INTRODUCTION.

Nature of the subject. Persistent survival of certain Animistic

beliefs. Examples of the Lady Onkhari, Lucian, General Campbell.

The Anthropological aspect of the study. Difference between this

Animistic belief, and other widely diffused ideas and institutions.

Scientific admission of certain phenomena, and rejection of others.

Connection between the rejected and accepted phenomena. The

attitude of Science. Difficulties of investigation illustrated.

Dr. Carpenter's Theory of unconscious Cerebration. Illustration of

this Theory. The Failure of the Inquiry by the Dialectical Society.

Professor Huxley, Mr. G. H. Lewes. Absurdity and charlatanism of

'Spiritualism'. Historical aspect of the subject. Universality of

Animistic Beliefs, in every stage of culture. Not peculiar to

savagery, ignorance, the Dark Ages, or periods of Religious crisis.

Nature of the Evidence.

It is not without hesitation that this book is offered to the

reader. Very many people, for very various reasons, would taboo the

subjects here discoursed of altogether. These subjects are a

certain set of ancient beliefs, for example the belief in

clairvoyance, in 'hauntings,' in events transcending ordinary

natural laws. The peculiarity of these beliefs is, that they have

survived the wreck of faith in such elements of witchcraft as

metamorphosis, and power to cause tempest or drought. To study such

themes is 'impious,' or 'superstitious,' or 'useless'. Yet to a

pathologist, or anthropologist, the survivals of beliefs must always

be curious and attractive illustrations of human nature.

Ages, empires, civilisations pass, and leave some members even of

educated mankind still, in certain points, on the level of the

savage who propitiates with gifts, or addresses with prayers, the

spirits of the dead.

An example of this endurance, this secular survival of belief, may

be more instructive and is certainly more entertaining than a world

of assertions. In his Etudes Egyptiennes (Tome i. fascic. 2) M.

Maspero publishes the text and translation of a papyrus fragment.

This papyrus was discovered still attached to a statuette in wood,

representing 'the singer of Ammen, Kena,' in ceremonial dress. The

document is a letter written by an ancient Egyptian scribe, 'To the

Instructed Khou of the Dame Onkhari,' his own dead wife, the Khou,

or Khu, being the spirit of that lady. The scribe has been

'haunted' since her decease, his home has been disturbed, he asks

Onkhari what he has done to deserve such treatment: 'What wrong

have I been guilty of that I should be in this state of trouble?

what have I done that thou should'st help to assail me? no crime has

been wrought against thee. From the hour of my marriage till this

day, what have I wrought against thee that I need conceal?'

He vows that, when they meet at the tribunal of Osiris, he will have

right on his side.

This letter to the dead is deposited in the tomb of the dead, and we

may trust that the scribe was no longer annoyed by a Khou, which

being instructed, should have known better. To take another ancient

instance, in his Philopseudes Lucian introduces a kind of club of

superstitious men, telling ghost stories. One of them assures his

friend that the spectre of his late wife has visited and vexed him,

because he had accidentally neglected to burn one of a pair of gilt

shoes, to which she was attached. She indicated the place where the

shoe was lying hidden, and she was pacified. Lucian, of course,

treats this narrative in a spirit of unfeeling mirth, but, if such

tales were not current in his time, there would have been no point

in his banter. Thus the belief in the haunting of a husband by the

spirit of his wife, the belief which drives a native Australian

servant from the station where his gin is buried, survived old

Egypt, and descended to Greece. We now take a modern instance,

closely corresponding to that of the Instructed Khou of the Dame

Onkhari.

In the Proceedings of the Psychical Society (part xiv. p. 477) the

late General Campbell sends, from Gwalior House, Southgate, N.,

April 27, 1884, a tale of personal experiences and actions, which

exactly reproduces the story of the Egyptian Scribe. The narrative

is long and not interesting, except as an illustration of survival,--

in all senses of the word.

General Campbell says that his wife died in July, 1882. He

describes himself as of advanced age, and cautious in forming

opinions. In 1882 he had never given any consideration to 'the

subject of ultra-mundane indications'. Yet he recounts examples of

'about thirty inexplicable sounds, as if inviting my attention

specially, and two apparitions or visions, apparently of a carefully

calculated nature, seen by a child visitor, a blood relation of my

late wife, whom this child had never seen, nor yet any likeness of

her'. The general then describes his house, a new one, and his

unsuccessful endeavours to detect the cause of the knocks, raps,

crashes, and other disturbances. Unable to discover any ordinary

cause, he read some books on 'Spiritualism,' and, finally, addressed

a note, as the Egyptian Scribe directed a letter, to the 'agent':

{4} _Give three raps if from my deceased wife_!

