BOOK XV.

ARGUMENT.

I. The death of the Cæsar Gallus is announced to the emperor.--II.

Ursicinus, the commander of the cavalry in the East; Julian, the

brother of the Cæsar Gallus; and Gorgonius, the high chamberlain,

are accused of treason.--III. The adherents and servants of the

Cæsar Gallus are punished.--IV. The Allemanni of the district of

Lintz are defeated by the Emperor Constantius with great loss.--V.

Silvanus, a Frank, the commander of the infantry in Gaul, is

saluted as emperor at Cologne; and on the twenty-eighth day of his

reign is destroyed by stratagem.--VI. The friends and adherents of

Silvanus are put to death.--VII. Seditions of the Roman people are

repressed by Leontius, the prefect of the city; Liberius, the

bishop, is driven from his see.--VIII. Julian, the brother of

Gallus, is created Cæsar by the Emperor Constantius, his uncle; and

is appointed to command.--IX. On the origin of the Gauls, and from

whence they derive the names of Celts and Gauls; and of their

treaties.--X. Of the Gallic Alps, and of the various passes over

them.--XI. A brief description of Gaul, and of the course of the

River Rhone.--XII. Of the manners of the Gauls.--XIII. Of

Musonianus, prefect of the Prætorium in the East.

I.

A.D. 354.

§ 1. Having investigated the truth to the best of our power we have

hitherto related all the transactions which either our age permitted us

to witness, or which we could learn from careful examination of those

who were concerned in them, in the order in which the several events

took place. The remaining facts, which the succeeding books will set

forth, we will, as far as our talent permits, explain with the greatest

accuracy, without fearing those who may be inclined to cavil at our work

as too long; for brevity is only to be praised when, while it puts an

end to unseasonable delays, it suppresses nothing which is well

authenticated.

2. Gallus had hardly breathed his last in Noricum, when Apodemius, who

as long as he lived had been a fiery instigator of disturbances, caught

up his shoes and carried them off, journeying, with frequent relays of

horses, so rapidly as even to kill some of them by excess of speed, and

so brought the first news of what had occurred to Milan. And having made

his way into the palace, he threw down the shoes before the feet of

Constantius, as if he were bringing the spoils of a king of the

Parthians who had been slain. And when this sudden news arrived that an

affair so unexpected and difficult had been executed with entire

facility in complete accordance with the wish of the emperor, the

principal courtiers, according to their custom, exerting all their zeal

in the path of flattery, extolled to the skies the virtue and good

fortune of the emperor, at whose nod, as if they had been mere common

soldiers, two princes had thus been deprived of their power, namely,

Veteranio and Gallus.

3. And Constantius being exceedingly elated at the exquisite taste of

this adulation, and thinking that he himself for the future should be

free from all the ordinary inconveniences of mortality, now began to

depart from the path of justice so evidently that he even at times laid

claim to immortality; and in writing letters with his own hand, would

style himself lord of the whole world; a thing which, if others had

said, any one ought to have been indignant at, who laboured with proper

diligence to form his life and habits in emulation of the constitutional

princes who had preceded him, as he professed to do.

4. For even if he had under his power the infinities of worlds fancied

by Democritus, as Alexander the Great, under the promptings of

Anaxarchus, did fancy, yet either by reading, or by hearing others

speak, he might have considered that (as mathematicians unanimously

agree) the circumference of the whole earth, immense as it seems to us,

is nevertheless not bigger than a pin's point as compared with the

greatness of the universe.

II.

§ 1. And now, after the pitiable death of the Cæsar, the trumpet of

judicial dangers sounded the alarm, and Ursicinus was impeached of

treason, envy gaining more and more strength every day to attack his

safety; envy which is inimical to all powerful men.

2. For he was overcome by this difficulty, that, while the ears of the

emperor were shut against all defences which were reasonable and easy of

proof, they were open to all the secret whispers of calumniators, who

pretended that his name was almost disused among all the districts of

the East, and that Ursicinus was urged by them both privately and

publicly to be their commander, as one who could be formidable to the

Persian nation.

3. But this magnanimous man stood his ground immovably against whatever

might happen, only taking care not to throw himself away in an abject

manner, and grieving from his heart that innocence had no safe

foundation on which to stand. And the more sad also for this

consideration, that before these events took place many of his friends

had gone over to other more powerful persons, as in cases of official

dignity the lictors go over to the successors of former officers.

4. His colleague Arbetio was attacking him by cajoling words of feigned

good-will, often publicly speaking of him as a virtuous and brave man;

Arbetio being a man of great cunning in laying snares for men of simple

life, and one who at that season enjoyed too much power. For as a

serpent that has its hole underground and hidden from the sight of man

observes the different passers-by, and attacks whom it will with a

sudden spring, so this man, having been raised from being a common

soldier of the lowest class to the highest military dignities, without

having received any injury or any provocation, polluted his conscience

from an insatiable desire of doing mischief.

5. Therefore, having a few partners in his secrets for accomplices, he

had secretly arranged with the emperor when he asked his opinion, that

on the next night Ursicinus should be seized and carried away from the

sight of the soldiers, and so be put to death uncondemned, just as

formerly Domitius Corbulo, that faithful and wise defender of our

provinces, is said to have been slain in the miserable period of Nero's

cruelty.

6. And after the matter had been thus arranged, while the men destined

for the service of seizing Ursicinus were waiting for the appointed

time, the emperor's mind changed to mercy, and so this impious deed was

put off for further consideration.

7. Then the engine of calumny was directed against Julian, who had

lately been brought to court; a prince who afterwards became memorable,

but who was now attacked with a twofold accusation, as the iniquity of

his enemies thought requisite. First, that he had gone from the Park of

Macellum, which lies in Cappadocia, into Asia, from a desire of

acquiring polite learning. Secondly, that he had seen his brother as he

passed through Constantinople.

8. And when he had explained away the charges thus brought against him,

and had proved that he had not done either of these things without being

ordered, he would still have perished through the intrigues of the

abandoned court of flatterers, if he had not been saved by the favour of

the supreme Deity, with the assistance of Queen Eusebia. By her

intercession he obtained leave to be conducted to the town of Como, in

the neighbourhood of Milan; and after he had remained there a short time

he was permitted to go to Greece for the purpose of cultivating his

literary tastes, as he was very eager to do.

9. Nor were there wanting other incidents arising out of these

occurrences, which might be looked upon as events under the direction of

Providence, as some of them were rightly punished, while others failed

of their design, proving vain and ineffective. But it occasionally

happened that rich men, relying on the protection of those in office,

and clinging to them as the ivy clings to lofty trees, bought acquittals

at immense prices; and that poor men who had little or no means of

purchasing safety were condemned out of hand. And therefore truth was

overshadowed by falsehood, and sometimes falsehood obtained the

authority of truth.

10. In these days Gorgonius also was summoned to court, the man who had

been the Cæsar's principal chamberlain. And though it was made plain by

his own confession that he had been a partner in his undertakings, and

sometimes a chief instigator of them, yet through the conspiracy of the

eunuchs justice was overpowered by dexterously arranged falsehoods, and

he was acquitted and so escaped the danger.

III.

§ 1. While these events were taking place at Milan, battalions of

soldiers were brought from the East to Aquileia, with a number of

members of the court, who, being broken in spirit, while their limbs

were enfeebled by the weight of their chains, cursed the protraction of

their lives which were surrounded with every variety of misery. For they

were accused of having been the ministers of the ferocity of Gallus, and

it was believed to be owing to them that Domitian had been torn to

pieces, and that Montius and others had been brought to destruction.

2. Arboreus, and Eusebius, at that time high chamberlain, both men of

insane arrogance, and equally unjust and cruel, were appointed to try

these men. And they, without any careful examination, or making any

distinction between the innocent and the guilty, condemned some to

scourgings, others to torture and exile, some they adjudged to serve in

the lowest ranks of the army, and the rest they condemned to death. And

when they had thus filled the sepulchres with dead bodies, they returned

as if in triumph, and brought an account of their exploits to the

emperor, who was notoriously severe and implacable against all offences

of the kind.

3. After this, throughout the rest of his reign, Constantius, as if

resolved to reverse the prescribed arrangement of the Fates, behaved

with greater violence than ever, and opened his heart to numbers of

designing plotters. And owing to this conduct, many men arose who

watched for all kinds of reports, at first attacking, as with the

appetite of wild beasts, those in the enjoyment of the highest honours

and rank, and afterwards both poor and rich indiscriminately. Not like

those Cibyratæ in the time of Verres,[32] fawning on the tribunal of a

single lieutenant, but harassing the limbs of the whole republic by

means of all the evils that arose anywhere.

