number of prisoners, we set fire to, and burnt to the ground all their
houses, which in that district were built more carefully than usual, in
the Roman fashion.
8. And when we had penetrated a distance of ten miles, till we came near
a wood terrible from the denseness of its shade, our army halted for a
while, and stayed its advance, having learnt from information given by a
deserter that a number of enemies were concealed in some subterranean
passages and caverns with many entrances in the neighbourhood, ready to
sally forth when a favourable opportunity should appear.
9. Nevertheless our men presently ventured to advance in full
confidence, and found the roads blockaded by oaks, ashes, and pines, of
great size, cut down and laid together. And so they retreated with
caution, perceiving that it was impossible to advance except by long and
rugged defiles; though they could hardly restrain their indignation at
being compelled to do so.
10. The weather too became very severe, so that they were enveloped in
all kinds of toil and danger to no purpose (forasmuch as it was now past
the autumnal equinox, and the snow, which had already fallen in those
regions, covered the mountains and the plains), and so, instead of
proceeding, Julian undertook a work worthy of being related.
11. He repaired with great expedition, while there was no one to hinder
him, the fortress which Trajan had constructed in the territory of the
Allemanni, and to which he had given his own name, and which had lately
been attacked with great violence and almost destroyed. And he placed
there a temporary garrison, and also some magazines, which he had
collected from the barbarians.
12. But when the Allemanni saw these preparations made for their
destruction, they assembled rapidly in great consternation at what had
already been done, and sent ambassadors to implore peace, with prayers
of extreme humility. And the Cæsar, now that he had fully matured and
secured the success of all his designs, taking into consideration all
probabilities, granted them a truce for ten months. In reality he was
especially influenced by this prudent consideration, that the camp which
he had thus occupied without hindrance, in a way that could hardly have
been hoped for, required, nevertheless, to be fortified with mural
engines and other adequate equipments.
13. Trusting to this truce, three of the most ferocious of those kings
who had sent reinforcements to their countrymen when defeated at
Strasburg, came to him, though still in some degree of alarm, and took
the oaths according to the formula in use in their country, that they
would create no further disturbance, but that they would keep the truce
faithfully up to the appointed day, because that had been the decision
of our generals; and that they would not attack the fortress; and that
they would even bring supplies to it on their shoulders if the garrison
informed them that they were in want; all which they promised, because
their fear bridled their treachery.
14. In this memorable war, which deserves to be compared with those
against the Carthaginians or the Gauls, yet was accompanied with very
little loss to the republic, Julian triumphed as a fortunate and
successful leader. The very smallness of his losses might have given
some colour to the assertions of his detractors, who declared that he
had only fought bravely on all occasions, because he preferred dying
gloriously to being put to death like his brother Gallus, as a condemned
malefactor, as they had expected he would be, if he had not, after the
death of Constantius, continued to distinguish himself equally by
splendid exploits.
II.
§ 1. Now when everything was settled in that country as fairly as the
case permitted, Julian, returning to his winter quarters, found some
trouble still left for him. Severus, the master of the horse, being on
the way to Rheims through Cologne and Juliers, fell in with some strong
battalions of Franks, consisting of six hundred light-armed soldiers,
who were laying waste those places which were not defended by garrisons.
They had been encouraged to this audacious wickedness by the opportunity
afforded them when the Cæsar was occupied in the remote districts of the
Allemanni, thinking to obtain a rich booty without any hindrance. But in
fear of the army which had now returned, they occupied two fortresses
which had been abandoned for some time, and defended themselves there as
long as they could.
2. Julian, amazed at the novelty of such an attempt, and thinking it
impossible to say how far such a spirit would spread if he allowed it to
pass without a check, halted his soldiers, and gave orders to blockade
the forts.... The Meuse passes beneath them; and the blockade was
protracted for fifty-four days, through nearly the entire months of
December and January, the barbarians resisting with incredible obstinacy
and courage.
3. Then the Cæsar, like an experienced general, fearing that the
barbarians might take advantage of some moonless night to cross over the
river, which was now thoroughly frozen, ordered soldiers to go up and
down the stream every day in light boats, from sunset till daybreak, so
as to break the crust of ice and prevent any one from escaping in that
manner. Owing to this manoeuvre, the barbarians were so exhausted by
hunger, watching, and the extremity of despair, that at last they
voluntarily surrendered, and were immediately sent to the court of the
emperor.
4. And a vast multitude of Franks, who had come to their assistance,
hearing that they were taken prisoners and sent off, would not venture
on any further enterprise, but returned to their own country. And when
this affair was finished, the Cæsar retired to Paris to pass the winter
there.
III.
§ 1. It was now expected that a number of tribes would unite in greater
force, and therefore the prudent Julian, bearing in mind the
uncertainties of war, became very anxious and full of care. And as he
thought that the truce lately made, though not free from trouble, and
not of long duration, still gave him opportunity to remedy some things
which were faulty, he began to remodel the arrangements about tribute.
2. And when Florentius, the prefect of the prætorium, having taken an
estimate of everything, affirmed that whatever deficiency there might be
in the produce of a capitation tax he should be able to make good from
what he could levy by force, Julian, deprecating this practice,
determined to lose his own life rather than permit it.
3. For he knew that the wounds inflicted by such extortions, or, as I
should rather call them, confiscations, are incurable, and have often
reduced provinces to extreme destitution. Indeed, such conduct, as will
be related hereafter, utterly lost us Illyricum.
4. And when, owing to this resolution of his, the prætorian prefect
exclaimed that it could not be endured that he, to whom the emperor had
intrusted the chief authority in this matter, should be thus distrusted,
Julian attempted to appease him, showing by exact and accurate
calculations that the capitation tax was not only enough, but more than
enough to provide all the necessary supplies.
5. And when some time afterwards an edict for a supplementary tax was
nevertheless presented to him by Florentius, he refused to sign or even
to read it; and threw it on the ground; and when warned by letters from
the emperor (written on receiving the prefect's report) not to act in so
embarrassing a manner, lest he should seem to be diminishing the
authority of Florentius, Julian wrote in answer, that it was a matter to
be thankful for, if a province that had been devastated in every
direction could still pay its regular taxes, without demanding from it
any extraordinary contributions, which indeed no punishments could
extort from men in a state of destitution: and then, and from that time
forward, owing to the firmness of one man, no one ever attempted to
extort anything illegal in Gaul beyond the regular taxes.
6. The Cæsar had also in another affair set an example wholly
unprecedented, entreating the prefect to intrust to him the government
of the second Belgic province, which was oppressed by manifold evils; on
the especial and single condition that no officer, either belonging to
the prefect or to the garrison, should force any one to pay anything.
And the whole people whom he thus took under his care, comforted and
relieved by this mildness, paid all the taxes due from them before the
appointed day, without any demand being made upon them.
IV.
§ 1. While Julian was thus beginning to put Gaul into a better
condition, and while Orfitus was still governor of the second province,
an obelisk was erected at Rome, in the Circus Maximus, concerning which,
as this seems a convenient opportunity, I will mention a few
particulars.
2. The city of Thebes, in Egypt, built in remote ages, with enormous
walls, and celebrated also for entrances by a hundred gates, was from
this circumstance called by its founders +hekatompylos+
(_Hecatompylos_); and from the name of this city the whole district is
known as Thebais.
3. When Carthage began to rise in greatness, the Carthaginian generals
conquered and destroyed Thebes by a sudden attack. And after it was
rebuilt, Cambyses, the celebrated king of Persia, who throughout his
whole life was covetous and ferocious, overran Egypt, and again attacked
this city that he might plunder it of its wealth, which was enough to
excite his envy; and he spared not even the offerings which had been
made to the gods.