He was rewarded by three crashing sounds, and by other peculiar

phenomena. All these, unlike the scribe, he regarded as sent 'for

my particular conviction and comfort'.

These instances prove that, from the Australian blacks in the Bush,

who hear raps when the spirits come, to ancient Egypt, and thence to

Greece, and last, in our own time, and in a London suburb, similar

experiences, real or imaginary, are explained by the same

hypothesis. No 'survival' can be more odd and striking, none more

illustrative of the permanence, in human nature, of certain

elements. To examine these psychological curiosities may, or may

not, be 'useful,' but, at lowest, the study may rank as a branch of

Mythology, or of Folklore.

It is in the spirit of these sciences, themselves parts of a general

historical inquiry into the past and present of our race, that we

would glance at the anecdotes, legends, and superstitions which are

here collected. The writer has been chiefly interested in the

question of the Evidence, its nature and motives, rather than in the

question of Fact. It is desirable to know why independent

witnesses, practically everywhere and always, tell the same tales.

To examine the origin of these tales is not more 'superstitious'

than to examine the origin of the religious and heroic mythologies

of the world. It is, of course, easy to give both mythology, and

'the science of spectres,' the go by. But antiquaries will be

inquiring, and these pursuits are more than mere 'antiquarian old

womanries'. We follow the stream of fable, as we track a burn to

its head, and it leads us into shy, and strange scenes of human

life, haunted by very fearful wild-fowl, and rarely visited save by

the credulous. There may be entertainment here, and, to the student

of his species, there may be instruction.

On every side we find, as we try to show, in all ages, climates,

races, and stages of civilisation, consentient testimony to a set of

extraordinary phenomena. Equally diffused we find fraudulent

imitations of these occurrences, and, on one side, a credulity which

has accepted everything, on the other hand, a scepticism which

denies and laughs at all the reports. But it is a question whether

human folly would, everywhere and always, suffer from the same

delusions, undergo the same hallucinations, and elaborate the same

frauds. The problem is one which, in other matter, always haunts

the student of man's development: he is accustomed to find similar

myths, rites, customs, fairy tales, all over the world; of some he

can trace the origin to early human imagination and reason, working

on limited knowledge; about others, he asks whether they have been

independently evolved in several places, or whether they have been

diffused from a single centre. In the present case, the problem is

more complicated. Taboos, totemism, myths explanatory of natural

phenomena, customs like what, with Dr. Murray's permission, we call

the Couvade, are either peculiar to barbarous races, or, among the

old civilised races, existed as survivals, protected by conservative

Religion. But such things as 'clairvoyance,' 'levitation,'

'veridical apparitions,' 'movements of objects without physical

contact,' 'rappings,' 'hauntings,' persist as matters of belief, in

full modern civilisation, and are attested by many otherwise sane,

credible, and even scientifically trained modern witnesses. In this

persistence, and in these testimonies, the alleged abnormal

phenomena differ from such matters as nature-myths, customs like

Suttee, Taboo, Couvade, and Totemism, the change of men into beasts,

the raising of storms by art-magic. These things our civilisation

has dropped, the belief in other wild phenomena many persons in our

civilisation retain.

The tendency of the anthropologist is to explain this fact by

Survival and Revival. Given the savage beliefs in magic, spirit

rapping, clairvoyance, and so forth, these, like Marchen, or nursery

tales, will survive obscurely among peasants and the illiterate

generally. In an age of fatigued scepticism and rigid physical

science, the imaginative longings of men will fall back on the

savage or peasant necromancy, which will be revived perhaps in some

obscure American village, and be run after by the credulous and

half-witted. Then the wished-for phenomena will be supplied by the

dexterity of charlatans. As it is easy to demonstrate the quackery

of paid 'mediums,' as _that_, at all events, is a vera causa, the

theory of Survival and Revival seems adequate. Yet there are two

circumstances which suggest that all is not such plain sailing. The

first is the constantly alleged occurrence of 'spontaneous' and

sporadic abnormal phenomena, whether clairvoyance in or out of

hypnotic trance, of effects on the mind and the senses apparently

produced by some action of a distant mind, of hallucinations

coincident with remote events, of physical prodigies that contradict

the law of gravitation, or of inexplicable sounds, lights, and other

occurrences in certain localities. These are just the things which

Medicine Men, Mediums and classical Diviners have always pretended

to provoke and produce by certain arts or rites. Secondly, whether

they do or do not occasionally succeed, apart from fraud, in these

performances, the 'spontaneous' phenomena are attested by a mass and

quality of evidence, ancient, mediaeval and modern, which would

compel attention in any other matter. Living, sane, and

scientifically trained men now,--not to speak of ingenious, and

intelligent, if superstitious observers in the past,--and Catholic

gleaners of contemporary evidence for saintly miracle, and

witnesses, judges, and juries in trials for witchcraft, are

undeniably all 'in the same tale'.

