CHAPTER X

AS GOVERNOR OF THE EQUATORIAL PROVINCE

It has already been mentioned that when Colonel Gordon was at Galatz he

met Nubar Pasha. In September 1873 Nubar asked him to enter the service

of the Khedive of Egypt. While waiting to know whether the British

Government would sanction this step he wrote home as follows:--

"For some wise design God turns events one way or another, whether

man likes it or not, as a man driving a horse turns it to right or

left without consideration as to whether the horse likes that way

or not. To be happy, a man must be like a well-broken, willing

horse, ready for anything. Events will go as God likes. It is hard

to accept the position; the only solace is, it is not for long. If

I go to Egypt or not is uncertain; I hope He has given me the

strength not to care one way or the other; twenty years are soon

gone, and when over it will matter little whether I went or not."

The proposed step was sanctioned by the authorities, and so, at the age

of forty-one, Gordon became the governor of the immense Equatorial

Province. _En route_ to Egypt he writes from Paris: "I remember that

God has at all times worked by weak and small means. All history shows

this to be His mode, and so I believe if He will He may work by me."

Of course some little time had to be spent in Cairo; the Khedive Ismail

was anxious to make the acquaintance of his new governor, and certain

preliminaries had to be settled. Gordon had a suspicion that his

appointment was a sham, and that he would not have the power he needed

to suppress the slave trade. He was determined that _coute qui coute_

he would not be made a tool of to blind the European public, so at

the very outset he showed his colours, and let the Khedive clearly

understand that he was not a mere hireling anxious to secure a

well-paid billet. As for his pay, though his predecessor had received

L10,000 per annum, he decided to cut it down to L2000; for, as he said,

the whole would be wrung out of the unfortunate natives, who could ill

afford the high taxation to which they were subjected. Writing home at

this juncture, he said:--

"My object is to show the Khedive and his people that gold and

silver idols are not worshipped by all the world. They are very

powerful gods, but not so powerful as our God; so if I refuse a

large sum, you--and I am responsible to you alone--will not be

angry at my doing so. From whom does all the money come? From poor

miserable creatures who are ground down to produce it. Of course,

these ideas are outrageous. 'Pillage the Egyptians!' is still the

cry.

"I am quite prepared not to go, and should not think it unkind of

God if He prevents it, for He must know what is best. The twisting

of men carries out some particular object of God, and we should

cheerfully agree now to what we will agree hereafter when we know

all things."

His characteristic outspokenness--a style of thing to which Egyptian

officials were not accustomed--somewhat alarmed a few of his friends,

and on one occasion he was urged not to make an enemy of Nubar Pasha,

who was a very powerful minister, and could, it was said, do him a

great deal of harm. At this Gordon fired up, and before those present

said that he would like to see the man who was capable of injuring him.

Shakespeare has well said:--

"What stronger breastplate than a heart untainted!

Thrice is he armed that hath his quarrel just,

And he but naked, though locked up in steel,

Whose conscience with injustice is corrupted."

Though Nubar showed his powers of appreciation in recognising merit in

Colonel Gordon, when he met him at Galatz, there can be no question

that he little understood the honest, straightforward character of the

man with whom he had to deal. He must have often wished that he had

never met Gordon, for, whilst the new governor was not a man to seek

office for the sake of the "loaves and fishes," once in power he was

not one of those pliant characters who will act as mere dummies in the

hands of others. Men with great strength of character, good abilities,

and honest intentions are invaluable, when their official superiors are

capable of appreciating their merits; but when those under whom they

serve have ulterior purposes to attain, weak, pliant natures make

better servants for their purposes. In Colonel Gordon's own mind his

mission at this time was to combat slavery, and in every possible way

to ameliorate the sufferings of the unfortunate people over whom he was

called to rule. Nubar Pasha held very different views from the

newly-appointed governor on many points that were likely to arise in

connection with these duties. The Soudan and the Equatorial Province

were so frightfully mismanaged and cruelly governed that, Gordon says,

"when Said Pasha, the Viceroy before Ismail, went up to the Soudan with

Count F. Lesseps, he was so discouraged and horrified at the misery of

the people that at Berber the Count saw him throw his guns into the

river, declaring that he would be no party to such oppression. It was

only after the urgent solicitations of European consuls and others that

he reconsidered his decision."