4. Among these men Paulus and Mercurius were especially conspicuous, the

first a Dacian born, the latter a Persian. Mercurius was a notary, and

Paulus had been promoted from being a steward of the emperor's table to

a receivership in the provinces. Paulus, as I have already mentioned,

had been nicknamed The Chain, because in weaving knots of calumnies he

was invincible, scattering around foul poisons and destroying people by

various means, as some skilful wrestlers are wont in their contests to

catch hold of their antagonists by the heel.

5. Mercurius was nicknamed Count of Dreams, because (as a dog fond of

biting secretly fawns and wags his tail while full of inward spite) he

forced his way into feasts and companies, and if any one in his sleep

(when nature roves about with an extraordinary degree of freedom)

communicated to a friend that he had seen anything, exaggerated it,

colouring it for the most part with envenomed arts, and bore it to the

open ears of the emperor. And for such speeches men were attacked with

formidable accusations, as if they had committed inexpiable crimes.

6. The news of these events having got abroad, men were so cautious of

even relating nocturnal dreams, that, in the presence of a stranger,

they would scarcely confess they had slept at all. And some accomplished

men lamented that they had not been born in the country of Mount

Atlas,[33] where it is said that dreams never occur, though what the

cause of such a fact is, we must leave to those who are learned in such

matters to decide.

7. Amid all these terrible investigations and punishments, another

disaster took place in Illyricum, which from some empty words involved

many in danger. At an entertainment given by Africanus, the governor of

the second Pannonia, at Sirmium, some men having drunk rather too much,

and thinking there was no witness of their proceedings, spoke freely of

the existing imperial government, accusing it as most vexatious to the

people. And some of them expressed a hope that a change, such as was

wished for by all, might be at hand, affirming that this was portended

by omens, while some, with incredible rashness, affirmed that the

auguries of their ancestral house promised the same thing.

8. Among those present at the banquet was Gaudentius, one of the

secretaries, a stupid man, and of a hasty disposition. And he looking

upon the matter as serious, reported it to Rufinus, who was at that time

the chief commander of the guard of the prætorian prefecture, a man

always eager for the most cruel measures, and infamous for every kind of

wickedness.

9. He immediately, as if borne on wings, flew to the court of the

emperor, and so bitterly inflamed him, always easy of access and

susceptible of impressions from suspicious circumstances of this kind,

that without a moment's deliberation he ordered Africanus and all who

had been partakers of his fatal banquet to be seized. And when this was

done, the wicked informer, always fond of whatever is contrary to

popular manners, obtained what he most coveted, a continuation of his

existing office for two years.

10. To arrest these men, Teutomeres, the chief of the Protectores, was

sent with his colleague; and he loaded them all with chains, and

conducted them, as he had been ordered, to the emperor's court. But when

they arrived at Aquileia, Marinus, who from having been a drillmaster

had been promoted to a tribuneship, but who at that time had had no

particular duty, being a man who had held dangerous language, and who

was in other respects of an intemperate disposition, being left in an

inn while things necessary for the journey were being prepared, stabbed

himself with a knife which he accidentally found, and his bowels gushed

out, so that he died. The rest were conducted to Milan, and subjected to

torture; and having been forced by their agony to confess that while at

the banquet they had used some petulant expressions, were ordered to be

kept in penal confinement, with some hope, though an uncertain one, of

eventual release. But Teutomeres and his colleague, being accused of

having allowed Marinus to kill himself, were condemned to banishment,

though they were afterwards pardoned through the intercession of

Arbetio.

IV.

§ 1. Soon after this transaction had been thus terminated, war was

declared against the tribes of the Allemanni around Lentia,[34] who had

often made extensive incursions into the contiguous Roman territories.

The emperor himself set out on the expedition, and went as far as

Rhætia, and the district of the Canini.[35] And there, after long and

careful deliberation, it was decided to be both honourable and expedient

that Arbetio, the master of the horse, should march with a division of

the troops, in fact with the greater part of the army, along the borders

of the lake of Brigantia, with the object of coming to an immediate

engagement with the barbarians. And I will here describe the character

of the ground briefly, as well as I can.

2. The Rhine rising among the defiles of lofty mountains, and forcing

its way with immense violence through steep rocks, stretches its onward

course without receiving any foreign waters, in the same manner as the

Nile pours down with headlong descent through the cataracts. And it is

so abundantly full by its own natural riches that it would be navigable

up to its very source were it not like a torrent rather than a stream.

3. And soon after it has disentangled itself from its defiles, rolling

onward between high banks, it enters a vast lake of circular form, which

the Rhætian natives call Brigantia,[36] being four hundred and sixty

furlongs in length, and of nearly equal extent in breadth,

unapproachable on account of a vast mass of dark woods, except where the

energy of the Romans has made a wide road through them, in spite of the

hostility of the barbarians, and the unfavourable character both of the

ground and the climate.

4. The Rhine forcing its way into this pool, and roaring with its

foaming eddies, pierces the sluggish quiet of the waters, and rushes

through the middle from one end to the other. And like an element

separated from some other element by eternal discord, without any

increase or diminution of the volume of water which it has brought into

the lake, it comes forth from it again with its old name and its

unalloyed power, never having suffered from the contact, and so proceeds

till it mingles with the waves of the sea.

5. And what is exceedingly strange, the lake is not moved at all by this

rapid passage of the river through it, nor is it affected by the muddy

soil beneath the waters of the lake; the two bodies of water being

incapable of mingling with each other. A thing which would be supposed

impossible, did not the very sight of the lake prove the fact.

6. In a similar manner, the Alpheus, rising in Arcadia, being seized

with a love for the fountain Arethusa,[37] passing through the Ionian

sea, as is related by the poets, proceeds onward till it arrives at the

neighbourhood of its beloved fountain.

* * * * *

7. Arbetio not choosing to wait till messengers arrived to announce the

approach of the barbarians, although he knew the fierce way in which

they begin their wars, allowed himself to be betrayed into a hidden

ambush, where he stood without the power of moving, being bewildered by

the suddenness of his disaster.

8. In the mean time the enemy, showing themselves, sprang forth from

their hiding-places and spared not one who came in their way, but

overwhelmed them with every kind of weapon. For none of our men could

offer the smallest resistance, nor was there any hope of any of them

being able to save their lives except by a speedy flight. Therefore,

being intent only on avoiding wounds, our soldiers, losing all order,

ran almost at random in every direction, exposing their backs to the

blows of the enemy. Nevertheless the greater part of them, scattering

themselves among narrow paths, were saved from danger by the protecting

darkness of the night, and at the return of day recovered their courage

and rejoined their different legions. But still by this sad and

unexpected disaster a vast number of common soldiers and ten tribunes

were slain.

9. The Allemanni were greatly elated at this event, and advanced with

increased boldness, every day coming up to the fortifications of the

Romans while the morning mists obscured the light; and drawing their

swords roamed about in every direction, gnashing their teeth, and

threatening us with haughty shouts. Then with a sudden sally our

Scutarii would rush forth, and after being stopped for a moment by the

resistance of the hostile squadrons, would call out all their comrades

to join them in the engagement.

10. But the greater part of our men were alarmed by the recollection of

their recent disaster, and Arbetio hesitated, thinking everything

pregnant with danger. Upon this three tribunes at once sallied forth,

Arintheus who was a lieutenant commander of the heavy troops, Seniauchus

who commanded the cavalry of the Comites,[38] and Bappo who had the

command of the Promoti[39] and of those troops who had been particularly

intrusted to his charge by the emperor.

11. These men, looking on the common cause as their own, resolved to

repel the violence of the enemy according to the example of their

ancient comrades. And pouring down upon the foe like a torrent, not in a

regular line of battle, but in desultory attacks like those of banditti,

they put them all to flight in a disgraceful manner. Since they, being

in loose order and straggling, and hampered by their endeavours to

escape, exposed their unprotected bodies to our weapons, and were slain

by repeated blows of sword and spear.

12. Many too were slain with their horses, and seemed as they lay on

their backs to be so entangled as still to be sitting on them. And when

this was seen, all our men who had previously hesitated to engage in

battle with their comrades, poured forth out of the camp; and now,

forgetful of all precautions, they drove before them the mob of

barbarians, except such as flight had saved from destruction, trampling

on the heaps of slain, and covered with gore.

13. When the battle was thus terminated the emperor in triumph and joy

returned to Milan to winter quarters.