Now we can easily devise an explanation of the stories told by

savages, by fanatics, by peasants, by persons under ecclesiastical

influence, by witches, and victims of witches. That is simple, but

why are sane, scientific, modern observers, and even disgusted

modern sceptics, in a tale, and that just the old savage tale? What

makes them repeat the stories they do repeat? We do not so much

ask: 'Are these stories true?' as, '_Why are these stories told_?'

Professor Ray Lankester puts the question thus, and we are still at

a loss for an answer.

Meanwhile modern science has actually accepted as real, some strange

psychological phenomena which both science and common-sense

rejected, between 1720 and 1840, roughly speaking. The accepted

phenomena are always reported, historically, as attendant on the

still more strange, and still rejected occurrences. We are thus

face to face with a curious question of evidence: To what extent

are some educated modern observers under the same illusions as Red

Men, Kaffirs, Eskimo, Samoyeds, Australians, and Maoris? To what

extent does the coincidence of their testimony with that of races so

differently situated and trained, justify curiosity, interest, and

perhaps suspense of judgment?

The question of the value of the facts is one to be determined by

physiologists, physicians, physicists, and psychologists. It is

clear that the alleged phenomena, both those now accepted and those

still rejected, attend, or are said to attend, persons of singular

physical constitution. It is not for nothing that Iamblichus,

describing the constitution of his diviner, or seer, and the

phenomena which he displays, should exactly delineate such a man as

St. Joseph of Cupertino, with his miracles as recounted in the Acta

Sanctorum {9} (1603-1663). Now certain scientific, and (as a layman

might suppose), qualified persons, aver that they have seen and even

tested, in modern instances, the phenomena insisted on by

Iamblichus, by the Bollandists, and by a great company of ordinary

witnesses in all climes, ages, and degrees of culture. But these

few scientific observers are scouted in this matter, by the vast

majority of physicists and psychologists. It is with this majority,

if they choose to find time, and can muster inclination for the task

of prolonged and patient experiment, that the ultimate decision as

to the portee and significance of the facts must rest. The problem

cannot be solved and settled by amateurs, nor by 'common-sense,'

that

Delivers brawling judgments all day long,

On all things, unashamed.

Ignorance, however respectable, and however contemptuous, is

certainly no infallible oracle on any subject. Meanwhile most

representatives of physical science, perhaps all official

representatives, hold aloof,--not merely from such performances or

pretences as can only be criticised by professional conjurers,--but

from the whole mass of reported abnormal events. As the occurrences

are admitted, even by believers, to depend on fluctuating and

unascertained personal conditions, the reluctance of physicists to

examine them is very natural and intelligible.

Whether the determination to taboo research into them, and to

denounce their examination as of perilous moral consequence, is

scientific, or is obscurantist, every one may decide for himself.

The quest for truth is usually supposed to be regardless of

consequences, meanwhile, till science utters an opinion, till Roma

locuta est, and does not, after a scrambling and hasty inquiry, or

no inquiry at all, assert a prejudice; mere literary and historical

students cannot be expected to pronounce a verdict.

Spiritualists, and even less convinced persons, have frequently

denounced official men of science for not making more careful and

prolonged investigations in this dusky region. It is not enough,

they say, to unmask one imposture, or to sit in the dark four or

five times with a 'medium'. This affair demands the close scrutiny

of years, and the most patient and persevering experiment.

This sounds very plausible, but the few official men of science,

whose names the public has heard,--and it is astonishing how famous

among his peers a scientific character may be, while the public has

never heard of him--can very easily answer their accusers: 'What,'

they may cry, 'are we to investigate? It is absurd to ask us to

leave our special studies, and sit for many hours, through many

years, probably in the dark, with an epileptic person, and a few

hysterical believers. We are not conjurers or judges of conjuring.'

Again, is a man like Professor Huxley, or Lord Kelvin, to run about

the country, examining every cottage where there are rumours of

curious noises, and where stones and other missiles are thrown

about, by undetected hands? That is the business of the police, and

if the police are baffled, as in a Cock Lane affair at Port Glasgow,

in 1864, and in Paris, in 1846, we cannot expect men of science to

act as amateur detectives. {11} Again, it is hardly to be expected

that our chosen modern leaders of opinion will give themselves up to

cross-examining ladies and gentlemen who tell ghost stories.

Barristers and solicitors would be more useful for that purpose.