It is quite amusing to see the efforts that were made at Cairo to break

in the new governor, and to fit him for his post, in accordance with

the traditions of the country. As soon as everything was settled,

Gordon, with his usual promptness, and absence of all love of display,

was anxious to be off to his post of duty, and for that purpose to

utilise the ordinary passenger steamer from Suez. But about states such

as Egypt was before the British occupation, there is a strange mixture

of reckless expenditure combined with paltry meanness. Although the

Egyptian authorities once refused to pay the travelling expenses of an

official travelling on duty from Alexandria to Cairo in connection with

Colonel Gordon, yet they insisted on this occasion that it would be

unbecoming to the dignity of a governor to travel by an ordinary

steamer, so a special one was set apart for this purpose. Gordon

afterwards calculated that had he been allowed his own way, he would at

the outset have saved at least L400! For the sake of peace he yielded

the point, and went from Cairo in a special train, and from Suez in a

special steamer, accompanied by a large number of useless servants. He

had his revenge, however, for owing to an engine getting off the line,

there was a long halt, and finally he had to proceed by the ordinary

train. Gordon was a remarkable instance of the general rule, that the

greater the ability of a man the less affection has he for display, and

for all the official trappings of office. The only display that Gordon

ever cared for was that of intrinsic merit and hard work, and these

qualities he always looked for in his subordinates.

Colonel Gordon reached Suakim on February 25th, 1874, and writing home,

he records his impressions of Cairo and its officials. "I think the

Khedive likes me, but no one else does; and I don't like them, I mean

the swells, whose corns I tread on in all manner of ways. Duke of This

wants steamer, say L600. Duke of That wants house, &c. All the time the

poor people are ground down to get money for all this. 'Who art thou to

be afraid of man?' If He wills, I will shake all this in some way not

clear to me now. Do not think I am an Egoist; I am like Moses who

despised the riches of Egypt. I will not bow to Haman." Little did he

then foresee that before eight years had passed British guns would be

shaking the stronghold of Alexandria, and that 10,000 Egyptian soldiers

would yield the citadel of Cairo to a small force of some 300 troops

carrying the British flag. From Suakim he went on a camel to Berber,

and thence by steamer to Khartoum, the first time he ever visited a

place which now can never be mentioned without awakening in the mind

associations of this noble servant of God, who feared neither man nor

devil.

At first Gordon was to a certain extent subordinate to the

Governor-General of the Soudan, through whom he had to get supplies.

But by September 8th he was enabled to write: "I have now entirely

separated my province from that of the Soudan. When I came up I had

instructions to ask for all I wanted from the Governor-General of

Khartoum, who was ordered to supply me. Now this was from the first a

fruitful source of quarrel, and must have been so, for I could not be

continually writing to the Khedive about the non-supply of things and

money; it would have worn me and every one out. Now I am quite

independent, raise my own revenue, and administer it, and send the

residue to Cairo, which residue is all they care for there."

* * *

The Equatorial Province lies considerably to the south of Khartoum, and

is bisected by the Nile. As a matter of fact, the equator does not run

through any part of the province, though the southern part comes very

close to it, just touching the Victoria Nyanza, through the north of

which the equator runs. The hold that Egypt had at any time on this

province was indeed very slight, and considering how little capable she

was of managing even her own affairs, it does seem ridiculous in the

extreme that she should ever have attempted to annex an enormous

country outside her borders. When Egypt was really strong and powerful,

as in olden times, it does not appear that she ever held territory

beyond Wady Haifa, and it is in reality only within this century,

during the whole of which Egypt has been weak, that she has extended

her territory down to the equator. Far from gaining either money or

prestige, she has lost greatly by her annexations. Had the Nile, which

is the only highway, been easily navigable for ships of any size,

possibly the tide of civilisation might have gone south as well as

north, and the history of these provinces might have been very

different. But the Nile is full of rapids, or cataracts, as they are

called, and at certain seasons of the year is absolutely impassable for

large boats, while the paucity of wells makes regular travel by land

impossible. From Khartoum to Gondokoro, which was the capital of

Colonel Gordon's new province, a distance of about 1000 miles, another

obstacle presents itself, in the form of an almost impassable barrier,

known as a "sudd," which forms on the river, and puts a stop to

traffic. Gordon said that the sudd is formed by an "aquatic plant with

roots extending five feet in the water. The natives burn the top parts,

when dry; the ashes form mould, and fresh grasses grow till it becomes

like _terra firma_. The Nile rises, and floats out the masses; they

come down to a curve and then stop. More of these islands float down,

and at last the river is blocked. Though under them the water flows, no

communication can take place, for they bridge the river for several

miles."