4. And while he was in his savage manner moving to and fro among his
plunderers, he got entangled in his own flowing robes, and fell on his
face, and by the fall his dagger, which he wore close to his thigh, got
loose from the scabbard, and he was mortally wounded and died.
5. And long afterwards, Cornelius Gallus, who was governor of Egypt at
the time when Octavianus was emperor of Rome, impoverished the city by
plundering it of most of its treasuries; and returning to Rome on being
accused of theft and of laying waste the province, he, from fear of the
nobles, who were bitterly indignant against him, as one to whom the
emperor had committed a most honourable task, fell on his own sword and
so died. If I mistake not, he is the same person as Gallus the poet,
whose loss Virgil deplores at the end of his Bucolics, celebrating his
memory in sweet verses.
6. In this city of Thebes, among many works of art and different
structures recording the tales relating to the Egyptian deities, we saw
several obelisks in their places, and others which had been thrown down
and broken; which the ancient kings, when elated at some victory or at
the general prosperity of their affairs, had caused to be hewn out of
mountains in distant parts of the world, and erected in honour of the
gods, to whom they solemnly consecrated them.
7. Now an obelisk is a rough stone, rising to a great height, shaped
like a pillar in the stadium; and it tapers upwards in imitation of a
sunbeam, keeping its quadrilateral shape, till it rises almost to a
point, being made smooth by the hand of a sculptor.
8. On these obelisks the ancient authority of elementary wisdom has
caused innumerable marks of strange forms all over them, which are
called hieroglyphics.
9. For the workmen, carving many kinds of birds and beasts, some even
such as must belong to another world, in order that the recollection of
the exploits which the obelisk was designed to commemorate might reach
to subsequent ages, showed by them the accomplishment of vows which the
kings had made.
10. For it was not the case then as it is now, that the established
number of letters can distinctly express whatever the human mind
conceives; nor did the ancient Egyptians write in such a manner; but
each separate character served for a separate noun or verb, and
sometimes even for an entire sense.
11. Of which fact the two following may for the present be sufficient
instances: by the figure of a vulture they indicate the name of nature;
because naturalists declare that no males are found in this class of
bird. And by the figure of a bee making honey they indicate a king;
showing by such a sign that stings as well as sweetness are the
characteristics of a ruler; and there are many similar emblems.
12. And because the flatterers, who were continually whispering into the
ear of Constantius, kept always affirming that when Augustus Octavianus
had brought two obelisks from Heliopolis, a city of Egypt, one of which
was placed in the Circus Maximus, and the other in the Campus Martius,
he yet did not venture to touch or move this one which has just been
brought to Rome, being alarmed at the greatness of such a task; I would
have those, who do not know the truth, learn that the ancient emperor,
though he moved several obelisks, left this one untouched, because it
was especially dedicated to the Sun-god, and was set up within the
precincts of his magnificent temple, which it was impious to profane;
and of which it was the most conspicuous ornament.
13. But Constantine deeming that a consideration of no importance, had
it torn up from its place, and thinking rightly that he should not be
offering any insult to religion if he removed a splendid work from some
other temple to dedicate it to the gods at Rome, which is the temple of
the whole world, let it lie on the ground for some time while
arrangements for its removal were being prepared. And when it had been
carried down the Nile, and landed at Alexandria, a ship of a burden
hitherto unexampled, requiring three hundred rowers to propel it, was
built to receive it.
14. And when these preparations were made, and after the aforenamed
emperor had died, the enterprise began to cool. However, after a time it
was at last put on board ship, and conveyed over sea, and up the stream
of the Tiber, which seemed as it were frightened, lest its own winding
waters should hardly be equal to conveying a present from the almost
unknown Nile to the walls which itself cherished. At last the obelisk
reached the village of Alexandria, three miles from the city; and then
it was placed in a cradle, and drawn slowly on, and brought through the
Ostran gate and the public fish-market to the Circus Maximus.
15. The only work remaining to be done was to raise it, which was
generally believed to be hardly, if at all, practicable. And vast beams
having been raised on end in a most dangerous manner, so that they
looked like a grove of machines, long ropes of huge size were fastened
to them, darkening the very sky with their density, as they formed a web
of innumerable threads; and into them the great stone itself, covered
over as it was with elements of writing, was bound, and gradually raised
into the empty air, and long suspended, many thousands of men turning it
round and round like a millstone, till it was at last placed in the
middle of the square; and on it was placed a brazen sphere, made
brighter with plates of gold: and as that was immediately afterwards
struck by lightning, and destroyed, a brazen figure like a torch was
placed on it, also plated with gold--to look as if the torch were fully
alight.
16. Subsequent ages also removed other obelisks; one of which is in the
Vatican, a second in the garden of Sallust; and two in the monument of
Augustus.
17. But the writing which is engraven on the old obelisk in the Circus,
we have set forth below in Greek characters, following in this the work
of Hermapion:--
+ARCHÊN APO TON NOTION DIERMÊNEUMENA
ECHEI
STICHOS PRÔTOS TADE.+
18. The first line, beginning on the south side, bears this
interpretation--"The Sun to Ramestes the king--I have given to thee to
reign with joy over the whole earth; to thee whom the Sun and Apollo
love--to thee, the mighty truth-loving son of Heron--the god-born ruler
of the habitable earth; whom the Sun has chosen above all men, the
valiant warlike King Ramestes. Under whose power, by his valour and
might, the whole world is placed. The King Ramestes, the immortal son of
the Sun."
19. The second line is--"The mighty Apollo, who takes his stand upon
truth, the lord of the diadem, he who has honoured Egypt by becoming its
master, adorning Heliopolis, and having created the rest of the world,
and having greatly honoured the gods who have their shrines in the city
of the Sun; whom the son loves."
20. The third line--"The mighty Apollo, the all-brilliant son of the
Sun, whom the Sun chose above all others, and to whom the valiant Mars
gave gifts. Thou whose good fortune abideth for ever. Thou whom Ammon
loves. Thou who hast filled the temple of the Phoenix with good
things. Thou to whom the gods have given long life. Apollo the mighty
son of Heron, Ramestes the king of the world. Who has defended Egypt,
having subdued the foreign enemy. Whom the Sun loves. To whom the gods
have given long life--the master of the world--the immortal Ramestes."
21. Another second line--"The Sun, the great God, the master of heaven.
I have given unto thee a life free from satiety. Apollo, the mighty
master of the diadem; to whom nothing is comparable. To whom the lord of
Egypt has erected many statues in this kingdom. And has made the city of
Heliopolis as brilliant as the Sun himself, the master of heaven. The
son of the Sun, the king living for ever, has co-operated in the
completion of this work."
22. A third line--"I, the Sun, the god, the master of heaven, have given
to Ramestes the king might and authority over all. Whom Apollo the
truth-lover, the master of time, and Vulcan the father of the gods hath
chosen above others by reason of his courage. The all-rejoicing king,
the son of the Sun, and beloved by the Sun."
23. The first line, looking towards the east--"The great God of
Heliopolis, the mighty Apollo who dwelleth in Heaven, the son of Heron
whom the Sun hath guided. Whom the gods have honoured. He who ruleth
over all the earth: whom the Sun has chosen before all others. The king
valiant by the favour of Mars. Whom Ammon loveth, and the all-shining
god, who hath chosen him as a king for everlasting." And so on.
V.
A.D. 358.