Thus hardly anything is left which physical science can investigate,

except the conduct and utterances of the hysterical, the epileptic,

the hypnotised and other subjects who are occasionally said to

display an abnormal extension of the perceptive faculties, for

example, by way of clairvoyance. To the unscientific intelligence

it seems conceivable that if Home, for example, could have been kept

in some such establishment as the Salpetriere for a year, and could

have been scrutinised and made the subject of experiment, like the

other hysterical patients, his pretensions might have been decided

on once for all. But he merely performed a few speciosa miracula

under tests established by one or two English men of science, and

believers and disbelievers are still left to wrangle over him: they

usually introduce a question of moral character. Now a few men of

science in England like Dr. Gregory about 1851, and like Dr.

Carpenter, and a larger number on the continent, have examined and

are examining these peculiarities. Their reports are often

sufficiently astonishing to the lay mind.

No doubt when, if ever, a very large and imposing body of these

reports is presented by a cloud of scientific witnesses of esteemed

reputation, then official science will give more time and study to

the topic than it is at present inclined to bestow. Mr. Wallace has

asserted that, 'whenever the scientific men of any age have denied,

on a priori grounds, the facts of investigation, they have _always

been wrong_'. {12} He adds that Galileo, Harvey, Jenner, Franklin,

Young, and Arago, when he 'wanted even to discuss the subject of the

electric telegraph,' were 'vehemently opposed by their scientific

contemporaries,' 'laughed at as dreamers,' 'ridiculed,' and so on,

like the early observers of palaeolithic axes, and similar

prehistoric remains. This is true, of course, but, because some

correct ideas were laughed at, it does not follow that whatever is

laughed at is correct. The squarers of the circle, the discoverers

of perpetual motion, the inquirers into the origin of language, have

all been ridiculed, and ruled out of court, the two former classes,

at least, justly enough. Now official science apparently regards

all the long and universally rumoured abnormal occurrences as in the

same category with Keely's Motor, and Perpetual Motion, not as in

the same category with the undulatory theory of light, or the theory

of the circulation of the blood. Clairvoyance, or ghosts, or

suspensions of the law of gravitation, are things so widely

contradictory of general experience and of ascertained laws, that

they are pronounced to be impossible; like perpetual motion they are

not admitted to a hearing.

As for the undeniable phenomenon that, in every land, age, and

condition of culture, and in every stage of belief or disbelief,

some observers have persistently asserted their experience of these

occurrences; as for the phenomenon that the testimonies of

Australian blacks, of Samoyeds, of Hurons, of Greeks, of European

peasants, of the Catholic and the Covenanting clergy, and of some

scientifically trained modern physicians and chemists, are all

coincident, official physical science leaves these things to

anthropology and folklore. Yet the coincidence of such strange

testimony is a singular fact in human nature. Even people of open

mind can, at present, say no more than that there is a great deal of

smoke, a puzzling quantity, if there be no fire, and that either

human nature is very easily deluded by simple conjuring tricks, or

that, in all stages of culture, minds are subject to identical

hallucinations. The whole hocus-pocus of 'spirit-writing' on slates

and in pellets of paper, has been satisfactorily exposed and

explained, as a rather simple kind of leger-de-main. But this was a

purely modern sort of trickery; the old universal class of useless

miracles, said to occur spontaneously, still presents problems of

undeniable psychological interest.

For example, if it be granted, as apparently it was by Dr.

Carpenter, that, in certain circumstances, certain persons, wide

awake, can perform, in various ways, intelligent actions, and

produce intelligent expressions automatically, without being

conscious of what they are doing, then that fact is nearly as

interesting and useful as the fact that we are descended from

protozoa. Thus Dr. Carpenter says that, in 'table-talking,' 'cases

have occasionally occurred in the experience of persons above

suspicion of intentional deception, in which the answers given by

the movements of tables were not only unknown to the questioners,

but were even contrary to their belief at the time, and yet

afterwards proved to be true. Such cases afford typical examples of

the doctrine of unconscious cerebration, for in several of them it

was capable of being distinctly shown that the answers, although

contrary to the belief of the questioners at the time, were true to

facts of which they had been formerly cognisant, but which had

vanished from their recollection; the residua of these forgotten

impressions giving rise to cerebral changes which prompted the

responses without any consciousness on the part of the agents of the

latent springs of their actions.' It is, apparently, to be

understood that, as the existence of latent unconscious knowledge

was traced in 'several' cases, therefore the explanation held good

in all cases, even where it could not be established as a fact.

Let us see how this theory works out in practice. Smith, Jones,

Brown and Robinson are sitting with their hands on a table. All, ex

hypothesi, are honourable men, 'above suspicion of intentional

deception'. They ask the table where Green is. Smith, Jones and

Robinson have no idea, Brown firmly believes that Green is in Rome.