Gordon left Khartoum on March 23, 1874, for Gondokoro, and on the 26th

he writes: "Last night we were going along slowly in the moonlight, and

I was thinking of you all, and the expedition, and Nubar, &c., when all

of a sudden from a large bush came peals of laughter. I felt put out;

but it turned out to be birds, who laughed at us from the bushes for

some time in a rude way. They are a species of stork, and seemed in

capital spirits, and highly amused at anybody thinking of going up to

Gondokoro with the hope of doing anything." Gordon was full of hope,

and very sanguine of success; but from the day when he reached Cairo,

croakers all along the route had been whispering in his ear the

hopelessness of his mission, and how utterly impossible it was to

reform anything connected with such a corrupt administration as that of

Egypt. Fortunately, though he used at times to have terrible fits of

depression, he possessed a great deal of dogged perseverance. It was

this that in China had enabled him to overcome all obstacles in

fighting the enemy, and the same indomitable spirit now made him

persevere and hope on, when every one else despaired. Not only were

there real foes in every direction, determined if possible to frustrate

his mission, but in addition there was physical suffering to endure

from climatic and other causes. "No one can conceive," says he in a

letter written on April 10th, "the utter misery of these lands, heat

and mosquitoes day and night all the year round. But I like the work,

for I believe that I can do a great deal to ameliorate the lot of the

people." Two days after this he passed through a place called St.

Croix, which had been a Roman Catholic mission station, but so

unhealthy was it that it had at last been abandoned. After thirteen

years of work not a single convert had been made, although during that

period the missionaries had plodded on in the face of discouragement,

and in spite of the appalling havoc that death and sickness had made in

their ranks. Out of twenty missionaries thirteen had died of fever, two

of dysentery, and two had been invalided. A few banana trees were all

that remained of the settlement at which these heroes had been

sacrificed.

Gordon reached Gondokoro on April 16th, just twenty-four days after

leaving Khartoum. Everybody was much surprised to see him, for it was

not even known that he had been appointed. He remained only six days,

and then started back to Khartoum, in order to get his baggage. Not

finding it there, he went on to Berber to hurry up the escort, but not

till he had given the corrupt Governor of Khartoum a bit of his mind.

"I have had some sharp skirmishing with the Governor-General of

Khartoum," said he in a letter home, "and I think I have crushed him.

Your brother wrote to him and told him he told _stories_. It was

undiplomatic of me, but it did the Governor-General good." Having

secured his baggage, he returned to Gondokoro. _En route_ he writes

from the entrance of the Sanbat River:--

"We arrived here from Khartoum a week ago, and I have made a nice

station here, and made great friends with the Shillock natives, who

come over in great numbers from the other side of the river. They

are poorly off, and I have given them some grain; very little

contents them. I have employed a few of them to plant maize, and

they do it very fairly. The reason they do not do it for themselves

is, that if they plant any quantity they would run the chance of

losing it, by its being taken by force from them; so they plant

only enough to keep body and soul together, and even that is sown

in small out-of-the-way patches."

He reached Gondokoro the second time on September 4th, receiving the

salaams and salutes of the officers, men, and functionaries, together

with the submission of all the neighbouring chiefs. In the whole of his

province Egypt had only two forts, one at Gondokoro, the capital, with

300 men, and one at Fatiko, further south, with 200 men. "As for paying

taxes," said he, "or any government existing outside the forts, it is

all nonsense. You cannot go out in any safety half-a-mile, all because

they have been fighting the poor natives and taking their cattle. I

apprehend not the least difficulty in the work; the greatest will be to

gain the people's confidence again. They have been hardly treated."

The chief culprit, to whom much of this misgovernment was due, was

Raouf Bey, whom Gordon found at Gondokoro. This man had been in office

for six years, and proved a miserable failure. "Raouf had never

conciliated the tribes, never had planted dhoora; and, in fact, only

possessed the land he camped upon." Yet he made it a grievance that

Gordon refused to employ him, and the present Khedive of Egypt many

years afterwards made him Governor-General of the Soudan when Gordon

resigned.