§ 1. In the consulship of Datianus and Cerealis, when all arrangements
in Gaul were made with more careful zeal than before, and while the
terror caused by past events still checked the outbreaks of the
barbarians, the king of the Persians, being still on the frontiers of
those nations which border on his dominions, and having made a treaty of
alliance with the Chionitæ and the Gelani, the most warlike and
indefatigable of all tribes, being about to return to his own country,
received the letters of Tamsapor which announced to him that the Roman
emperor was a suppliant for peace.
2. And he, suspecting that Constantius would never have done so if the
empire had not been weakened all over, raised his own pretensions, and
embracing the name indeed of peace, offered very unwelcome conditions.
And having sent a man of the name of Narses as ambassador with many
presents, he gave him letters to Constantius, in which he in no respect
abated of his natural pride. The purport of these letters we have
understood to be this:--
3. "I, Sapor, king of kings, partner of the stars, brother of the sun
and moon, to Constantius Cæsar my brother send much greeting. I am glad
and am well pleased that at last thou hast returned to the right way,
and hast acknowledged the incorruptible decree of equity, having gained
experience by facts, and having learnt what disasters an obstinate
covetousness of the property of others has often caused.
4. "Because therefore the language of truth ought to be unrestrained and
free, and because men in the highest rank ought only to say what they
mean, I will reduce my propositions into a few words; remembering that I
have already often repeated what I am now about to say.
5. "Even your own ancient records bear witness that my ancestors
possessed all the country up to the Strymon and the frontier of
Macedonia. And these lands it is fitting that I who (not to speak
arrogantly) am superior to those ancient kings in magnificence, and in
all eminent virtues, should now reclaim. But I am at all times
thoughtful to remember that, from my earliest youth, I have never done
anything to repent of.
6. "And therefore it is a duty in me to recover Armenia and Mesopotamia,
which were wrested from my ancestor by deliberate treachery. That
principle was never admitted by us which you with exultation assert,
that all successes in war deserve praise, without considering whether
they were achieved by valour or by treachery.
7. "Lastly, if you are willing to be guided by one who gives you good
advice, I would bid you despise a small part of your dominions which is
ever the parent of sorrow and bloodshed, in order to reign in safety
over the rest. Wisely considering that physicians also sometimes apply
cautery or amputation, and cut off portions of the body that the patient
may have good use of the rest of his limbs. Nay, that even beasts do the
same: since when they observe on what account they are most especially
hunted, they will of their own accord deprive themselves of that, in
order henceforth to be able to live in security.
8. "This, in short, I declare, that should my present embassy return
without having succeeded in its object, after giving the winter season
to rest I will gird myself up with all my strength, and while fortune
and justice give me a well-founded hope of ultimate success, I will
hasten my march as much as Providence will permit."
9. Having given long consideration to this letter, the emperor with
upright and wise heart, as the saying is, made answer in this manner:--
10. "Constantius, always august, conqueror by land and sea, to my
brother Sapor much health. I congratulate thee on thy safety, as one who
is willing to be a friend to thee if thou wilt. But I greatly blame thy
insatiable covetousness, now more grasping than ever.
11. "Thou demandest Mesopotamia as thine own, and then Armenia. And thou
biddest me cut off some members from my sound body in order to place its
health on a sound footing: a demand which is to be rejected at once
rather than to be encouraged by any consent. Receive therefore the
truth, not covered with any pretences, but clear, and not to be shaken
by any threats.
12. "The prefect of my prætorian guard, thinking to undertake an affair
which might be beneficial to the state, without my knowledge discoursed
about peace with thy generals, by the agency of some low persons. Peace
we should neither regret nor refuse--let it only come with credit and
honour, in such a way as to impair neither our self-respect nor our
dignity.
13. "For it would be an unbecoming and shameful thing when all men's
ears are filled with our exploits, so as to have shut even the mouth of
envy; when after the destruction of tyrants the whole Roman world obeys
us, to give up those territories which even when limited to the narrow
boundaries of the east we preserved undiminished.
14. "But I pray thee make an end of the threats which thou utterest
against me, in obedience to thy national habit, when it cannot be
doubted that it is not from inactivity, but from moderation, that we
have at times endured attacks instead of being the assailants ourselves:
and know that, whenever we are attacked, we defend our own with bravery
and good will: being assured both by thy reading and thy personal
experience that in battle it has been rare for Romans to meet with
disaster; and that in the final issue of a war we have never come off
the worst."
15. The embassy was therefore dismissed without gaining any of its
objects; and indeed no other reply could be given to the unbridled
covetousness of the king. And a few days afterwards, Count Prosper
followed, and Spectatus the tribune and secretary; and also, by the
suggestion of Musonianus, Eustathius the philosopher, as one skilful in
persuading, bearing a letter from the emperor, and presents, with a view
to induce Sapor to suspend his preparations, so that all our attention
might be turned to fortifying the northern provinces in the most
effective manner.
VI.
§ 1. Now while these affairs, of so doubtful a complexion, were
proceeding, that portion of the Allemanni which borders on the regions
of Italy, forgetful of the peace and of the treaties which they only
obtained by abject entreaty, laid waste the Tyrol with such fury that
they even went beyond their usual habit in undertaking the siege of some
walled towns.
2. And when a strong force had been sent to repel them under the command
of Barbatio, who had been promoted to the command of the infantry in the
room of Silvanus, a man of not much activity, but a fluent talker, he,
as his troops were in a high state of indignation at the invaders, gave
them so terrible a defeat, that only a very few, who took to flight in
their panic, escaped to carry back their tears and lamentations to their
homes.
3. In this battle Nevitta, who afterwards became consul, was present as
commander of a squadron of cavalry, and displayed great gallantry.
VII.
§ 1. This year also some terrible earthquakes took place in Macedonia,
Asia Minor, and Pontus, and their repeated shocks overthrew many towns,
and even mountains. But the most remarkable of all the manifold
disasters which they caused was the entire ruin of Nicomedia, the
metropolis of Bithynia; which I will here relate with truth and brevity.
2. On the 23rd of August, at daybreak, some heavy black clouds suddenly
obscured the sky, which just before was quite fair. And the sun was so
wholly concealed that it was impossible to see what was near or even
quite close, so completely did a thick lurid darkness settle on the
ground, preventing the least use of the eyes.
3. Presently, as if the supreme deity were himself letting loose his
fatal wrath, and stirring up the winds from their hinges, a violent
raging storm descended, by the fury of which the groaning mountains were
struck, and the crash of the waves on the shore was heard to a vast
distance. And then followed typhoons and whirlwinds with a horrid
trembling of the earth, throwing down the whole city and its suburbs.
4. And as most of the houses were built on the slopes of the hills, they
now fell down one over the other, while all around resounded with the
vast crash of their fall. In the mean time the tops of the hills
re-echoed all sorts of noises, as well as outcries of men seeking their
wives and children, and other relations.
5. At last, after two hours, or at least within three, the air became
again clear and serene, and disclosed the destruction which till then
was unseen. Some, overwhelmed by the enormous masses of ruins which had
fallen upon them, were crushed to death. Some were buried up to the
neck, and might have been saved if there had been any timely help at
hand, but perished for want of assistance; others were transfixed by the
points of beams projecting forth, on which they hung suspended.
6. Here was seen a crowd of persons slain by one blow; there a
promiscuous heap of corpses piled in various ways--some were buried
beneath the roofs of falling houses, which leant over so as to protect
them from any actual blows, but reserved them for an agonizing death by
starvation. Among whom was Aristænetus, who, with the authority of
deputy, governed Bithynia, which had been recently erected into a
province; and to which Constantius had given the name of Piety, in
honour of his wife Eusebia, (a Greek word, equivalent to Pietas in
Latin); and he perished thus by a lingering death.