The table begins to move, kicks and answers, by aid of an alphabet

and knocks, that Green is at Machrihanish, where, on investigation,

he is proved to be. Later, Brown is able to show (let us hope by

documentary evidence), that he _had_ heard Green was going to

Machrihanish, instead of to Rome as he had intended, but this

remarkable change of plans on Green's part had entirely faded from

Brown's memory. Now we are to take it, ex hypothesi, that Brown is

the soul of honour, and, like Mr. Facey Rumford, 'wouldn't tell a

lie if it was ever so'. The practical result is that, while Brown's

consciousness informs him, trumpet-tongued, that Green is at Rome,

'the residue of a forgotten impression' makes him (without his

knowing it) wag the table, which he does not intend to do, and

forces him to say through the tilts of the table, that Green is at

Machrihanish, while he believes that Green is at Rome.

The table-turners were laughed at, and many, if not all of them,

deserved ridicule. But see how even this trivial superstition

illuminates our knowledge of the human mind! A mere residuum of a

forgotten impression, a lost memory which Brown would have sworn, in

a court of justice, had never been in his mind at all, can work his

muscles, while he supposes that they are _not_ working, can make a

table move at which three other honourable men are sitting, and can

tell all of them what none of them knows. Clearly the expedient of

table-turning in court might be tried by conscientious witnesses,

who have forgotten the circumstances on which they are asked to give

evidence. As Dr. Carpenter remarks, quoting Mr. Lecky, 'our

doctrine of unconscious cerebration inculcates toleration for

differences not merely of belief, but of the moral standard'. And

why not toleration for 'immoral' actions? If Brown's residuum of an

impression can make Brown's muscles move a table to give responses

of which he is ignorant, why should not the residuum of a forgotten

impression that it would be a pleasant thing to shoot Mr. Gladstone

or Lord Salisbury, make Brown unconsciously commit that solecism?

It is a question of degree. At all events, if the unconscious self

can do as much as Dr. Carpenter believed, we cannot tell how many

other marvels it may perform; we cannot know till we investigate

further. If this be so, it is, perhaps, hardly wise or scientific

to taboo all investigation. If a mere trivial drawing-room

amusement, associated by some with an absurd 'animistic hypothesis,'

can, when explained by Dr. Carpenter, throw such unexpectedly

blinding light on human nature, who knows how much light may be

obtained from a research into more serious and widely diffused

superstitious practices? The research is, undeniably, beset with

the most thorny of difficulties. Yet whosoever agrees with Dr.

Carpenter must admit that, after one discovery so singular as

'unconscious cerebration,' in its effect on tables, some one is

bound to go further in the same field, and try for more. We are

assuming, for the sake of argument, the accuracy of Dr. Carpenter's

facts. {17a}

More than twenty years ago an attempt was made by a body called the

'Dialectical Society,' to investigate the phenomena styled

spiritualistic. This well-meant essay had most unsatisfactory

results. {17b}

First a committee of inquiry was formed, on the motion of Dr.

Edmunds. The committee was heterogeneous. Many of the names now

suggest little to the reader. Mr. Bradlaugh we remember, but he

chiefly attended a committee which sat with D. D. Home, and it is

admitted that nothing of interest there occurred. Then we find the

Rev. Maurice Davies, who was wont to write books of little

distinction on semi-religious topics. Mr. H. G. Atkinson was a

person interested in mesmerism. Kisch, Moss, and Quelch, with Dyte

and Isaac Meyers, Bergheim and Geary, Hannah, Hillier, Reed (their

names go naturally in blank verse), were, doubtless, all most

estimable men, but scarcely boast of scientific fame. Serjeant Cox,

a believer in the phenomena, if not in their spiritual cause, was of

the company, as was Mr. Jencken, who married one of the Miss Foxes,

the first authors of modern thaumaturgy. Professor Huxley and Mr.

G. H. Lewes were asked to join, but declined to march to Sarras, the

spiritual city, with the committee. This was neither surprising nor

reprehensible, but Professor Huxley's letter of refusal appears to

indicate that matters of interest, and, perhaps, logic, are

differently understood by men of science and men of letters. {18}

He gave two reasons for refusing, and others may readily be imagined

by the sympathetic observer. The first was that he had no time for

an inquiry involving much trouble, and (as he justly foresaw) much

annoyance. Next, he had no interest in the subject. He had once

examined a case of 'spiritualism,' and detected an imposture. 'But,

supposing the phenomena to be genuine, they do not interest me. If

anybody would endow me with the faculty of listening to the chatter

of old women and curates in the nearest cathedral town, I should

decline the privilege, having better things to do.' Thus it would

not interest Professor Huxley if some new kind of telephone should

enable him to hear all the conversation of persons in a town (if a

cathedral town) more or less distant. He would not be interested by

the 'genuine' fact of this extension of his faculties, because he

would not expect to be amused or instructed by the contents of what

he heard. Of course he was not invited to listen to a chatter,

which, on one hypothesis, was that of the dead, but to help to

ascertain whether or not there were any genuine facts of an unusual

nature, which some persons explained by the animistic hypothesis.