V.

A.D. 355.

§ 1. After these unhappy circumstances, accompanied as they were with

equal calamities in the provinces, a whirlwind of new misfortunes arose

which seemed likely to destroy the whole state at once, if Fortune,

which regulates the events of human life, had not terminated a state of

affairs which all regarded with great apprehension, by bringing the

dangers to a speedy issue.

2. From the long neglect with which these provinces had been treated,

the Gauls, having no assistance on which to rely, had borne cruel

massacres, with plunder and conflagration, from barbarians who raged

throughout their land with impunity. Silvanus, the commander of the

infantry, being a man well suited to correct these evils, went thither

at the command of the emperor, Arbetio at the same time urging with all

his power that this task should be undertaken without delay, with the

object of imposing the dangerous burden of this duty on his absent

rival, whom he was vexed to see still in prosperity....

3. There was a certain man named Dynamius, the superintendent of the

emperor's beasts of burden, who had begged of Silvanus recommendatory

letters to his friends as of one who was admitted to his most intimate

friendship. Having obtained this favour, as Silvanus, having no

suspicion of any evil intention, had with great simplicity granted what

he was asked, Dynamius kept the letters, in order at a future time to

plan something to his injury.

4. Therefore, when the aforesaid commander had gone to the Gauls in the

service of the republic, and while he was engaged in repelling the

barbarians, who already began to distrust their own power, and to be

filled with alarm, Dynamius, being restless, like a man of cunning and

practised deceitfulness, devised a wicked plot; and in this it is said

he had for his accomplices Lampadius, the prefect of the prætorian

guard, Eusebius, who had been the superintendent of the emperor's privy

purse, and was known by the nickname of Mattyocopa,[40] and Ædesius,

formerly keeper of the records, whom this prefect had contrived to have

elected consul, as being his dearest friend. He then with a sponge

effaced the contents of the letters, leaving nothing but the address,

and inserted a text materially differing from the original writing, as

if Silvanus had asked, by indirect hints, and entreated his friends who

were within the palace, and those who had no office (among whom was

Albinus of Etruria, and many others), to aid him in projects of loftier

ambition, as one who would soon attain the imperial throne. This bundle

of letters he thus made up, inventing at his leisure, in order with them

to endanger the life of this innocent man.

5. Dynamius was appointed to investigate these charges on behalf of the

emperor; and while he was artfully weaving these and similar plans, he

contrived to enter alone into the imperial chamber, choosing his

opportunity, and hoping to entangle firmly in his meshes the most

vigilant guardian of the emperor's safety. And being full of wicked

cunning, after he had read the forged packet of letters in the council

chamber, the tribunes were ordered to be committed to custody, and also

several private individuals were commanded to be arrested and brought up

from the provinces, whose names were mentioned in those letters.

6. But presently Malarichus, the commander of the Gentiles, being struck

with the iniquity of the business, and taking his colleagues to his

counsel, spoke out loudly that men devoted to the preservation of the

emperor ought not to be circumvented by factions and treachery. He

accordingly demanded that he himself, his nearest relations being left

as hostages, and Mallobaudes, the tribune of the heavy-armed soldiers,

giving bail that he would return, might be commissioned to go with speed

to bring back Silvanus, who he was certain had never entertained the

idea of any such attempt as these bitter plotters had imputed to him.

Or, as an alternative, he entreated that he might become security for

Mallobaudes, and that their officers might be permitted to go and do

what he had proposed to take upon himself.

7. For he affirmed that he knew beyond all question that, if any

stranger were sent, Silvanus, who was inclined to be somewhat

apprehensive of danger, even when no circumstances were really

calculated to alarm him, would very likely throw matters into confusion.

8. But, although the advice which he gave was useful and necessary, he

spoke as to the winds, to no purpose. For by the counsels of Arbetio,

Apodemius, who was a persevering and bitter enemy to all good men, was

sent with letters to summon Silvanus to the presence. When he had

arrived in Gaul, taking no heed of the commission with which he was

charged, and caring but little for anything that might happen, he

remained inactive, without either seeing Silvanus, or delivering the

letters which commanded him to appear at court. And having taken the

receiver of the province into his counsels, he began with arrogance and

malevolence to harass the clients and servants of the master of the

horse, as if that officer had been already condemned and was on the

point of being executed.

9. In the mean time, while the arrival of Silvanus was looked for, and

while Apodemius was throwing everything, though quiet before, into

commotion, Dynamius, that he might by still more convincing proofs

establish belief in his wicked plots, had sent other forged letters

(agreeing with the previous ones which he had brought under the

emperor's notice by the agency of the prefect) to the tribune of the

factory at Cremona: these were written in the names of Silvanus and

Malarichus, in which the tribune, as one privy to their secrets, was

warned to lose no time in having everything in readiness.

10. But when this tribune had read the whole of the letters, he was for

some time in doubt and perplexity as to what they could mean (for he did

not recollect that those persons whose letters he had thus received had

ever spoken with him upon private transactions of any kind); and

accordingly he sent the letters themselves, by the courier who had

brought them, to Malarichus, sending a soldier also with him; and

entreated Malarichus to explain in intelligible language what he wanted,

and not to use such obscure terms. For he declared that he, being but a

plain and somewhat rude man, had not in the least understood what was

intimated so obscurely.

11. Malarichus the moment he received the letters, being already in

sorrow and anxiety, and alarmed for his own fate and that of his

countryman Silvanus, called around him the Franks, of whom at that time

there was a great multitude in the palace, and in resolute language laid

open and proved the falsehood of the machinations by which their lives

were threatened, and was loud in his complaints.

12. When these things became known to the emperor, he appointed the

members of his secret council and the chief officers of his army to make

further investigation of the matter. And when the judges appeared to

make light of it, Florentius the son of Nigridianus, who at that time

filled the post of master of the offices,[41] having examined the

writings carefully, and detecting beneath them some vestiges of the tops

of the former words which had been effaced, perceived, as was indeed the

case, that by interpolations of the original letter, matters very

different from any of which Silvanus was author had been written over

them, according to the fancy of the contriver of this forgery.

13. On this the cloud of treachery was dispersed, and the emperor,

informed of the truth by a faithful report, recalled the powers granted

to the prefect, and ordered him to be submitted to an examination.

Nevertheless he was acquitted through the active combination of many of

his friends; while Eusebius, the former treasurer of the emperor's

secret purse, being put to the torture, confessed that these things had

been done with his privity.

14. Ædesius, affirming with obstinate denial that he had never known

anything which had been done in the matter, escaped, being adjudged

innocent. And thus the transaction was brought to an end, and all those

who had been accused in the original information were acquitted; and

Dynamius, as a man of exceeding accomplishments and prudence, was

appointed to govern Etruria with the rank of corrector.

15. While these affairs were proceeding, Silvanus was living at

Agrippina,[42] and having learnt by continual information sent to him

by his friends what Apodemius was doing with the hope of effecting his

ruin; and knowing also how impressible the mind of the feeble emperor

was; began to fear lest in his absence, and without being convicted of

any crime, he might still be treated as a criminal. And so, being placed

in a situation of the greatest difficulty, he began to think of trusting

himself to the good faith of the barbarians.

16. But being dissuaded from this by Laniogaisus, at that time a

tribune, whom we have already spoken of as the only person who was

present with Constans when he was dying, himself serving at that time as

a volunteer; and being assured by Laniogaisus that the Franks, of whom

he himself was a countryman, would put him to death, or else betray him

for a bribe, he saw no safety anywhere in the present emergency, and so

was driven to extreme counsels. And by degrees, having secretly

conferred with the chiefs of the principal legions, and having excited

them by the magnitude of promised rewards, he tore for use on this

occasion the purple silk from the insignia of the dragons[43] and

standards, and so assumed the title of emperor.

17. And while these events are passing in Gaul, one day, a little before

sunset, an unexpected messenger arrived at Milan, relating fully that

Silvanus, being ambitious to rise above his place as commander of the

infantry, had tampered with the army, and assumed the imperial dignity.

18. Constantius, at this amazing and unexpected event, seemed as if

struck by a thunderbolt of fate, and having at once summoned a council

to meet at the second watch, all the nobles hastened to the palace. No

one had either mind to conceive or tongue to recommend what was best to

be done; but in suppressed tones they mentioned the name of Ursicinus as

a man eminent for skill in affairs of war, and one who had been

undeservedly exposed to most injurious treatment. He was immediately

sent for by the principal chamberlain, which is the most honourable kind

of summons, and as soon as he entered the council-chamber was offered

the purple to salute much more graciously than at any former time.