What most astonished Gordon was the apparent want of affection on the

part of the natives for their offspring, and it pained him none the

less when he reflected that this was entirely due to the slave trade,

and the sufferings the poor people had endured. One man brought Gordon

two of his children of 12 and 9 years old, because they were starving,

and sold them for a basketful of grain, and though the father often

came to the station after this, he never asked to see them. Gordon

mentioned another case, of a family in which there were two children.

Passing their hut one day, and seeing only one child, he asked the

mother where the other was. "Oh," said she, "it has been given to the

man from whom the cow was stolen"--her husband having been the culprit.

This was said with a cheerful smile. "But," said Gordon, "are you not

sorry?" "Oh, no! we would rather have the cow." "But you have eaten the

cow, and the pleasure is over." "Oh, but all the same, we would sooner

have had the cow!" Gordon adds, "The other child of twelve years old,

like her parents did not care a bit. A lamb taken from the flock will

bleat, while here you see not the very slightest vestige of feeling."

Such an incident shows how the human heart can, under certain

circumstances, degenerate to being "without natural affection." It is

not the people who are to blame, but their cruel conquerors. Not many

miles away from this place, in a district which the tyranny of slavery

has not yet reached, Dr. Schweinfurth says of the natives:

"Notwithstanding that certain instances may be alleged which seem to

demonstrate that the character of the Dinka is unfeeling, these cases

never refer to such as are bound by the ties of kindred. Parents do not

desert their children, nor are brothers faithless to brothers, but are

ever prompt to render whatever aid is possible." The famous negro

prelate, Bishop Crowther, and the celebrated traveller, Mr. Stanley,

bear similar testimony. There can be no question that the African, in

his normal condition, is as capable of affection as the native of any

other country.

* * *

Slavery has been, is, and as long as it exists will be, the curse of

Africa. "Not a soul," said Gordon, "to be seen for miles; all driven

off by the slavers in years past. You could scarcely conceive such a

waste or desert." Such was his comment when at the entrance of the

river Sanbat, and such would have frequently been a correct description

of the country blighted by this cursed traffic.

Speaking generally, slavery exists now only in Mohammedan countries

(though there are a few exceptions), yet it cannot be called a

Mohammedan institution. The Prophet sanctioned only the taking of

slaves in war. The custom of his time was to kill and often to torture

prisoners taken in war, so that really it was a step in advance to

suggest that these captives should be utilised as servants. To a great

extent, if not entirely, slavery as an institution is due to the low

moral standard set up by the Koran. Were it not for love of sensual

indulgence, slavery would long ago have died a natural death. Over and

over again has it been proved that voluntary service is far cheaper

than enforced labour. An Indian coolie will work all day, and ask for

little more than enough to keep body and soul together. This much the

slave-owners are compelled to give to keep their slaves in health.

Slaves are valuable property, and it is cheaper to feed them well than

badly. But over and above the food, the slave-owner has to bear the

cost of transit from their bright happy homes in Central Africa,

through hundreds of miles of scorching desert, which demands a

frightful death-toll. Only the strongest ever reach the slave-markets,

and it has been calculated that at least 500,000 lives are annually

sacrificed during transit. Indirectly the slave-owner has to pay for

these. When slaves were taken in war, they cost nothing to transport;

but when Mohammedan conquests ceased, the supply ceased with it, for

Mohammedans are not allowed by the Koran to make slaves of men of their

own creed, though they do sometimes infringe this rule.

It is generally supposed that the slave trade originated in the fact

that in certain parts of Central Africa there are no horses or beasts

of burden, as owing to the existence of the tetse-fly no animal can

live. Consequently ivory and everything else has to be carried on the

heads of porters. These porters were engaged by the Arab ivory dealers

in the interior, and marched in large gangs to the seaports. Having

reached their destination, and given up their loads, the question of

transport back to their villages would arise. The Arab traders found

that it would suit their purpose best to sell the porters as slaves.