To mere 'bellettristic triflers' the existence of genuine abnormal

and unexplained facts seems to have been the object of inquiry, and

we must penitently admit that if genuine communications could really

be opened with the dead, we would regard the circumstance with some

degree of curious zest, even if the dead were on the intellectual

level of curates and old women. Besides, all old women are not

imbeciles, history records cases of a different kind, and even some

curates are as intelligent as the apes, whose anatomy and customs,

about that time, much occupied Professor Huxley. In Balaam's

conversation with his ass, it was not so much the fact that mon ane

parle bien which interested the prophet, as the circumstance that

mon ane parle. Science has obviously soared very high, when she

cannot be interested by the fact (if a fact) that the dead are

communicating with us, apart from the value of what they choose to

say.

However, Professor Huxley lost nothing by not joining the committee

of the Dialectical Society. Mr. G. H. Lewes, for his part, hoped

that with Mr. Alfred Russel Wallace to aid (for he joined the

committee) and with Mr. Crookes (who apparently did not) 'we have a

right to expect some definite result'. Any expectation of that kind

was doomed to disappointment. In Mr. Lewes's own experience, which

was large, 'the means have always been proved to be either

deliberate imposture . . . or the well-known effects of expectant

attention'. That is, when Lord Adare, the Master of Lindsay, and a

cloud of other witnesses, thought they saw heavy bodies moving about

of their own free will, either somebody cheated, or the spectators

beheld what they did behold, because they expected to do so, even

when, like M. Alphonse Karr, and Mr. Hamilton Aide, they expected

nothing of the kind. This would be Mr. Lewes's natural explanation

of the circumstances, suggested by his own large experience.

The results of the Dialectical Society's inquiry were somewhat

comic. The committee reported that marvels were alleged, by the

experimental subcommittees, to have occurred. Sub-committee No. 1

averred that 'motion may be produced in solid bodies without

material contact, by some hitherto unrecognised force'. Sub-

committees 2 and 3 had many communications with mysterious

intelligences to vouch for, and much erratic behaviour on the part

of tables to record. No. 4 had nothing to report at all, and No. 5

which sat four times with Home had mere trifles of raps. Home was

ill, and the seances were given up.

So far, many curious phenomena were alleged to have occurred, but

now Dr. Edmunds, who started the whole inquiry, sent in a separate

report. He complained that convinced spiritualists had 'captured'

the editing sub-committee, as people say, and had issued a report

practically spiritualistic. He himself had met nothing more

remarkable than impudent frauds or total failure. 'Raps, noises,

and movements of various kinds,' he had indeed witnessed, and he

heard wondrous tales from truthful people, 'but I have never been

able to see anything worthy of consideration, as not being accounted

for by unconscious action, delusion, or imposture'. Then the

editors of the Report contradicted Dr. Edmunds on points of fact,

and Mr. A. R. Wallace disabled his logic, {21} and Mr. Geary

dissented from the Report, and the editors said that his statements

were incorrect, and that he was a rare attendant at seances, and

Serjeant Cox vouched for more miracles, and a great many statements

of the most astounding description were made by Mr. Varley, an

electrician, by D. D. Home, by the Master of Lindsay (Lord Crawford)

and by other witnesses who had seen Home grow eight inches longer

and also shorter than his average height; fly in the air; handle

burning coals unharmed, cause fragrance of various sweet scents to

fill a room, and, in short, rival St. Joseph of Cupertino in all his

most characteristic performances. Unluckily Mr. Home, not being in

the vein, did not one of these feats in presence of Mr. Bradlaugh

and sub-committee No. 5. These results are clearly not of a

convincing and harmonious description, and thus ended the attempt of

the Dialectical Society. Nobody can do otherwise than congratulate

Professor Huxley and Mr. Lewes, on their discreet reserve. The

inquiry of the Dialectical Society was a failure; the members of the

committees remained at variance; and it is natural to side with the

sceptics rather than with those who believed from the first, or were

converted (as many are said to have been) during the experiments.

Perhaps all such inquiries may end in no more than diversity of

opinion. These practical researches ought not to be attempted by

the majority of people, if by any. On many nervous systems, the

mere sitting idly round a table, and calling the process a seance,

produces evil effects.