Diocletian was the first who introduced the custom of offering reverence

to the emperor after this foreign manner and royal pretension; whereas

all former princes, as we read, had been saluted like judges.

19. And so the man who a little while before, through the malevolent

persecution of certain of the courtiers, had been termed the whirlpool

of the East, and who had been accused of a design to aim at the supreme

power for his sons, was now recommended as one who was a most skilful

general, who had been the comrade of the great Constantine, and as the

only man capable of extinguishing the threatened conflagration. And

though the reasons for which he was sent for were honest, they were not

wholly free from underhand motives. For while great anxiety was felt

that Silvanus should be destroyed as a most formidable rebel, yet, if

that object miscarried, it was thought that Ursicinus, being damaged by

the failure, would himself easily be ruined; so that no scruple, which

else was to be feared, would interpose to save him from destruction.

20. While arrangements were being made for accelerating his journey, the

general was preparing to repel the charges which had been brought

against him; but the emperor prevented him, forbidding him in

conciliatory language, saying that this was not an opportunity suitable

for undertaking any controversy in defence of his cause, when the

imminent necessity of affairs rather prompted that no delay should be

interposed to the restoration of parties to their pristine concord

before the disunion got worse.

21. Therefore, after a long deliberation about many things, the first

and most important matter in which consultation was held, was by what

means Silvanus could be led to think the emperor still ignorant of his

conduct. And the most likely manner to confirm him in his confidence

appeared to be that he should be informed, in a complimentary despatch,

that Ursicinus was appointed his successor, and that he was invited to

return to court with undiminished power.

22. After this affair was arranged, the officer who had brought the news

to Milan was ordered to depart with some tribunes and ten of the

Protectores and domestic guard as an escort, given to him at his own

request, to aid him in the discharge of his public duty. And of these I

myself was one, with my colleague Verrinianus; and all the rest were

either friends or relations of mine.

23. And now all of us, fearing mainly for ourselves, accompanied him a

long distance on his journey; and although we seemed as exposed to

danger as gladiators about to fight with wild beasts, yet considering in

our minds that evils are often the forerunners of good, we recollected

with admiration that expression of Cicero's, uttered by him in

accordance with the eternal maxims of truth, which runs in these

words:[44]--"And although it is a thing most desirable that one's

fortune should always continue in a most flourishing condition; still

that general level state of life brings not so much sensation of joy as

we feel when, after having been surrounded by disasters or by dangers,

fortune returns into a happier condition."

24. Accordingly we hastened onwards by forced journeys, in order that

the master of the horse, who was eager to acquire the honour of

suppressing the revolt, might make his appearance in the suspected

district before any rumour of the usurpation of Silvanus had spread

among the Italians. But rapidly as we hastened, fame, like the wind, had

outstripped us, and had revealed some part of the facts; and when we

reached Agrippina we found matters quite out of the reach of our

attempts.

25. For a vast multitude of people, assembled from all quarters, were,

with a mixture of haste and alarm, strengthening the foundations of

Silvanus's enterprise, and a numerous military force was collected; so

that it seemed more advisable, on the existing emergency, for our

unfortunate general to await the intentions and pleasure of the new

emperor, who was assuring himself by ridiculous omens and signs that he

was gaining accessions of strength. By permitting his feelings of

security to increase, by different pretences of agreement and flattery,

Silvanus, it was thought, might be relieved from all fear of hostility,

and so be the more easily deceived.

26. But the accomplishment of such a design appeared difficult. For it

was necessary to use great care and watchfulness to make our desires

subordinate to our opportunities, and to prevent their either outrunning

them, or falling behind them; since if our wishes were allowed to become

known unseasonably, it was plain we should all be involved in one

sentence of death.

27. However our general was kindly received, and (the very business

itself forcing us to bend our necks), having been compelled to prostrate

himself with all solemnity before the newly robed prince, still aiming

at higher power, was treated as a highly favoured and eminent friend;

having freedom of access and the honour of a seat at the royal table

granted to him in preference to every one else, in order that he might

be consulted with the more secrecy about the principal affairs of state.

28. Silvanus expressed his indignation that, while unworthy persons had

been raised to the consulship and to other high dignities, he and

Ursicinus alone, after the frequent and great toils which they had

endured for the sake of the republic, had been so despised that he

himself had been accused of treason in consequence of the examination of

some slaves, and had been exposed to an ignoble trial; while Ursicinus

had been brought over from the East, and placed at the mercy of his

enemies; and these were the subjects of his incessant complaints both in

public and in private.

29. While, however, he was holding this kind of language, we were

alarmed at the murmurs of our soldiers who were now suffering from want,

which surrounded us on all sides; the troops showing every eagerness to

make a rapid march, through the defiles of the Cottian Alps.

30. In this state of anxiety and agitation, we occupied ourselves in

secretly deliberating on the means of arriving at our object; and at

length, after our plans had been repeatedly changed out of fear, it was

determined to use great industry in seeking out prudent agents, binding

them to secrecy by solemn oaths, in order to tamper with the Gallic

soldiers whom we knew to be men of doubtful fidelity, and at any time

open to change for a sufficient reward.

31. Therefore, after we had secured our success by the address of some

agents among the common soldiers, men by their very obscurity fitted for

the accomplishment of such a task, and now excited by the expectation of

reward, at sunrise, as soon as the east began to redden, a band of armed

men suddenly sallied forth, and, as is common in critical moments,

behaving with more than usual audacity. They slew the sentinels and

penetrated into the palace, and so having dragged Silvanus out of a

little chapel in which, in his terror, he had taken refuge on his way to

a conventicle devoted to the ceremonies of the Christian worship, they

slew him with repeated strokes of their swords.

32. In this way did a general of no slight merit perish, through fear of

false accusations heaped on him in his absence by a faction of wicked

men, and which drove him to the utmost extremities in order to preserve

his safety.

33. For although he had acquired strong claims on the gratitude of

Constantius by his seasonable sally with his troops before the battle of

Mursa, and although he could boast the valorous exploits of his father

Bonitus, a man of Frankish extraction, but who had espoused the party of

Constantine, and often in the civil war had exhibited great prowess

against the troops of Licinius, still he always feared him as a prince

of wavering and fickle character.

34. Now before any of these events had taken place in Gaul, it happened

that one day in the Circus Maximus at Rome, the populace cried out with

a loud voice, "Silvanus is conquered." Whether influenced by instinct or

by some prophetic spirit, cannot be decided.

35. Silvanus having been slain, as I have narrated, at Agrippina, the

emperor was seized with inconceivable joy when he heard the news, and

gave way to exceeding insolence and arrogance, attributing this event

also to the prosperous course of his good fortune; giving the reins to

his habitual disposition which always led him to hate men of brave

conduct, as Domitian in former times had done, and desiring at all

times to destroy them by every act of opposition.

36. And he was so far from praising even his act of diligence and

fidelity, that he recorded in writing a charge that Ursicinus had

embezzled a part of the Gallic treasures, which no one had ever touched.

And he ordered strict inquiry to be made into the fact, by an

examination of Remigius, who was at that time accountant-general to

Ursicinus in his capacity of commander of the heavy troops. And long

afterwards, in the time of Valentinian, this Remigius hung himself on

account of the trouble into which he fell in the matter of his

appointment as legate in Tripolis.

37. And after this business was terminated, Constantius, thinking his

prosperity had now raised him to an equality with the gods, and had

bestowed on him entire sovereignty over human affairs, gave himself up

to elation at the praises of his flatterers, whom he himself encouraged,

despising and trampling under foot all who were unskilled in that kind

of court. As we read that Croesus, when he was king, drove Solon

headlong from his court because he would not fawn on him; and that

Dionysius threatened the poet Philoxenus with death because, when the

king recited his absurd and unrhythmical verses, he alone refused to

fall into an ecstasy while all the rest of the courtiers praised them.

38. And this mischievous taste is the nurse of vices; for praise ought

only to be acceptable in high places, where blame also is permitted when

things are not sufficiently performed.

VI.

§ 1. And now, after the re-establishment of security, investigations as

usual were set on foot, and many persons were put in prison as guilty.

For that infernal informer Paulus, boiling over with delight, arose to

exercise his poisonous employment with increased freedom, and while the

members of the emperor's council and the military officers were employed

in the investigation of these affairs, as they were commanded, Proculus

was put to the torture, who had been a servant of Silvanus, a man of

weak body and of ill health; so that every one was afraid lest the

exceeding violence of his torture should prove too much for his feeble

limbs, so that he would expose numbers to be implicated in the

accusations of atrocious crimes. But the result proved quite different

to what had been expected.