Who was to know whether or not they were taken in battle? In Mohammedan

countries, so long as plenty of backsheesh is forthcoming, those in

authority ask few questions. Soon the sale of slaves became more

profitable than the ivory trade, which possibly had originated it, and

so the one was substituted for the other, the authorities not only

winking at it, but encouraging it as a source of large revenues to

them. At one time a large number of so-called Christians were engaged

in this unholy traffic, but the scandal became so great that European

public opinion would not tolerate it, and so they had to sell their

stations to Mohammedan Arabs, who if possible were even more cruel and

relentless in the way they conducted the trade. Merchant princes arose

among them, and they carried on their business with a thoroughness and

a system worthy of a better cause. Soldiers were trained, and large

armies kept for no other purpose than that of collecting slaves.

Peaceful villages were surrounded, night attacks were made, whole

tribes were marched off to the slave markets, the road being lined by

grinning skulls to show the way in which the victims suffered _en

route_.

"Not for this

Was common clay ta'en from the common earth,

Moulded by God, and tempered with the tears

Of angels, to the perfect shape of man!"

The unfortunate captives were chained together to prevent escape, and

often the fastenings were secured in a way so unnecessarily cruel, that

they had great difficulty in securing any sleep, either at night or

during the day when the periodical halts were made. Indeed the ordinary

precautions that we take in the convoy of large herds of cattle were

generally neglected. This is all the more surprising when we consider

what great trouble these men took to secure their victims; one would

have thought that self-interest at least would often have dictated a

more humane policy, but it does not appear to have been so.

* * *

In hunting for these gangs of slaves, it was a subject of deep regret

to Gordon that often his action only tended to increase their

sufferings. In the Central African deserts there are only a few wells,

at long intervals, and the poor captives suffered terrible thirst on

the march from well to well. But the surest way of intercepting the

gangs was to hold the wells. When the slave-dealers knew that a certain

well on which they were marching was held by Gordon, they would make a

detour in order to avoid him, and their unfortunate victims would be

kept from quenching their thirst for unusually long periods, with the

result that many would succumb to the appalling heat. If a slave

exhibited great exhaustion, and showed little chance of being able to

reach the next halting-place, the drivers would not even trouble to

waste a round of ammunition, but, unchaining the victim, would kill him

by a blow on the back of the neck with a mallet or a piece of wood, and

leave his body where it lay, to feed the vultures. Often young girls,

and even infants, were marched through deserts, through which Gordon

declared that he shuddered to contemplate a journey on his fleet-footed

camel. It was with truth that Burns said--

"Man's inhumanity to man

Makes countless thousands mourn."