As to the idea of purposely evoking the dead, it is at least as

impious, as absurd, as odious to taste and sentiment, as it is

insane in the eyes of reason. This protest the writer feels obliged

to make, for while he regards the traditional, historical and

anthropological curiosities here collected as matters of some

interest, in various aspects, he has nothing but abhorrence and

contempt for modern efforts to converse with the manes, and for all

the profane impostures of 'spiritualism'.

On the question of the real existence of the reported phenomena

hereafter chronicled, and on the question of the portee of the

facts, if genuine, the writer has been unable to reach any

conclusion, negative or affirmative. Even the testimony of his

senses, if they ever bore witness to any of the speciosa miracula,

would fail to convince him on the affirmative side. There seems to

be no good reason why one observer should set so much store by his

own impressions of sense, while he regards those of all other

witnesses as fallible. On the other hand, the writer feels unable

to set wholly aside the concurrent testimony of the most diverse

people, in times, lands and conditions of opinion the most various.

The reported phenomena fall into regular groups, like the symptoms

of a disease. Is it a disease of observation? If so, the topic is

one of undeniable psychological interest. To urge this truth, to

produce such examples as his reading affords, is the purpose of the

author.

The topic has an historical aspect. In what sorts of periods, in

what conditions of general thought and belief, are the alleged

abnormal phenomena most current? Every one will answer: In ages

and lands of ignorance and superstitions; or, again: In periods of

religious, or, so to say, of irreligious crisis. As Mr. Lecky

insists, belief in all such matters, from fairies to the miracles of

the Gospel, declines as rationalism or enlightenment advances. Yet

it is not as Mr. Lecky says, before reason that they vanish, not

before learned argument and examination, but just before a kind of

sentiment, or instinct, or feeling, that events contradictory of

normal experience seem ridiculous, and incredible.

Now, if we set aside, for the present, ecclesiastical miracles, and

judicial witchcraft, and fix our attention on such minor and useless

marvels as clairvoyance, 'ghosts,' unexplained noises, unexplained

movements of objects, one doubts whether the general opinion as to

the ratio of marvels and ignorance is correct. The truth is that we

have often very scanty evidence. If we take Athens in her lustre,

we are, undeniably, in an age of enlightenment, of the Aufklarung.

No rationalistic, philosophical, cool-headed contemporary of

Middleton, of Hume, of Voltaire, could speak more contemptuously

about ghosts, and about the immortality of the soul, than some of

the Athenian gentlemen who converse with Socrates in the Dialogues.

Yet we find that Socrates and Plato, men as well educated, as

familiar with the refined enlightenment of Athens as the others,

take to some extent the side of the old wives with their fables, and

believe in earth-bound spirits of the dead. Again, the clear-headed

Socrates, one of the pioneers of logic, credits himself with

'premonitions,' apparently with clairvoyance, and assuredly with

warnings which, in the then existing state of psychology, he could

only regard as 'spiritual'. Hence we must infer that belief, or

disbelief, does not depend on education, enlightenment, pure reason,

but on personal character and genius. The same proportionate

distribution of these is likely to recur in any age.

Once more, Rome in the late Republic, the Rome of Cicero, was

'enlightened,' as was the Greece of Lucian; that is the educated

classes were enlightened. Yet Lucretius, writing only for the

educated classes, feels obliged to combat the belief in ghosts and

the kind of Calvinism which, but for his poem, we should not know to

have been widely prevalent. Lucian, too, mocks frequently at

educated belief in just such minor and useless miracles as we are

considering, but then Lucian lived in an age of cataclysm in

religion. Looking back on history we find that most of historical

time has either been covered with dark ignorance, among savages,

among the populace, or in all classes; or, on the other hand, has

been marked by enlightenment, which has produced, or accompanied,

religious or irreligious crises. Now religious and irreligious

crises both tend to beget belief in abnormal occurrences. Religion

welcomes them as miracles divine or diabolical. Scepticism produces

a reaction, and 'where no gods are spectres walk'. Thus men cannot,

or, so far, men have not been able to escape from the conditions in

which marvels flourish. If we are savages, then Vuis and Brewin

beset the forest paths and knock in the lacustrine dwelling perched

like a nest on reeds above the water; tornaks rout in the Eskimo

hut, in the open wood, in the gunyeh, in the Medicine Lodge. If we

are European peasants, we hear the Brownie at work, and see the

fairies dance in their grassy ring. If we are devoutly Catholic we

behold saints floating in mid-air, or we lay down our maladies and

leave our crutches at Lourdes. If we are personally religious, and

pass days in prayer, we hear voices like Bunyan; see visions like

the brave Colonel Gardiner or like Pascal; walk environed by an

atmosphere of light, like the seers in Iamblichus, and like a very

savoury Covenanting Christian. We are attended by a virtuous sprite

who raps and moves tables as was a pious man mentioned by Bodin and

a minister cited by Wodrow. We work miracles and prophesy, like Mr.