2. For remembering a dream in which he had been forbidden, while asleep,

as he affirmed, to accuse any innocent person, though he should be

tortured till he was brought to the very point of death, he neither

informed against, nor even named any one; but, with reference to the

usurpation of Silvanus, he invariably asserted that he had been driven

to contemplate that act, not out of ambition, but from sheer necessity;

and he proved this assertion by evident arguments.

3. For he adduced one important excuse, which was established by the

testimony of many persons, that, five days before he assumed the ensigns

of imperial authority, he addressed the soldiers, while distributing

their pay to them, in the name of Constantius, exhorting them to prove

always brave and loyal. From which it was plain that if he had then been

thinking of seizing on a loftier fortune, he would have given them this

money as if it had proceeded from himself.

4. After Proculus, Poemenius was condemned and put to death: he who,

as we have mentioned before,[45] when the Treveri had shut their gates

against Cæsar Decentius, was chosen to defend that people. After him,

Asclepiodotus, and Luto, and Maudio, all Counts, were put to death, and

many others also, the obdurate cruelty of the times seeking for these

and similar punishments with avidity.

VII.

§ 1. While the fatal disturbances of the state multiplied these general

slaughters, Leontius, who was the governor of Rome itself, gave many

proofs of his deserving the character of an admirable judge; being

prompt in hearing cases, rigidly just in deciding them, and merciful by

nature, although, for the sake of maintaining lawful authority, he

appeared to some people to be severe. He was also of a somewhat amorous

temperament.

2. The first pretext for exciting any sedition against him was a most

slight and trumpery one. For when an order had been issued to arrest a

charioteer, named Philoromus, the whole populace followed him, as if

resolved to defend something of their own, and with terrible violence

assailed the prefect, presuming him to be timorous. But he remained

unmoved and upright, and sending his officers among the crowd, arrested

some and punished them, and then, without any one venturing to oppose

him, or even to murmur, condemned them to banishment.

3. A few days later the populace again became excited to its customary

frenzy, and alleging as a grievance the scarcity of wine, assembled at

the well-known place called Septemzodium, where the Emperor Marcus built

the Nymphæum,[46] an edifice of great magnificence. To that place the

prefect went forthwith, although he was earnestly entreated by all his

household and civil officers not to trust himself among an arrogant and

threatening multitude, now in a state of fury equal to any of their

former commotions; but he, unsusceptible of fear, went right onwards,

though many of his attendants deserted him, when they saw him hastening

into imminent danger.

4. Therefore, sitting in a carriage, with every appearance of

confidence, he looked with fierce eyes at the countenance of the

tumultuous mobs thronging towards him from all quarters, and agitating

themselves like serpents. And after suffering many bitter insults, at

last, when he had recognized one man who was conspicuous among all the

rest by his vast size and red hair, he asked him whether his name was

Petrus Valvomeres, as he had heard it was; and when the man replied in a

defiant tone that it was so, Leontius, in spite of the outcries of many

around, ordered him to be seized as one who had long since been a

notorious ringleader of the disaffected, and having his hands bound

behind him, commanded him to be suspended on a rack.

5. And when he was seen in the air, in vain imploring the aid of his

fellow-tribesmen, the whole mob, which a little while before was so

closely packed, dispersed at once over the different quarters of the

city, so as to offer no hindrance to the punishment of this seditious

leader, who after having been thus tortured--with as little resistance

as if he been in a secret dungeon of the court--was transported to

Picenum, where, on a subsequent occasion, having offered violence to a

virgin of high rank, he was condemned to death by the judgment of

Patruinus, a noble of consular dignity.

6. While Leontius governed the city in this manner, Liberius, a priest

of the Christian law, was ordered by Constantius to be brought before

the council, as one who had resisted the commands of the emperor, and

the decrees of many of his own colleagues, in an affair which I will

explain briefly.

7. Athanasius was at that time bishop of Alexandria; and as he was a man

who sought to magnify himself above his profession, and to mix himself

up with affairs which did not belong to his province, as continual

reports made known, an assembly of many of his sect met together--a

synod, as they call it--and deprived him of the right of administering

the sacraments, which he previously enjoyed.

8. For it was said that he, being very deeply skilled in the arts of

prophecy and the interpretation of auguries and omens, had very often

predicted coming events. And to these charges were added others very

inconsistent with the laws of the religion over which he presided.

9. So Liberius, being of the same opinion with those who condemned these

practices, was ordered, by the sentence of the emperor, to expel

Athanasius from his priestly seat; but this he firmly refused to do,

reiterating the assertion that it was the extremity of wickedness to

condemn a man who had neither been brought before any court nor been

heard in his defence, in this openly resisting the commands of the

emperor.

10. For that prince, being always unfavourable to Athanasius, although

he knew that what he ordered had in fact taken effect, yet was

exceedingly desirous that it should be confirmed by that authority which

the bishops of the Eternal City enjoy, as being of higher rank. And as

he did not succeed in this, Liberius was removed by night; a measure

which was not effected without great difficulty, through the fear which

his enemies had of the people, among whom he was exceedingly popular.

VIII.

§ 1. These events, then, took place at Rome, as I have already

mentioned. But Constantius was agitated by frequent intelligence which

assured him that the Gauls were in a lamentable condition, since no

adequate resistance could be made to the barbarians who were now

carrying their devastations with fire and sword over the whole country.

And after deliberating a long time, in great anxiety, what force he

could employ to repel these dangers (himself remaining in Italy, as he

thought it very dangerous to remove into so remote a country), he at

last determined on a wise plan, which was this: to associate with

himself in the cares of the empire his cousin Julian, whom he had some

time before summoned to court, and who still retained the robe he had

worn in the Greek schools.

2. And when, oppressed by the heavy weight of impending calamities, he

had confessed to his dearest friends that by himself he was unequal to

the burden of such weighty and numerous difficulties--a thing which he

had never felt before--they, being trained to excessive flattery, tried

to fill him with foolish ideas, affirming that there was nothing in the

world so difficult but what his pre-eminent virtue and his good fortune,

equal to that of the gods, would be able to overcome, as it always

hitherto had done. And many of them added further, being stung by their

consciousness of guilt, that henceforth he ought to beware of conferring

the title of Cæsar on any one, enumerating the deeds which had been done

in the time of Gallus.

3. They therefore opposed his design resolutely, and it was supported by

no one but the queen, who, whether it was that she feared a journey to a

distant country, or that, from her own natural wisdom, she saw the best

course for the common good, urged him that a relation like Julian ought

to be preferred to every one else. Accordingly, after many undecided

deliberations and long discussions, his resolution was at last taken

decidedly, and having discarded all further vain debate, he resolved on

associating Julian with him in the empire.

4. He was therefore summoned; and when he had arrived, on a fixed day,

the whole of his fellow-comrades who were in the city were ordered to

attend, and a tribunal was erected on a lofty scaffolding, surrounded by

the eagles and standards. And Augustus, mounting it, and holding Julian

by the right hand, made this conciliatory speech:--

5. "We stand here before you, most excellent defenders of the republic,

to avenge with one unanimous spirit the common dangers of the state. And

how I propose to provide for it I will briefly explain to you, as

impartial judges.

6. "After the death of those rebellious tyrants whom rage and madness

prompted to engage in the enterprises which they undertook, the

barbarians, as if they meant to sacrifice unto their wicked manes with

Roman blood, having violated the peace and invaded the territories of

the Gauls, are encouraged by this consideration, that our empire, being

spread over very remote countries, causes us to be beset with great

difficulties.

7. "If, then, your decision and mine are mutual to encounter this evil,

already progressing beyond the barriers which were opposed to it, while

there is still time to check it, the necks of these haughty nations will

learn to humble their pride, and the borders of the empire will remain

inviolate. It remains for you to give, by your strength, prosperous

effect to the hopes which I entertain.

8. "You all know my cousin Julian, whom I here present to you; a youth

endeared to us by his modesty as well as by his relationship; a youth of

virtue already proved, and of conspicuous industry and energy. Him I

have determined to raise to the rank of Cæsar, and hope, if this seems

expedient to you, to have my decision confirmed by your consent."

9. He was proceeding to say more, but was prevented by the whole

assembly interrupting him with friendly shouts, declaring that his

decision was the judgment of the Supreme Deity, and not of any human

mind; with such certainty that one might have thought them inspired

with the spirit of prophecy.