7. Others who were overwhelmed by the sudden fall of vast buildings, are
still lying entombed beneath the immovable masses. Some with their
skulls fractured, or their shoulders or legs cut through, lay between
life and death, imploring aid from others suffering equally with
themselves; but in spite of their entreaties they were abandoned.
8. Not but what the greater part of the temples and buildings and of the
citizens also would have escaped unhurt, if a fire had not suddenly
broken out, which raged with great violence for fifty days and nights,
and destroyed all that remained.
9. I think this a good opportunity to enumerate a few of the conjectures
which the ancients have formed about earthquakes. For as to any accurate
knowledge of their causes, not only has that never been attained by the
ignorance of the common people, but they have equally eluded the long
lucubrations and subtle researches of natural philosophers.
10. And on this account in all priestly ceremonies, whether ritual or
pontifical, care is taken not at such times to name one god more than
another, for fear of impiety, since it is quite uncertain which god
causes these visitations.
11. But as the various opinions, among which Aristotle wavers and
hesitates, suggest, earthquakes are engendered either in small caverns
under the earth, which the Greeks call +syrigges+, because of
the waters pouring through them with a more rapid motion than usual, or,
as Anaxagoras affirms, they arise from the force of the wind penetrating
the lower parts of the earth, which, when they have got down to the
encrusted solid mass, finding no vent-holes, shake those portions in
their solid state, into which they have got entrance when in a state of
solution. And this is corroborated by the observation that at such times
no breezes of wind are felt by us above ground, because the winds are
occupied in the lowest recesses of the earth.
12. Anaximander says that the earth when burnt up by excessive heat and
drought, and also after excessive rains, opens larger fissures than
usual, which the upper air penetrates with great force and in excessive
quantities, and the earth, shaken by the furious blasts which penetrate
those fissures, is disturbed to its very foundations; for which reason
these fearful events occur either at times of great evaporation or else
at those of an extravagant fall of rain from heaven. And therefore the
ancient poets and theologians gave Neptune the name of Earthshaker,[70]
as being the power of moist substance.
13. Now earthquakes take place in four manners: either they are
_brasmatiæ_,[71] which raise up the ground in a terrible manner, and
throw vast masses up to the surface, as in Asia, Delos arose, and Hiera;
and also Anaphe and Rhodes, which has at different times been called
Ophiusa and Pelagia, and was once watered with a shower of gold;[72] and
Eleusis in Boeotia, and the Hellenian islands in the Tyrrhenian sea,
and many other islands. Or they are _climatiæ_,[73] which, with a
slanting and oblique blow, level cities, edifices, and mountains. Or
_chasmatiæ_,[74] which suddenly, by a violent motion, open huge mouths,
and so swallow up portions of the earth, as in the Atlantic sea, on the
coast of Europe, a large island[75] was swallowed up, and in the
Crissæan Gulf, Helice and Bura,[76] and in Italy, in the Ciminian
district, the town of Saccumum[77] was swallowed up in a deep gulf and
hidden in everlasting darkness. And among these three kinds of
earthquakes, _myæmotiæ_[78] are heard with a threatening roar, when the
elements either spring apart, their joints being broken, or again
resettle in their former places, when the earth also settles back; for
then it cannot be but that crashes and roars of the earth should resound
with bull-like bellowings. Let us now return to our original subject.
VIII.
§ 1. Cæsar, passing his winter among the Parisii, was eagerly preparing
to anticipate the Allemanni, who were not yet assembled in one body, but
who, since the battle of Strasburg, were working themselves up to a
pitch of insane audacity and ferocity. And he was waiting with great
impatience for the month of July, when the Gallic campaigns usually
begin. For indeed he could not march before the summer had banished the
frost and cold, and allowed him to receive supplies from Aquitania.
2. But as diligence overcomes almost all difficulties, he, revolving
many plans of all kinds in his mind, at last conceived the idea of not
waiting till the crops were ripe, but falling on the barbarians before
they expected him. And having resolved on that plan, he caused his men
to take corn for twenty days' consumption from what they had in store,
and to make it into biscuit, so that it might keep longer; and this
enabled the soldiers to carry it, which they did willingly. And relying
on this provision, and setting out as before, with favourable auspices,
he reckoned that in the course of five or six months he might finish two
urgent and indispensable expeditions.
3. And when all his preparations were made, he first marched against
the Franks, that is against that tribe of them usually called Salii, who
some time before had ventured with great boldness to fix their
habitations on the Roman soil near Toxandria.[79] But when he had
reached Tongres, he was met by an embassy from this tribe, who expected
still to find him in his winter quarters, offering him peace on
condition of his leaving them unattacked and unmolested, as if the
ground they had seized were rightfully their own. Julian comprehended
the whole affair, and having given the ambassadors an ambiguous reply,
and also some presents, sent them back again, leaving them to suppose he
would remain in the same place till they returned.
4. But the moment they had departed he followed them, sending Severus
along the bank of the river, and suddenly came upon the whole settlement
like a thunderbolt; and availing himself of his victory to make a
reasonable exhibition of clemency, as indeed they met him with
entreaties rather than with resistance, he received the submission of
them and their children.
5. He then attacked the Chamavi,[80] who had been guilty of similar
audacity, and through the same celerity of movement he slew one portion
of them, and another who made a vigorous resistance he took prisoners,
while others who fled precipitately he allowed to escape unhurt to their
own territories, to avoid exhausting his soldiers with a long campaign.
And when ambassadors were afterwards sent by them to implore his pardon,
and generally to do what they could for them, when they prostrated
themselves before him, he granted them peace on condition of retiring to
their own districts without doing any mischief.
IX.
§ 1. Everything thus succeeding according to his wish, Julian, always on
the watch to establish by every means in his power the security of the
provinces on a solid foundation, determined to put in as good repair as
the time permitted those fortresses erected in a line on the banks of
the Meuse, which some time before had been destroyed by an attack of
the barbarians. And accordingly he desisted for a while from all other
operations, and restored them.
2. And that he might by a prudent rapidity insure their safety, he took
a part of the seventeen days' provisions, which troops, when going on an
expedition, carry on their backs, and stored in those forts, hoping to
replace what he thus took from the soldiers by seizing the crops of the
Chamavi.
3. But he was greatly disappointed. For as the crops were not yet ripe,
the soldiers when they had consumed what they had with them were unable
to find food, and began to utter violent threats against Julian, mingled
with fierce cries and reproaches, calling him Asiatic, Greek, a cheat,
and a fool pretending to be wise. And as it is commonly the case among
soldiers that some men are found of remarkable fluency of speech, they
poured forth such harangues as this:--
4. "Whither are we being dragged, having lost all hope of good fortune?
We formerly, indeed, suffered terrible hardships in the snow, and cruel
biting frost; but now (oh, shame!), when we have the fate of the enemy
in our hands, we are wasting away with famine, the most miserable of all
deaths. Let no one think that we are stirrers up of tumults; we declare
that we are speaking for our very lives. We do not ask for gold or
silver, which it is long since we have touched or seen, and which are as
much denied to us as if we had been convicted of having encountered all
our toils and perils in the service of the enemies of the republic."
5. And their complaints were just. For after all his gallant exploits
and all his doubtful changes and dangers, the soldiers were exhausted by
his Gallic campaigns, without even receiving either donation or pay from
the time that Julian was sent to take the command; because he himself
had nothing to give, nor would Constantius permit anything to be drawn
for that purpose from the treasury, as had been the custom.