Some of the slave traders had become very rich, and one of them, Zebehr

Rahama, now in captivity in Gibraltar, had become so powerful that even

the Khedive dared not molest him. His field of operations lying at a

considerable distance from Gordon's province, these two did not come in

contact, until the latter was made Governor-General of the whole of the

Soudan, and so it is not at the present time necessary to do more than

merely allude to him as the king of slave hunters. Many more carried on

a successful business, and some of them conducted their operations in

the Equatorial Province; and it is hardly necessary to say that the

first thing the new governor did was to break up the organisations of

these men. He was only appointed in Cairo during the month of February,

and after that time he had to spend many weary days and nights in

travelling. But in June we find him seizing an Arab dealer named

Nassar, at the head of a large convoy of slaves, and casting him into

prison. By this brilliant stroke he not only got possession of a

well-known culprit, but struck terror into the hearts of smaller

dealers. But, as in the case of the Taiping rebels, whom he at once

turned into soldiers to fight for him, so Nassar was enlisted into his

service. "Do you know," he wrote, "I have forgiven the head slaver

Nassar, and am employing him; he is not worse than others, and these

slavers have been much encouraged to do what they have done. He is a

first-rate man, and does a great deal of work. He was in prison for two

weeks, and was then forgiven." Other quotations could be made from his

letters showing that he had formed a high opinion of the abilities of

the Arabs engaged in slave dealing, with a correspondingly low one of

the Egyptian soldiers who were employed to put them down. The Arabs

were enterprising, plucky fellows, with the spirit of a man in them,

whereas the soldiers were a cowardly and contemptible lot. When in

large numbers, they used to ill-treat and bully the natives, who

consequently took every opportunity of retaliating. Gordon, with his

quick perception, saw that the best way to remedy this was to scatter

the soldiers about in small detachments, just strong enough to defend

their posts, but not to take advantage of the people:--

"I have the garrisons small on purpose to make them keep awake; and

it has its effect, for they are all in a fearful fright along the

line. I cannot help feeling somewhat of a malicious enjoyment of

their sufferings. If I personally am at any station, even if there

are thirty or forty men there, the sentries all go to sleep in

comfort. Not so in my absence; every one is awake, I expect. Having

nothing to do--or rather not doing anything, though there is plenty

to be done--they sit and talk over the terrors of their position,

until they tremble again. I never in the course of my life saw such

wretched creatures dignified by the name of soldiers. Fortunately,

though I can do the work of the province without an interpreter, I

cannot speak to the men except by my looks, or tell them my opinion

in words, though my letters are pretty strong."

The results of this policy were excellent. Not only were the garrisons

kept on the alert and prevented from oppressing the people, but the

country was opened up and travelling rendered safer. Writing home,

Gordon says:--

"It is such a comfort having my roads open. One man came down from

Bedden to-day alone. Before I came it would have needed thirty or

at least twenty men to go along this route. The blacks would have

concealed themselves in the grass, and stuck a spear into the

hinder-most man; now they are quite friendly. A Bari in my

employment stole a sheep yesterday, and down came the natives to

complain and have justice, which they got. Is it not comfortable?

All this has effected a great change among my men. They no longer

fear the blacks as they did, and altogether a much better feeling

exists. Going up to Kerri, where in September last the convoy of

Kemp was harassed all the route, I went on alone with four or five

soldiers behind me, and never felt the least apprehension; for the

natives talk much amongst themselves, and the virgin tribes had

heard we were not to be feared, and that their cattle was safe from

pillage. A year ago an escort of five or six soldiers used to

accompany each nuggar either coming up or down. Even the steamers

carried an escort of the same number. Now not one soldier either

goes with one or the other. This has prevented all pillaging _en

route_, for our people dare not do it now, not having the escort

of soldiers."

In spite of his contempt for the soldiers under him, he treated them

kindly and made great efforts to improve them. Now and then he would

give them a magic-lantern lecture, and in other ways try to benefit

them mentally and morally. No doubt in this he succeeded to a great

extent, and at all events he had the satisfaction of feeling that he

was liked by them. In another letter he says:--

"The men and officers like my justice, candour, and my outbursts of

temper, and see that I am not a tyrant. Over two years we have

lived intimately together, and they watch me closely. I am glad

that they do so. My wish and desire is that all should be as happy

as it rests with me to make them, and though I feel sure that I am

unjust sometimes, it is not the rule with me to be so. I care for

their marches, for their wants and food, and protect their women

and boys if they ill-treat them; and I do nothing of this. I am a

chisel which cuts the wood; the Carpenter directs it. If I lose my

edge, He must sharpen me; if He puts me aside and takes another, it

is His own good will. None are indispensable to Him; He will do His

work with a straw equally as well."

Gordon had not been long in his province when he saw that the only

effectual way to abolish slavery was to open up the country, and

encourage traders by making it safe for them to travel about. Much as

he did personally to punish slave-hunting, and to break up gangs of men

so engaged, he always considered that his best efforts should be

devoted to the opening up of the country for trade. At the time he was

there, and now also, the leading men were all more or less engaged in

slave-hunting, and no one dared to say a word against them. Gordon

wanted to introduce an independent class of traders, who would soon be

sufficiently powerful to give evidence against the leaders of the

slave-hunting system. His desire afterwards to serve the King of the

Belgians in the Congo territory was with the object of developing

trade, and thus ultimately of preventing slave-dealing. With regard to

Egypt, he formed his ideas during the first year he was in the country,

and he steadily adhered to them to the end. Writing from Tultcha, on

17th November 1873, he says:--

"I believe if the Soudan was settled, the Khedive would prevent the

slave trade; but he does not see his way to do so till he can move

about the country. My ideas are to open it out by getting the

steamers on to the lakes, by which time I should know the promoters

of the slave trade and could ask the Khedive to seize them." And

again: "God has allowed slavery to go on for so many years; born in

the people, it needs more than an expedition to eradicate it; open

out the country, and it will fall of itself."