10. The emperor stood without moving till they resumed silence, and then

with greater confidence proceeded to explain what he had to say further.

"Because, therefore, your joyful acclamations show that you look

favourably on the design I have announced, let this youth, of tranquil

strength, whose temperate disposition it will be better to imitate than

merely to praise, rise up now to receive the honours prepared for him.

His excellent disposition, increased as it has been by all liberal

accomplishments, I will say no more of than is seen in the fact that I

have chosen him. Therefore, now, with the manifest consent of the Deity,

I will clothe him with the imperial robe."

11. This was his speech. And then, having immediately clothed Julian

with the purple robe of his ancestors, and having pronounced him Cæsar,

to the great joy of the army, he thus addressed him, though Julian

himself appeared by his grave countenance to be somewhat melancholy.

12. "Most beloved of all my brothers, you thus in early youth have

received the splendid honour belonging to your birth, not, I confess,

without some addition to my own glory; who thus show myself as just in

conferring supreme power on a noble character nearly related to me, as I

appear also sublime by virtue of my own power. Come thou, therefore, to

be a partner in my labours and dangers, and undertake the defence of the

government of the Gauls, devoting thyself with all beneficence to

alleviate the calamities of those afflicted countries.

13. "And if it should be necessary to engage with the enemy in battle,

do thou take thy place steadily among the standard-bearers themselves,

as a prudent encourager of daring at the proper opportunity; exciting

the warriors by leading them on with caution, supporting any troops

which may be thrown into disorder by reserves, gently reproving those

who hang back, and being present as a trustworthy witness of the actions

of all, whether brave or timid.

14. "Think that a serious crisis is upon us, and so show yourself a

great man, worthy to command brave men. We ourselves will stand by you

in the energetic constancy of affection, or will join you in the

labours of war, so that we may govern together the whole world in peace,

if only God will grant us, as we pray he may, to govern with equal

moderation and piety. You will everywhere represent me, and I also will

never desert you in whatever task you may be engaged. To sum up: Go

forth; go forth supported by the friendly prayers of men of all ranks,

to defend with watchful care the station assigned to you, it may be

said, by the republic itself."

15. After the emperor had thus ended his speech, no one held his peace,

but all the soldiers, with a tremendous crash, rattled their shields

against their knees (which is an abundant indication of applause; while

on the other hand to strike the shield with the spear is a testimony of

anger and indignation), and it was marvellous with what excessive joy

they all, except a very few, showed their approbation of the judgment of

Augustus: and they received the Cæsar with well-deserved admiration,

brilliant as he was with the splendour of the imperial purple.

16. And while they gazed earnestly on his eyes, terrible in their

beauty, and his countenance more attractive than ever by reason of his

present excitement, they augured from his looks what kind of ruler he

was likely to prove, as if they had been searching into those ancient

volumes which teach how to judge of a man's moral disposition by the

external signs on his person. And that he might be regarded with the

greater reverence, they neither praised him above measure, nor yet below

his desert. And so the voices raised in his favour were looked upon as

the judgment of censors, not of soldiers.

17. After the ceremony was over, Julian was taken up into the imperial

chariot and received into the palace, and was heard to whisper to

himself this verse of Homer--

"Now purple death hath seized on me,

And powerful strength of destiny."

These transactions took place on the sixth of November, in the year of

the consulship of Arbetio and Lollianus.

18. A few days afterwards, Helen, the maiden sister of Constantius, was

also given in marriage to the Cæsar. And everything being got ready

which the journey required, he started on the first of December with a

small retinue, and having been escorted on his way by Augustus himself

as far as the spot, marked by two pillars, which lies between Laumellum

and Ticinum, he proceeded straight on to the country of the Taurini,

where he received disastrous intelligence, which had recently reached

the emperor's court, but still had been intentionally kept back, lest

all the preparations made for his journey should be wasted.

19. And this intelligence was that Colonia Agrippina,[47] a city of

great renown in lower Germany, had been carried by a vigorous siege of

the barbarians, who appeared before it in great force, and had utterly

destroyed it.

20. Julian being greatly distressed at this news, looking on it as a

kind of omen of misfortunes to come, was often heard to murmur in

querulous tones, "that he had gained nothing except the fate of dying

amid greater trouble and employment than before."

21. But when he arrived at Vienne, people of every age and class went

forth to meet him on his entrance to the city, with a view to do him

honour by their reception of him as one who had been long wished for,

and was now granted to their prayers. And when he was seen in the

distance the whole population of the city and of the adjacent

neighbourhood, going before his chariot, celebrated his praises,

saluting him as Emperor, clement and prosperous, greeting with eager joy

this royal procession in honour of a lawful prince. And they placed all

their hopes of a remedy for the evils which affected the whole province

on his arrival, thinking that now, when their affairs were in a most

desperate condition, some friendly genius had come to shine upon them.

22. And a blind old woman, when in reply to her question "Who was

entering the city?" she received for answer "Julian the Cæsar," cried

out that "He would restore the temples of the gods."

IX.

§ 1. Now then, since, as the sublime poet of Mantua has sung, "A greater

series of incident rises to my view; in a more arduous task I

engage,"--I think it a proper opportunity to describe the situation and

different countries of the Gauls, lest, among the narration of fiery

preparations and the various chances of battles, I should seem, while

speaking of matters not understood by every one, to resemble those

negligent sailors, who, when tossed about by dangerous waves and storms,

begin to repair their sails and ropes which they might have attended to

in calm weather.

2. Ancient writers, pursuing their investigations into the earliest

origin of the Gauls, left our knowledge of the truth very imperfect; but

at a later period, Timagenes, a thorough Greek both in diligence and

language, collected, from various writings facts which had been long

unknown, and guided by his faithful statements, we, dispelling all

obscurity, will now give a plain and intelligible relation of them.

3. Some persons affirm that the first inhabitants ever seen in these

regions were called Celts, after the name of their king, who was very

popular among them, and sometimes also Galatæ, after the name of his

mother. For Galatæ is the Greek translation of the Roman term Galli.

Others affirm that they are Dorians, who, following a more ancient

Hercules, selected for their home the districts bordering on the ocean.

4. The Druids affirm that a portion of the people was really indigenous

to the soil, but that other inhabitants poured in from the islands on

the coast, and from the districts across the Rhine, having been driven

from their former abodes by frequent wars, and sometimes by inroads of

the tempestuous sea.

5. Some again maintain that after the destruction of Troy, a few Trojans

fleeing from the Greeks, who were then scattered over the whole world,

occupied these districts, which at that time had no inhabitants at all.

6. But the natives of these countries affirm this more positively than

any other fact (and, indeed, we ourselves have read it engraved on their

monuments), that Hercules, the son of Amphitryon, hastening to the

destruction of those cruel tyrants, Geryon and Tauriscus, one of whom

was oppressing the Gauls, and the other Spain, after he had conquered

both of them, took to wife some women of noble birth in those countries,

and became the father of many children; and that his sons called the

districts of which they became the kings after their own names.

7. Also an Asiatic tribe coming from Phocæa in order to escape the

cruelty of Harpalus, the lieutenant of Cyrus the king, sought to sail to

Italy.[48] And a part of them founded Velia, in Lucania, others settled

a colony at Marseilles, in the territory of Vienne; and then, in

subsequent ages, these towns increasing in strength and importance,

founded other cities. But we must avoid a variety of details which are

commonly apt to weary.

8. Throughout these provinces, the people gradually becoming civilized,

the study of liberal accomplishments flourished, having been first

introduced by the Bards, the Eubages,[49] and the Druids. The Bards were

accustomed to employ themselves in celebrating the brave achievements of

their illustrious men, in epic verse, accompanied with sweet airs on the

lyre. The Eubages investigated the system and sublime secrets of nature,

and sought to explain them to their followers. Between these two came

the Druids, men of loftier genius, bound in brotherhoods according to

the precepts and example of Pythagoras; and their minds were elevated by

investigations into secret and sublime matters, and from the contempt

which they entertained for human affairs they pronounced the soul

immortal.

X.

§ 1. This country then of the Gauls was by reason of its lofty mountain

ranges perpetually covered with terrible snows, almost unknown to the

inhabitants of the rest of the world, except where it borders on the

ocean; vast fortresses raised by nature, in the place of art,

surrounding it on all sides.