6. And at a later period it was manifest that this was owing more to
ill-will than to parsimony, because when Julian had given some small
coin to one of the common soldiers, who, as was the custom, had asked
for some to get shaved with, he was attacked for it with most insulting
calumnies by Gaudentius, the secretary, who had long remained in Gaul as
a spy upon his actions, and whom he himself subsequently ordered to be
put to death, as will be related in its fitting place.
X.
§ 1. When at length their discontent was appeased by various kinds of
caresses, and when the Rhine had been crossed by a bridge of boats,
which was thrown over it, Severus, the master of the horse, up to that
time a brave and energetic soldier, suddenly lost all his vigour.
2. And he who had frequently been used to exhort the troops, both in
bodies and as individuals, to gallant acts, now seemed a base and timid
skulker from battle, as if he feared the approach of death. As we read
in the books of Tages[81] that those who are fated to be soon struck by
lightning, so lose their senses that they cannot hear thunder, or even
greater noises. And he marched on in a lazy way, not natural to him, and
even threatened with death the guides, who were leading on the army with
a brisk step, if they would not agree to say that they were wholly
ignorant of the road any further. So they, fearing his power, and being
forbidden to show the way any more, advanced no further.
3. But amid this delay, Suomarius, king of the Allemanni, arrived
unexpectedly with his suite; and he who had formerly been fierce and
eager for any injury to the Romans, was now inclined to regard it as an
unexpected gain to be permitted to retain his former possessions. And
because his looks and his gait showed him to be a suppliant, he was
received as a friend, and desired to be of good cheer. But still he
submitted himself to Julian's discretion, and implored peace on his
bended knees. And peace was granted him, with pardon for the past, on
condition of giving up our prisoners and of supplying our soldiers with
food, whenever it was required, receiving, like any ordinary purveyor,
security for payment of what he provided. But he was at the same time
warned, that if he did not furnish the required supplies in time he
would be liable to be called in question for his former hostility.
4. And that which had been discreetly planned was carried out without
hindrance. Julian desiring to reach a town belonging to another
chieftain, named Hortarius, towards which object nothing seemed wanting
but guides, gave orders to Nestica, a tribune of the Scutarii, and to
Chariettoa, a man of marvellous courage, to take great pains to capture
a prisoner and to bring him to him. A youth of the Allemanni was
speedily caught and brought before him, who, on condition of obtaining
his freedom, promised to show the road. The army, following him as its
guide, was soon obstructed by an abattis of lofty trees, which had been
cut down; but by taking long and circuitous paths, they at last came to
the desired spot, and the soldiers in their rage laid waste the fields
with fire, carried off the cattle and the inhabitants, and slew all who
resisted without mercy.
5. The king, bewildered at this disaster, seeing the numerous legions,
and the remains of his burnt villages, and looking upon the last
calamities of fortune as impending over him, of his own accord implored
pardon, promising to do all that should be commanded him, and binding
himself on oath to restore all his prisoners. For that was the object
about which Julian was the most anxious. But still he restored only a
few, and detained the greater part of them.
6. When Julian knew this, he was filled with just indignation, and when
the king came to receive the customary presents, the Cæsar refused to
release his four companions, on whose support and fidelity the king
principally relied, till all the prisoners were restored.
7. But when the king was summoned by the Cæsar to a conference, looking
up at him with trembling eyes, he was overcome by the aspect of the
conqueror, and overwhelmed by a sense of his own embarrassing condition,
and especially by the compulsion under which he was now (since it was
reasonable that after so many successes of the Romans that the cities
which had been destroyed by the violence of the barbarians should be
rebuilt) to supply waggons and materials from his own stores and those
of his subjects.
8. And after he had promised to do so, and had bound himself with an
oath to consent to die if he were guilty of any treachery, he was
permitted to return to his own country. For he could not be compelled to
furnish provisions like Suomarius, because his land had been so utterly
laid waste that nothing could be found on it for him to give.
9. Thus those kings who were formerly so proud and accustomed to grow
rich by the plunder of our citizens, were now brought under the Roman
yoke; and as if they had been born and brought up among our tributaries,
they submitted to our commands, though with reluctance. And when these
events were thus brought to a conclusion, the Cæsar distributed his army
among its usual stations, and returned to his winter quarters.
XI.
§ 1. When these transactions presently became known in the court of
Constantius--for the knowledge of them could not be concealed, since the
Cæsar, as if he had been merely an officer of the emperor's, referred to
him on all occasions--those who had the greatest influence in the
palace, being skilful professors of flattery, turned all Julian's
well-arranged plans and their successful accomplishment into ridicule;
continually uttering such malicious sayings as this, "We have had enough
of the goat and his victories;" sneering at Julian because of his beard,
and calling him a chattering mole, a purple-robed ape, and a Greek
pedant. And pouring forth numbers of sneers of the same kind, acceptable
to the emperor, who liked to hear them, they endeavoured with shameless
speeches to overwhelm Julian's virtues, slandering him as a lazy, timid,
carpet-knight, and one whose chief care was to set off his exploits by
fine descriptions; it not being the first time that such a thing had
been done.
2. For the greatest glory is always exposed to envy. So we read in
respect of the illustrious generals of old, that, though no fault could
be found in them, still the malignity which found offence in their
greatest actions was constantly inventing false charges and accusations
against them.
3. In the same manner Cimon the son of Miltiades, who destroyed a vast
host of the Persians on the Eurymedon, a river in Pamphylia, and
compelled a nation always insolent and arrogant to beg for peace most
humbly, was accused of intemperance; and again Scipio Æmilianus, by
whose indomitable vigilance two[82] most powerful cities, which had made
great efforts to injure Rome, were both destroyed, was disparaged as a
mere drone.
4. Moreover, wicked detractors, scrutinizing the character of Pompey,
when no pretext for finding fault with him could be discovered, remarked
two qualities in which they could raise a laugh against him; one that he
had a sort of natural trick of scratching his head with one finger:
another that for the purpose of concealing an unsightly sore, he used to
bind one of his legs with a white bandage. Of which habits, the first
they said showed a dissolute man; the second, one eager for a change of
government; contending, with a somewhat meagre argument, that it did not
signify what part of his body he clothed with a badge of royal dignity;
so snarling at that man of whom the most glorious proofs show that no
braver and truer patriot ever lived.
5. During these transactions, Artemius, the deputy governor of Rome,
succeeded Bassus in the prefecture also; for Bassus, who had lately been
promoted to be prefect of the city, had since died. His administration
had been marked by turbulent sedition, but by no other events
sufficiently memorable to deserve mention.
XII.
§ 1. In the mean time, while the emperor was passing the winter quietly
at Sirmium, he received frequent and trustworthy intelligence that the
Sarmatians and the Quadi, two tribes contiguous to each other, and
similar in manners and mode of warfare, were conjointly overrunning
Pannonia and the second province of Moesia, in straggling detachments.
2. These tribes are more suited to predatory incursions than to regular
war; they carry long spears, and wear breastplates made of horn scraped
and polished, let into linen jackets, so that the layers of horn are
like the feathers of a bird. Their horses are chiefly geldings, lest at
the sight of mares they should be excited and run away, or, when held
back in reserve, should betray their riders by their fierce neighing.
3. They cover vast spaces in their movements, whether in pursuit or in
retreat, their horses being swift and very manageable; and they lead
with them one or sometimes two spare chargers apiece, in order that the
change may keep up the strength of their cattle, and that their vigour
may be preserved by alternations of rest.