Though he was not permitted during his life to see much permanent

result from his arduous labours, yet far from his efforts having been

in vain, he it was who revived in Europe an interest in the subject,

and conclusions arrived at by the recent Anti-Slavery Conference, at

Brussels, clearly indicate that the more thoughtful philanthropists who

are moving in the matter recognise that the lines he laid down are the

right ones to follow. The number of years that he was permitted to

devote to this struggle with slavery were not many, but the seeds were

sown which will bring forth a rich harvest in the future. In that noble

crusade, which he undertook single-handed against tyranny and

oppression, he supplied the best possible answer to the cynic's

question whether or not life is worth living:--

"Is Life worth living? Yes, so long

As there is wrong to right,

Wail of the weak against the strong,

Or tyranny to fight;

Long as there lingers gloom to chase

Or streaming tear to dry,

One kindred woe, one sorrowing face,

That smiles as we draw nigh."[7]

[7] Mr. Alfred Austin in the _English Illustrated Magazine_.

Not only had Gordon to contend with the slave trade, corrupt officials,

an unsympathetic government at Cairo, and incompetent troops, but to

add to his troubles his staff broke down with sickness and even death,

while he for the first time in his life suffered from ague and liver

disorders. Here are descriptions of the climate from some of his

letters:--

"This is a horrid climate. I seldom, if ever, get a good sleep. It

is a very great comfort to feel that God will rectify one's defects

in this life, and make right all mistakes, also that He governs

everything. Is it my present temperament, or is it truly the case

that things go untowardly more in this land than anywhere else? You

wrap up an article in paper, the paper is sure to tear, the string

you least want to be broken is broken; every, _every_ thing seems

to go wrong. It may be my liver which makes me think this, but it

has been the same with all travellers." ... "The mosquitoes are

horrible here; the proboscis is formed like a bayonet, with a hinge

at the bend; they turn it down for perforation and press on it with

their head, muscles, and chest. I am very susceptible of their bite

or dig; the least touch of the 'bayonet' makes a lump."

... "Variety is pleasing! Got away from mosquitoes to find

sand-flies and harvest-bugs instead. However, they are quiet by

day, and here there are no flies with irritating feet. There must

be some wonderful mystery about this life. Why should these

countries be so full of annoyances to man? Why should even the

alighting of a fly, _his footprints_, cause such irritation to the

skin. It must be for some good object eventually to be made known

to us."

Most of Gordon's efforts were directed to the abolition of slavery, and

the amelioration of the sufferings of the people he governed, but as an

explorer and a surveyor he also did good work, and he might, had he

cared for such distinctions, have received honours from the Royal

Geographical Society. Though suffering a good deal from sickness and

from mental worries, he endeavoured to explore the seventy miles of

country between Foweira and the Albert Nyanza. In one of his letters he

says:--

"It was contended that the Nile did not flow out of Lake Victoria

and thence into Lake Albert and so northward, but that one river

flowed out of Lake Victoria and another out of Lake Albert; and

that these two rivers united and formed the Nile. This statement

could not be positively denied, inasmuch as no one had actually

gone along the river from Foweira to Hagungo. So I went along it

with much suffering, and settled the question."

As he did not personally come into contact with M'tesa, the King of

Uganda, it is not necessary to do more than mention the fact that this

strange monarch wrote a letter to him, and even asked him to plant a

stockade for his troops within Uganda territory. Gordon, however, did

not trust M'tesa, and at one time, on account of some misbehaviour on

the part of that monarch, even contemplated attacking him. But Mr.

Stanley, the great explorer, sent a vigorous protest against any

aggression on the part of a Christian representative, even of a Moslem

Government, towards a newly Christianised state, if one may apply that

term to Uganda. Gordon evidently recognised the wisdom of Stanley's

contention, for the attack was never made, and Stanley received from

Gordon a letter giving him much information.

Gordon reached Lake Albert at the end of July 1876, and from then till

he left to return home he was busily engaged in surveying the country,

wading through rivers, cutting his way through dense jungles,

encountering natives armed with assegais, and in other ways risking his

valuable life, all for the sake of his fellow-creatures, and in the

hope of ultimately opening up the country. Was there ever a man more

strongly actuated by the spirit of altruism?

His three years were drawing to a close, and not having received the

support he thought he deserved, he decided to leave the service of the

Khedive. On October 6th he commenced his journey, and by Christmas Eve

of that year he had reached England.

General Gordon · 第 10 / 17 章