2. On the southern side it is washed by the Etruscan and Gallic sea:

where it looks towards the north it is separated from the tribes of the

barbarians by the river Rhine; where it is placed under the western star

it is bounded by the ocean, and the lofty chain of the Pyrenees; where

it has an eastern aspect it is bounded by the Cottian[50] Alps. In these

mountains King Cottius, after the Gauls had been subdued, lying by

himself in their defiles, and relying on the rugged and pathless

character of the country, long maintained his independence; though

afterwards he abated his pride, and was admitted to the friendship of

the Emperor Octavianus. And subsequently he constructed immense works to

serve as a splendid gift to the emperor, making roads over them, short,

and convenient for travellers, between other ancient passes of the Alps;

on which subject we will presently set forth what discoveries have been

made.

3. In these Cottian Alps, which begin at the town of Susa, one vast

ridge rises up, scarcely passable by any one without danger.

4. For to travellers who reach it from the side of Gaul it descends with

a steepness almost precipitous, being terrible to behold, in consequence

of the bulk of its overhanging rocks. In the spring, when the ice is

melting, and the snow beginning to give way from the warm spring

breezes, if any one seeks to descend along the mountain, men and beasts

and wagons all fall together through the fissures and clefts in the

rocks, which yawn in every direction, though previously hidden by the

frost. And the only remedy ever found to ward off entire destruction is

to have many vehicles bound together with enormous ropes, with men or

oxen hanging on behind, to hold them back with great efforts; and so

with a crouching step they get down with some degree of safety. And

this, as I have said, is what happens in the spring.

5. But in winter, the ground being covered over with a smooth crust of

ice, and therefore slippery under foot, the traveller is often plunged

headlong; and the valleys, which seem to open here and there into wide

plains, which are merely a covering of treacherous ice, sometimes

swallow up those who try to pass over them. On account of which danger

those who are acquainted with the country fix projecting wooden piles

over the safest spots, in order that a series of them may conduct the

traveller unhurt to his destination; though if these piles get covered

with snow and hidden, or thrown down by melting torrents descending from

the mountains, then it is difficult for any one to pass, even if natives

of the district lead the way.

6. But on the summit of this Italian mountain there is a plain, seven

miles in extent, reaching as far as the station known by the name of

Mars; and after that comes another ridge, still more steep, and scarcely

possible to be climbed, which stretches on to the summit of Mons

Matrona, named so from an event which happened to a noble lady.

7. From this point a path, steep indeed, but easily passable, leads to

the fortress of Virgantia.[51] The sepulchre of this petty prince whom

we have spoken of as the maker of these roads is at Susa, close to the

walls; and his remains are honoured with religious veneration for two

reasons: first of all, because he governed his people with equitable

moderation; and secondly, because, by becoming an ally of the Roman

republic, he procured lasting tranquillity for his subjects.

8. And although this road which I have been speaking of runs through the

centre of the district, and is shorter and more frequented now than any

other, yet other roads also were made at much earlier periods, on

different occasions.

9. The first of them, near the maritime alps, was made by the Theban

Hercules, when he was proceeding in a leisurely manner to destroy Geryon

and Tauriscus, as has already been mentioned; and he it was who gave to

these alps the name of the Grecian Alps.[52] In the same way he

consecrated the citadel and port of Monæcus to keep alive the

recollection of his name for ever. And this was the reason why, many

ages afterwards, those alps were called the Penine Alps.[53]

10. Publius Cornelius Scipio, the father of the elder Africanus, when

about to go to the assistance of the citizens of Saguntum--celebrated

for the distresses which they endured, and for their loyalty to Rome, at

the time when they were besieged with great resolution by the

Carthaginians--led to the Spanish coast a fleet having on board a

numerous army. But after the city had been destroyed by the valour of

the Carthaginians, he, being unable to overtake Hannibal, who had

crossed the Rhone, and had obtained three days' start of him in the

march towards Italy, crossed the sea, which at that point was not wide,

making a rapid voyage; and taking his station near Genoa, a town of the

Ligures, awaited his descent from the mountains, so that, if chance

should afford him an opportunity, he might attack him in the plain while

still fatigued with the ruggedness of the way by which he had come.

11. But still, having regard to the interests of the republic, he

ordered Cnæus Scipio, his brother, to go into Spain, to prevent

Hasdrubal from making a similar expedition from that country. But

Hannibal, having received information of their design by some deserters,

being also a man of great shrewdness and readiness of resources,

obtained some guides from the Taurini who inhabited those districts, and

passing through the Tricastini and through the district of the Vocontii,

he thus reached the defiles of the Tricorii.[54] Then starting from this

point, he made another march over a line previously impassable. And

having cut through a rock of immense height, which he melted by means of

mighty fires, and pouring over it a quantity of vinegar, he proceeded

along the Druentia, a river full of danger from its eddies and currents,

until he reached the district of Etruria. This is enough to say of the

Alps; now let us return to our original subject.

XI.

§ 1. In former times, when these provinces were little known, as being

barbarous, they were considered to be divided into three races:[55]

namely, the Celtæ, the same who are also called Galli; the Aquitani,

and the Belgæ: all differing from each other in language, manners, and

laws.

2. The Galli, who, as I have said, are the same as the Celtæ, are

divided from the Aquitani by the river Garonne, which rises in the

mountains of the Pyrenees; and after passing through many towns, loses

itself in the ocean.

3. On the other side they are separated from the Belgians by the Marne

and the Seine, both rivers of considerable size, which flowing through

the tribe of the Lugdunenses, after surrounding the stronghold of the

Parisii named Lutetia, so as to make an island of it, proceed onwards

together, and fall into the sea near the camp of Constantius.

4. Of all these people the Belgians are said by ancient writers to be

the most warlike, because, being more remote from civilization, and not

having been rendered effeminate by foreign luxuries, they have been

engaged in continual wars with the Germans on the other side of the

Rhine.

5. For the Aquitanians, to whose shores, as being nearest and also

pacific, foreign merchandise is abundantly imported, were easily brought

under the dominion of the Romans, because their character had become

enervated.

6. But from the time when the Gauls, after long and repeated wars,

submitted to the dictator Julius, all their provinces were governed by

Roman officers, the country being divided into four portions; one of

which was the province of Narbonne; containing the districts of Vienne

and Lyons: a second province comprehended all the tribes of the

Aquitanians; upper and lower Germany formed a third jurisdiction, and

the Belgians a fourth at that period.

7. But now the whole extent of the country is portioned out into many

provinces. The second (or lower) Germany is the first, if you begin on

the western side, fortified by Cologne and Tongres, both cities of great

wealth and importance.

8. Next comes the first (or high) Germany, in which, besides other

municipal towns, there is Mayence, and Worms, and Spiers, and Strasburg,

a city celebrated for the defeats sustained by the barbarians in its

neighbourhood.

9. After these the first Belgic province stretches as far as Metz and

Treves, which city is the splendid abode of the chief governor of the

country.

10. Next to that comes the second Belgic province, where we find Amiens,

a city of conspicuous magnificence, and Châlons,[56] and Rheims.

11. In the province of the Sequani, the finest cities are Besançon and

Basle. The first Lyonnese province contains Lyons, Châlons,[57] Sens,

Bourges, and Autun, the walls of which are very extensive and of great

antiquity.

12. In the second Lyonnese province are Tours, and Rouen, Evreux, and

Troyes. The Grecian and Penine Alps have, besides other towns of less

note, Avenche, a city which indeed is now deserted, but which was

formerly one of no small importance, as even now is proved by its

half-ruinous edifices. These are the most important provinces, and most

splendid cities of the Galli.

13. In Aquitania, which looks towards the Pyrenees, and that part of the

ocean which belongs to the Spaniards, the first province is Aquitanica,

very rich in large and populous cities; passing over others, I may

mention as pre-eminent, Bordeaux, Clermont, Saintes, and Poictiers.

14. The province called the Nine Nations is enriched by Ausch and Bazas.

In the province of Narbonne, the cities of Narbonne, Euses, and Toulouse

are the principal places of importance. The Viennese exults in the

magnificence of many cities, the chief of which are Vienne itself, and

Arles, and Valence; to which may be added Marseilles, by the alliance

with and power of which we read that Rome itself was more than once

supported in moments of danger.

15. And near to these cities is also Aix, Nice, Antibes, and the islands

of Hieres.

16. And since we have come in the progress of our work to this district,

it would be inconsistent and absurd to omit all mention of the Rhone, a

river of the greatest celebrity. The Rhone rises in the Penine Alps,

from sources of great abundance, and descending with headlong

impetuosity into the more champaign districts, it often overruns its

banks with its own waters, and then plunges into a lake called Lake

Leman, and though it passes through it, yet it never mingles with any

foreign waters, but, rushing over the top of those which flow with less

rapidity, in its search for an exit, it forces its own way by the

violence of its stream.