4. Therefore, after the vernal equinox was past, the emperor, having
collected a strong body of soldiers, marched forth under the guidance of
propitious fortune. Having arrived at a suitable place, he crossed the
Danube, which was now flooded from the melting of the snow, by a bridge
of boats, and descended on the lands of the barbarians, which he began
to lay waste. They, being taken by surprise through the rapidity of his
march, and seeing that the battalions of his warlike army were at their
throats, when they had not supposed it possible that such a force could
be collected for a year, had no courage to make a stand, but, as the
only means of escaping unexpected destruction, took to flight.
5. When many had been slain, fear fettering their steps, those whose
speed had saved them from death hid themselves among the secret defiles
of the mountains, and from thence beheld their country destroyed by the
sword, which they might have delivered if they had resisted with as much
vigour as they fled.
6. These events took place in that part of Sarmatia which looks towards
the second Pannonia. Another military expedition, conducted with equal
courage, routed the troops of the barbarians in Valeria, who were
plundering and destroying everything within their reach.
7. Terrified at the greatness of this disaster, the Sarmatians, under
pretext of imploring peace, planned to divide their force into three
bodies, and to attack our army while in a state of fancied security; so
that they should neither be able to prepare their weapons, nor avoid
wounds, nor (which is the last resource in a desperate case) take to
flight.
8. There were with the Sarmatians likewise on this occasion, as
partners in their danger, the Quadi,[83] who had often before taken part
in the injuries inflicted on us; but their prompt boldness did not help
them on this occasion, rushing as they did into open danger.
9. For many of them were slain, and the survivors escaped among the
hills, with which they were familiar. And as this event raised the
spirits and courage of our army, they united in solid columns, and
marched with speed into the territories of the Quadi; who, having learnt
by the past to dread the evils which impended over them, came boldly
into the emperor's presence to implore peace as suppliants, since he was
inclined to be merciful in such cases. On the day appointed for settling
the conditions, one of their princes named Zizais, a young man of great
stature, marshalled the ranks of the Sarmatians to offer their
entreaties of peace in the fashion of an army; and as soon as they came
within sight, he threw away his arms, and fell like one dead,
prostrating himself on his breast before the emperor; his very voice
from fear refusing its office, when he ought to have uttered his
entreaties, he awakened the more pity, making many attempts, and being
scarcely able from the violence of his sobs to give utterance to his
wishes.
10. At last, having recovered himself, and being bidden to rise up, he
knelt, and having regained the use of his tongue, he implored pardon for
his offences. His followers also, whose mouths had been closed by fear
while the fate of their leader was still doubtful, were admitted to
offer the same petition, and when he, being commanded to rise, gave them
the signal which they had been long expecting, to present their
petition, they all threw away their javelins and their shields, and held
out their hands in an attitude of supplication, striving to surpass
their prince in the humility of their entreaties.
11. Among the other Sarmatians the prince had brought with him three
chiefs of tribes, Rumo, Zinafer, and Fragiledus, and many nobles who
came to offer the same petition with earnest hope of success. And they,
being elated at the promise of safety, undertook to make amends for
their former deeds of hostility by performing the conditions now imposed
on them; giving up willingly into the power of the Romans themselves,
their wives and children, and all their possessions. The kindness of the
emperor, united with justice, subdued them; and he bidding them be of
good cheer and return to their homes, they restored our prisoners. They
also brought the hostages who were demanded of them, and promised prompt
obedience to all the emperor's commands.
12. Then, encouraged by this example of our clemency, other chieftains
came with all their tribe, by name Araharius and Usafer, men of
distinction among the nobles, and at the head of a great force of their
countrymen; one of them being chief of a portion of the Quadi who dwelt
beyond the mountains, and the other of a division of the Sarmatians: the
two being united by the proximity of their territories, and their
natural ferocity. But the emperor, fearing the number of their
followers, lest, while pretending to make a treaty, they should suddenly
rise up in arms, separated them; ordering those who were acting for the
Sarmatians to retire for a while, while he was examining into the
affairs of Araharius and the Quadi.
13. And when they presented themselves before him, bowing according to
their national custom, as they were not able to clear themselves of
heavy charges, so, fearing extreme punishment, they gave the hostages
which were demanded, though they had never before been compelled to give
pledges for their fidelity.
14. These matters being thus equitably and successfully settled, Usafer
was admitted to offer his petition, though Araharius loudly protested
against this, and maintained that the peace ratified with him ought to
comprehend Usafer also, as an ally of his though of inferior rank, and
subject to his command.
15. But when the question was discussed, the Sarmatians were pronounced
independent of any other power, as having been always vassals of the
Roman empire; and they willingly embraced the proposal of giving
hostages as a pledge of the maintenance of tranquillity.
16. After this there came a vast number of nations and princes, flocking
in crowds, when they heard that Araharius had been allowed to depart in
safety, imploring us to withdraw the sword which was at their throats;
and they also obtained the peace which they requested on similar terms,
and without any delay gave as hostages the sons of their nobles whom
they brought from the interior of the country; and they also
surrendered, as we insisted, all their prisoners, from whom they parted
as unwillingly as from their own relations.
17. When these arrangements were completed, the emperor's anxiety was
transferred to the Sarmatians, who were objects of pity rather than of
anger. It is incredible how much prosperity our connection with their
affairs had brought them, so as to give grounds for really believing,
what some persons do imagine, that Fate may be either overcome or
created at the will of the emperor.
18. There were formerly many natives of this kingdom, of high birth and
great power, but a secret conspiracy armed their slaves against them;
and as among barbarians all right consists in might, they, as they were
equal to their masters in ferocity, and superior in number, completely
overcame them.
19. And these native chiefs, losing all their wisdom in their fear, fled
to the Victohali,[84] whose settlements were at a great distance,
thinking it better in the choice of evils to become subject to their
protectors than slaves to their own slaves. But afterwards, when they
had obtained pardon from us, and had been received as faithful allies,
they deplored their hard fate, and invoked our direct protection. Moved
by the undeserved hardship of their lot, the emperor, when they were
assembled before him, addressed them with kind words in the presence of
his army, and commanded them for the future to own no master but himself
and the Roman generals.
20. And that the restoration of their liberty might carry with it
additional dignity, he made Zizais their king, a man, as the event
proved, deserving the rewards of eminent fortune, and faithful. After
these glorious transactions, none of the Sarmatians were allowed to
depart till all our prisoners had returned, as we had before insisted.
21. When these matters had been concluded in the territories of the
barbarians, the camp was moved to Szoeni,[85] that there also the
emperor might, by subjugation or slaughter, terminate the war with the
Quadi, who were keeping that district in a state of agitation. Their
prince Vitrodorus, the son of king Viduarius, and Agilimundus, an
inferior chieftain, with the other nobles and judges who governed the
different tribes, as soon as they saw the imperial army in the bosom of
their kingdom and of their native land, threw themselves at the feet of
the soldiers, and having obtained pardon, promised obedience; and gave
their children as hostages for the performance of the conditions imposed
upon them; and drawing their swords, which they worship as deities, they
swore to remain faithful.
XIII.
§ 1. These matters then, as has been related, having been thus
successfully terminated, the public interests required that the army
should at once march against the Limigantes, the revolted slaves of the
Sarmatians, who had perpetrated many atrocities with impunity. For, as
soon as the countrymen of free blood had attacked us, they also,
forgetful of their former condition, thinking to take advantage of a
favourable opportunity, burst through the Roman frontier, in this
wickedness alone agreeing with their masters and enemies.
2. But on deliberation we determined that their offence also should be
punished with more moderation than its greatness deserved; and that
vengeance should limit itself to removing them to a distance where they
could no longer harass our territories. The consciousness of a long
series of crimes made them fearful of danger.
3. And therefore, suspecting that the weight of war was about to fall
upon them, they were prepared, as exigency might require, to resort to
stratagem, arms, or entreaties. But at the first sight of our army they
became as it were panic-stricken; and being reduced to despair, they
begged their lives, offering a yearly tribute, and a body of their
chosen youths for our army, and promising perpetual obedience. But they
were prepared to refuse if they were ordered to emigrate (as they showed
by their gestures and countenances), trusting to the strength of the
place where, after they had expelled their masters, they had fixed their
abode.
4. For the Parthiscus[86] waters this land, proceeding with oblique
windings till it falls into the Danube. But while it flows unmixed, it
passes through a vast extent of country, which, near its junction with
the Danube, it narrows into a very small corner, so that over on the
side of the Danube those who live in that district are protected from
the attack of the Romans, and on the side of the Parthiscus they are
secured from any irruptions of the barbarians. Since along its course
the greater part of the ground is frequently under water from the
floods, and always swampy and full of osiers, so as to be quite
impassable to strangers; and besides the mainland there is an island
close to the mouth of the river, which the stream itself seems to have
separated into its present state.
5. Accordingly, at the desire of the emperor, they came with native
arrogance to our bank of the river, not, as the result showed, with the
intention of obeying his commands, but that they might not seem alarmed
at the presence of his soldiers. And there they stood, stubbornly
showing that they had come bent on resistance.
6. And as the emperor had foreseen that this might happen, he secretly
divided his army into several squadrons, and by the rapidity of their
movements hemmed in the barbarians between his own lines. And then,
standing on a mound, with a few of his officers and a small body-guard,
he gently admonished them not to give way to ferocity.
7. But they, wavering and in doubt, were agitated by various feelings,
and mingling craft with their fury, they had recourse to arms and to
prayers at the same time. And meditating to make a sudden attack on
those of our men who were nearest, they threw their shields some
distance before them, with the intent that while they made some steps
forward to recover them, they might thus steal a little ground without
giving any indication of their purpose.
8. And as it was now nearly evening, and the departing light warned us
to avoid further delay, our soldiers raised their standards and fell
upon them with a fiery onset. And they, in close order, directed all
their force against the mound on which (as has been already said) the
emperor himself was standing, fixing their eyes on him, and uttering
fierce outcries against him.
9. Our army was indignant at such insane audacity, and forming into a
triangle, to which military simplicity has given the name of "the boar's
head," with a violent charge they scattered the barbarians now pressing
vigorously upon the emperor; on the right our infantry slew their
infantry, and on the left our cavalry dashed among their squadrons of
light horsemen.
10. The prætorian cohort, carefully guarding the emperor, spared neither
the breasts of those who attacked nor the backs of those who fled, and
the barbarians, yielding in their stubbornness to death alone, showed by
their horrid cries that they grieved not so much at their own death as
at the triumph of our army. And, beside the dead, many lay with their
legs cut off, and so deprived of the resource of flight, others had lost
their hands; some who had received no wound were crushed by the weight
of those who fell upon them, and bore their torments in profound
silence.
11. Nor, amid all their sufferings, did any one of them ask for mercy,
or throw away his sword, or implore a speedy death, but clinging
resolutely to their arms, wounded as they were, they thought it a lesser
evil to be subdued by the strength of another than by their own
consciences, and at times they were heard to grumble that what had
happened was the work of fortune, not of their deserts. And so this
whole battle was brought to an end in half an hour, in which such
numbers of barbarians fell that nothing but the fact of our victory
proved that there had been any battle at all.
12. Those in arms had scarcely been routed when the relations of the
dead, of every age and sex, were brought forward in crowds, having been
dragged from their humble dwellings. And all their former pride being
now gone, they descended to the lowest depths of servile obedience, and
after a very short time nothing but barrows of the dead and bands of
captives were beheld.
13. So, the heat of strife and the excitement of victory stimulating our
men, they rose up to destroy all who had escaped the battle, or who were
lying hidden in their dwellings. And when, eager for the blood of the
barbarians, our soldiers had reached the spot, they tore to pieces the
slight straw-thatched huts; nor could even the strongest-built cottages,
or the stoutest beams save any one from death.
14. At last, when everything was set on fire, and when no one could be
concealed any longer, since every protection for their lives was
destroyed, they either perished obstinately in the flames, or else, if
they avoided the fire and sallied out, they only escaped that
destruction to fall beneath the sword of their enemies.
15. Some, however, did escape from the weapons of the enemy and from the
spreading flames, and committed themselves to the stream, trusting to
their skill in swimming to enable them to reach the further bank; but
many of them were drowned, and others were transfixed by our javelins,
so that the winding stream of the vast river was discoloured with blood,
and thus, by the agency of both elements, did the indignation and valour
of the conquerors destroy the Sarmatians.
16. After these events it was determined to leave the barbarians no hope
nor comfort of life; and after burning their houses and carrying off
their families, an order was given to collect boats in order to hunt out
those who, being on the opposite bank of the river, had escaped the
attack of our men.
17. And immediately, that the alacrity of our warriors might have no
time to cool, some light-armed troops were embarked in boats, and led by
secret paths to occupy the retreats of the Sarmatians. The barbarians at
first were deceived by seeing only the boats of their own country, and
crews with whom they were acquainted.
18. But when the weapons glittered in the distance, and they perceived
that what they feared was upon them, they sought refuge in their
accustomed marshes. And our soldiers pursuing them with great animosity,
slew numbers of them, and gained a victory in a place where it had not
been supposed that any soldier could find a footing, much less do any
bold action.
19. After the Anicenses[87] had thus been routed and almost destroyed,
we proceeded at once to attack the Picenses, who are so called from the
regions which they inhabit, which border on one another; and these
tribes had fancied themselves the more secure from the disasters of
their allies, which they had heard of by frequent rumours. To crush them
(for it was an arduous task for those who did not know the country to
follow men scattered in many directions as they were) the aid of
Taifali[88] and of the free-born Sarmatians was sought.
20. And as the nature of the ground separated the auxiliary battalions
from each other, our own troops took the ground nearest Moesia, the
Taifali that nearest to their own settlements, while the free Sarmatians
occupied that in front of their original position.
21. The Limigantes, alarmed at the still fresh examples of nations
subdued and crushed by us, for a long time hesitated and wavered whether
they should attack us or ask for peace, having arguments of no small
weight for either line of conduct. But at last, through the influence of
the council of the elders, the idea of surrender prevailed; and the
submission also of those who had dared to attack their free-born masters
was added to our numerous victories; and the rest of them, who had
previously despised their masters, thinking them unwarlike and easily
subdued, now finding them stronger than themselves, submitted to them.
22. Accordingly, having received pledges of their safety, and having
quitted the defence of their mountains, the greater portion of them came
with speed to the Roman camp, and they spread over a vast extent of
ground, bringing with them their parents, their children, their wives,
and all the movable treasures which their rapid motions had allowed them
to carry off.
23. And those who it had been supposed would rather lose their lives
than quit their country, while they mistook their mad licentiousness for
liberty, now submitted to obey our orders, and to take up another abode
in peace and good faith, so as to be undisturbed for the future by wars
or seditions. And having been thus accepted as subjects, in accordance
with their own wish as it was believed, they remained quiet for a time;
but afterwards they broke out in destructive wickedness, as shall be
related at the proper time.