17. And thus passing through that lake without any damage, it runs

through Savoy and the district of Franche Comté; and, after a long

course, it forms the boundary between the Viennese on its left, and the

Lyonnese on its right. Then after many windings it receives the Saône, a

river which rises in the first Germany, and this latter river here

merges its name in the Rhone. At this point is the beginning of the

Gauls. And from this spot the distances are measured not by miles but by

leagues.

18. From this point also, the Rhone, being now enriched by other rivers,

becomes navigable for large vessels, which are often tossed about in it

by gales of wind; and at last, having finished the course which nature

has marked out for it, foaming on it joins the Gallic Sea in the wide

gulf which they call the Gulf of Lyons, about eighteen miles from Arles.

This is enough to say of the situation of the province; I will now

proceed to describe the appearance and character of the inhabitants.

XII.

§ 1. Nearly all the Gauls are of a lofty stature, fair, and of ruddy

complexion; terrible from the sternness of their eyes, very quarrelsome,

and of great pride and insolence. A whole troop of foreigners would not

be able to withstand a single Gaul if he called his wife to his

assistance, who is usually very strong, and with blue eyes; especially

when, swelling her neck, gnashing her teeth, and brandishing her sallow

arms of enormous size, she begins to strike blows mingled with kicks, as

if they were so many missiles sent from the string of a catapult.

2. The voices of the generality are formidable and threatening, whether

they are in good humour or angry: they are all exceedingly careful of

cleanliness and neatness, nor in all the country, and most especially in

Aquitania, could any man or woman, however poor, be seen either dirty or

ragged.

3. The men of every age are equally inclined to war, and the old man and

the man in the prime of life answer with equal zeal the call to arms,

their bodies being hardened by their cold weather and by constant

exercise so that they are all inclined to despise dangers and terrors.

Nor has any one of this nation ever mutilated his thumb from fear of the

toils of war, as men have done in Italy, whom in their district are

called Murci.

4. The nation is fond of wine, and of several kinds of liquor which

resemble wine. And many individuals of the lower orders, whose senses

have become impaired by continual intoxication, which the apophthegm of

Cato defined to be a kind of voluntary madness, run about in all

directions at random; so that there appears to be some point in that

saying which is found in Cicero's oration in defence of Fonteius, "that

henceforth the Gauls will drink their wine less strong than formerly,"

because forsooth they thought there was poison in it.

5. These countries, and especially such parts of them as border on

Italy, fell gradually under the dominion of the Romans without much

trouble to their conquerors, having been first attacked by Fulvius,

afterwards weakened in many trifling combats by Sextius, and at last

entirely subdued by Fabius Maximus; who gained an additional surname

from the complete accomplishment of this task, after he had brought into

subjection the fierce tribe of the Allobroges.

6. Cæsar finally subdued all the Gauls, except where their country was

absolutely inaccessible from its morasses, as we learn from Sallust,

after a war of ten years, in which both nations suffered many disasters;

and at last he united them to us in eternal alliance by formal treaties.

I have digressed further than I had intended, but now I will return to

my original subject.

XIII.

§ 1. After Domitianus had perished by a cruel death, Musonianus his

successor governed the East with the rank of prætorian prefect; a man

celebrated for his eloquence and thorough knowledge of both the Greek

and Latin languages; from which he reaped a loftier glory than he

expected.

2. For when Constantine was desirous of obtaining a more accurate

knowledge of the different sects in the empire, the Manicheans and other

similar bodies, and no one could be found able sufficiently to explain

them, Musonianus was chosen for the task, having been recommended as

competent; and when he had discharged this duty with skill, the emperor

gave him the name of Musonianus, for he had been previously called

Strategius. After that he ran through many degrees of rank and honour,

and soon reached the dignity of prefect; being in other matters also a

man of wisdom, popular in the provinces, and of a mild and courteous

disposition. But at the same time, whenever he could find an

opportunity, especially in any controversies or lawsuits (which is most

shameful and wicked), he was greatly devoted to sordid gain. Not to

mention many other instances, this was especially exemplified in the

investigations which were made into the death of Theophilus, the

governor of Syria, a man of consular rank, who gave information against

the Cæsar Gallus, and who was torn to pieces in a tumult of the people;

for which several poor men were condemned, who, it was clearly proved,

were at a distance at the time of the transaction, while certain rich

men who were the real authors of the crime were spared from all

punishment, except the confiscation of their property.

3. In this he was equalled by Prosper, at that time master of the horse

in Gaul; a man of abject spirit and great inactivity; and, as the comic

poet has it, despising the acts of secret robbing he plundered

openly.[58]

4. And, while these two officers were conniving together, and

reciprocally helping each other to many means of acquiring riches, the

chiefs of the Persian nation who lived nearest to the river, profiting

by the fact that the king was occupied in the most distant parts of his

dominions, and that these commanders were occupied in plundering the

people placed under their authority, began to harass our territories

with predatory bands, making audacious inroads, sometimes into Armenia,

often also into Mesopotamia.

[32] Tlepolemus and Hiero, whom Cicero, Verres iii. 11, calls Cibyratici

canes.

[33] Herodotus, iv. 184, records that in Africa, in the country about

Mount Atlas, dreams are unknown.

[34] Lintz.

[35] The district around Bellinzona.

[36] The Bodensee, more generally known as the Lake of Constance: at its

south-eastern end is the town of Bregenz, the ancient Brigantia.

[37] The Arethusa is in Sicily, near Syracuse.

[38] The Comites were a picked body of troops, divided into several

regiments distinguished by separate names, such as Seniores, Juniores,

Sagittarii, &c.

[39] The Promoti were also picked men, something like the Comites; the

French translator calls them the Veterans.

[40] From +koptô+ to cut, and +mattya+ any delicate food;

meant as equivalent to our cheeseparer, or skinflint.

[41] This was a very important post; it seems to have united the

functions of a modern chamberlain, chancellor, and secretary of state.

The master presented citizens to the emperor, received foreign

ambassadors, recommended men for civil employments, decided civil

actions of several kinds, and superintended many of the affairs of the

post.

[42] Cologne.

[43] The dragons were the effigies on some of the standards.

[44] There is no such passage in any extant work of Cicero, but a

sentence in his speech ad Pontifices resembles it: "For although it be

more desirable to end one's life without pain, and without injury, still

it tends more to an immortality of glory to be regretted by one's

countrymen, than to have been always free from injury." And a still

closer likeness to the sentiment is found in his speech ad Quirites post

reditum: "Although there is nothing more to be wished for by man than

prosperous, equal, continual good-fortune in life, flowing on in a

prosperous course, without any misadventure; still, if all my life had

been tranquil and peaceful, I should have been deprived of the

incredible and almost heavenly delight and happiness which I now enjoy

through your kindness."--Orations, v. 2; Bohn, p. 491-2.

[45] In one of the lost books of this history.

[46] The Nymphæum was a temple sacred to the Nymphs, deriving its name

of Septemzodium, or Septizonium (which it shared with more than one

other building at Rome), from the seven rows of pillars, one above the

other, and each row lessening both in circuit and in height, with which

the exterior was embellished. Another temple of this kind was built by

Septimius Severus.

[47] Cologne.

[48] This story of the Phocæenses is told by Herodotus, i. 166, and

alluded to by Horace, Epod. xv. 10.

[49] The Eubages, or +Ouateis+, as Strabo calls them, appear to

have been a tribe of priests.

[50] The Cottian Alps are Mont Genevre. It is unnecessary to point out

how Ammianus mistakes the true bearing of these frontiers of Gaul.

[51] Briançon.

[52] The Graiæ Alps are the Little St. Bernard; and it was over them

that Hannibal really passed, as has been conclusively proved by Dr. J.A.

Cramer.

[53] From the god Pen, or Peninus, Liv. xxi. 38. The Alpes Peninæ are

the Great St. Bernard.

[54] Compare Livy's account of Hannibal's march, from which, wholly

erroneous as it is, this description seems to have been taken; not that

even Livy has made such a gross mistake about the Druentia, or Durance,

which falls into the Rhone.

[55] Cæsar's account of his expedition begins with the statement that

"Gaul is divided into three provinces."

[56] Châlons sur Marne.

[57] Châlons sur Saône.

[58] Ammianus refers to Plautus, Epidicus, Act. I., sc. i., line 10:--

_Thesprio._ I am less of a pilferer now than formerly.

_Ep._ How so?

_Thes._ I rob openly.