24. While our affairs were thus prospering, Illyricum was put in a
state of twofold security, since the emperor, in endeavouring by two
means to accomplish this object, succeeded in both. He brought back and
established in their ancient homes the people who had been banished,
whom, although they were objects of suspicion from their natural
fickleness, he believed would go on more moderately than of old. And to
crown this kindness, he set over them as a king, not one of low birth,
but the very man whom they themselves had formerly chosen, as eminent
for all the virtues of mind and body.
25. After such a wise action, Constantius, being now raised above all
fear, and having received from the unanimous consent of his soldiers the
title of Sarmaticus, from the name of the nation which he had subdued;
and being now about to leave the army, summoned all his cohorts and
centuries and maniples, and mounting the tribune, surrounded by the
standards and eagles, and by a great number of soldiers of all ranks, he
addressed the troops in these words, choosing his topics as usual so as
to gain the favour of all.
26. "The recollection of our glorious exploits, the dearest of all
feelings to brave men, encourages me to repeat, though with great
moderation, what, in our heaven-granted victories, and before battle,
and in the very heat of the strife, we, the most faithful champions of
the Roman state, have conducted to a deservedly prosperous issue. For
what can be so honourable or so justly worthy to be handed down to the
recollection of posterity as the exultation of the soldier in his brave
deeds, and of the general in his wise plans?
27. "The rage of our enemies, in their arrogant pride thinking to profit
by our absence, while we were protecting Italy and Gaul, was overrunning
Illyricum, and with continual sallies they were ravaging even the
districts beyond our frontiers; crossing the rivers, sometimes in boats
made of hollow trees, sometimes on foot; not relying on combats, nor on
their arms and strength, but being accustomed to secret forays, and
having been from the very earliest era of their nation an object of fear
to our ancestors, from their cunning and the variety of their
manoeuvres, which we indeed, being at a great distance, bore as long
as we could, thinking that the vigour of our generals would be able to
protect us from even slight injury.
28. "But when their licentiousness led them on to bolder attempts, and
to inflict great and frequent injury on our provinces, we, having first
fortified the passes of the Tyrol, and having secured the safety of the
Gauls by watchful care, leaving no danger behind us, have marched into
Pannonia, in order, with the favour of the everlasting deity, to
strengthen our tottering interests in that country. And after everything
was prepared, we set forth, as you know, at the end of the spring, and
undertook a great enterprise; first of all taking care that the
countless darts of the enemy should not prevent us from making a bridge.
And when, with no great trouble, this had been accomplished, after we
had set our foot upon the enemy's territories, we defeated, with very
little loss to ourselves, the Sarmatians, who with obstinate courage set
themselves to resist us to the death. And we also crushed the Quadi, who
were bringing reinforcements to the Sarmatians, and who with similar
courage attacked our noble legions.
29. "These tribes, after heavy losses sustained in their attacks, and
their stubborn and toilsome resistance, have at length learnt the power
of our valour, and throwing away their arms, have allowed their hands,
prepared for fighting, to be bound behind their backs; and seeing that
their only hope of safety is in prayer, have fallen at the feet of your
merciful emperor, whose wars they found are usually successful. Having
got rid of these enemies, we with equal courage defeated the Limigantes,
and after we had put numbers of them to the sword, the rest found their
only means of escaping danger lay in fleeing to their hiding-places in
the marshes.
30. "And when these things were successfully terminated, it seemed to be
a seasonable opportunity for mercy. So we compelled the Limigantes to
remove to very distant lands, that they might not be able any more to
move to our injury; and we spared the greatest part of them. And we made
Zizais king over the free-born portion of them, sure that he would be
faithful to us, and thinking it more honour to create a king for the
barbarians than to take one from them, the dignity being increased by
this honourable consideration, that the ruler whom we thus gave them had
before been elected and accepted by them.
31. "So we and the republic have in one campaign obtained a fourfold
reward: first, vengeance on our guilty assailants; next, abundance of
captive slaves from the enemy, for valour is entitled to those rewards
which it has earned with its toil and prowess.
32. "Thirdly, we have ample resources and great treasures of wealth; our
labour and courage having preserved the patrimony of each of us
undiminished. This, in the mind of a good sovereign, is the best fruit
of prosperity.
33. "Lastly, I myself have the well-won spoil of a surname derived from
the enemy--the title of Sarmaticus--which you unanimously have (if I may
say so without arrogance) deservedly conferred on me."
34. After he had made an end of speaking, the whole assembly, with more
alacrity than usual, since its hope of booty and gain was increased,
rose up with joyful voices in praise of the emperor; and, as usual,
calling God to witness that Constantius was invincible, returned with
joy to their tents. And the emperor was conducted back to his palace,
and having rested two days, re-entered Sirmium with a triumphal
procession; and the troops returned to their appointed stations.
XIV.
§ 1. About this time Prosper and Spectatus and Eustathius, who, as has
been mentioned above, had been sent as ambassadors to the Persians,
found the Persian king at Ctesiphon, on his return from his campaign,
and they delivered the emperor's letters and presents, and requested
peace while affairs were still in their existing state. And mindful of
what had been enjoined them, they never forgot the interests nor the
dignity of the Roman empire, maintaining that the peace ought to be made
on the condition that no alteration should be made in the state of
Armenia or Mesopotamia.
2. And having remained for some time, when they saw that the king was
obstinate, and resolute not to admit of peace unless the absolute
dominion of those regions was assigned to him, they returned without
having completed their business.
3. After which, Lucillianus, a count, and Procopius, at that time
secretary, were sent to obtain the same conditions, with equal powers.
Procopius being the same man who afterwards, under the pressure of
violent necessity, committed himself to a revolutionary movement.
[70] +Enosichthôn+, +Seisichthôn+, +Ennosigdaios+,
from +enothô+ and +seiô+, to shake, and +chthan+
and +gaia+, the earth.
[71] From +brazô+, to boil over.
[72] Strabo gives Ophiusa as one of the names of Rhodes, and Homer
mentions the golden shower:--
+kai sphin Thespesion ploutou katecheue kroniôn.+--Il. +b+.
vi. 70.
As also does Pindar, Ol. vii. 63.
[73] From +klinô+, to lay down.
[74] From +chasma+, a chasm, derived from +chainô+, to
gape.
[75] This is a tale told by Plato in the Timæus (which is believed to
have no foundation).
[76] The destruction of Helice is related in Diodorus Sic. xiv. 48; cf.
Ov. Met. xv. 290.
[77] The lake Ciminus was near Centumcellæ, cf. Virg. Æn. vii. 697. The
town of Saccumum is not mentioned by any other writer.
[78] From +mykaô+, to roar like a bull.
[79] Toxandria was in Belgium, on the Scheldt.
[80] The Chamavi were a tribe at the mouth of the Rhine.
[81] Tages was an Etruscan, the son, it is said, of a genius, Jovialis,
and grandson of Jupiter, who rose out of the ground as a man named
Tarchon was ploughing near Tarquinii, and instructed the auspices in
divination. Cf. Cic. Div. ii. 23.
[82] Carthage and Numantia.
[83] The Quadi occupied a part of Hungary.
[84] The Victohali were a tribe of Goths.
[85] Szoeni, called by Ammianus Bregetio, is near Cormorn.
[86] The Theiss.
[87] The Anicenses and Picenses were Dacian tribes.
[88] The Taifali were a tribe of the Western Goths.