Blair of St. Andrews (1639-1662); we are clairvoyant, like Mr.

Cameron, minister of Lochend, or Loch-Head, in Kintyre (1679). If

we are dissolute, and irreligious like Lord Lyttelton, or like

Middleton, that enemy of Covenanters, we see ghosts, as they did,

and have premonitions. If we live in a time of witty scepticism, we

take to the magnetism of Mesmer. If we exist in a period of learned

and scientific scepticism, and are ourselves trained observers, we

may still watch the beliefs of Mr. Wallace and the experiments

witnessed by Mr. Crookes and Dr. Huggins.

Say we are Protestants, and sceptical, like Reginald Scot (1584), or

Whigs, like De Foe, we then exclaim with Scot, in his Discovery of

Witchcraft (1584), that minor miracles, moving tables, have gone out

with benighted Popery, as De Foe also boasts in his History of the

Devil. Alas, of the table we must admit eppur si muove; it moves,

or is believed by foreign savants to move, for a peasant medium,

Eusapia Paladino. Mr. Lecky declares (1865) that Church miracles

have followed Hop o' my Thumb; they are lost, with no track of white

pebbles, in the forest of Rationalism. {26a} And then Lourdes comes

to contradict his expectation, and Church miracles are as common as

blackberries. Enfin, mankind, in the whole course of its history,

has never got quit of experiences which, whatever their cause, drive

it back on the belief in the marvellous. {26b}

It is a noteworthy circumstance that (setting apart Church miracles,

and the epidemic of witchcraft which broke out simultaneously with

the new learning of the Renaissance, and was fostered by the

enlightened Protestantism of the Reformers, the Puritans, and the

Covenanters, in England, Scotland and America) the minor miracles,

the hauntings and knockings, are not more common in one age than in

another. Our evidence, it is true, does not quite permit us to

judge of their frequency at certain periods. The reason is obvious.

We have no newspapers, no miscellanies of daily life, from Greece,

Rome, and the Middle Ages. We have from Greece and Rome but few

literary examples of 'Psychical Research,' few collections of books

on 'Bogles' as Scott called them. We possess Palaephatus, the life

of Apollonius of Tyana, jests in Lucian, argument and exposition

from Pliny, Porphyry, Iamblichus, Plutarch, hints from Plato,

Plautus, Lucretius, from St. Augustine and other fathers. Suetonius

chronicles noises and hauntings after the death of Caligula, but,

naturally, the historian does not record similar disturbances in the

pauperum tabernaae.

Classical evidence on these matters, as about Greek and Roman

folklore in general, we have to sift painfully from the works of

literary authors who were concerned with other topics. Still, in

the region of the ghostly, as in folklore at large, we have relics

enough to prove that the ancient practices and beliefs were on the

ordinary level of today and of all days: and to show that the

ordinary numbers of abnormal phenomena were supposed to be present

in the ancient civilisations. In the Middle Ages--the 'dark ages'--

modern opinion would expect to find an inordinate quantity of

ghostly material. But modern opinion would be disappointed.

Setting aside saintly miracles, and accusations of witchcraft, the

minor phenomena are very sparsely recorded. In the darkest of all

'dark ages,' when, on the current hypothesis, such tales as we

examine ought to be most plentiful, even witch-trials are

infrequent. Mr. Lecky attributes to these benighted centuries

'extreme superstition, with little terrorism, and, consequently,

little sorcery'. The world was capable of believing anything, but

it believed in the antidote as well as in the bane, in the efficacy

of holy water as much as in the evil eye. When, with the dawn of

enlightenment in the twelfth century, superstition became cruel, and

burned witch and heretic, the charges against witches do not, as a

rule, include the phenomena which we are studying. Witches are

accused of raising storms, destroying crops, causing deaths and

blighting marriages, by sympathetic magic; of assuming the shapes of

beasts, of having intercourse with Satan, of attending the Sabbat.

All these fables, except the last, are survivals from savage

beliefs, but none of these occurrences are attested by modern

witnesses of all sorts, like the 'knockings,' 'movements,' 'ghosts,'

'wraiths,' 'second sight,' and clairvoyance.

The more part of mediaeval witchcraft, therefore, is not quod

semper, quod ubique, quod ab omnibus. The facts were facts: people

really died or were sterile, flocks suffered, ships were wrecked,

fields were ruined; the mistake lay in attributing these things to

witchcraft. On the other hand, the facts of rappings, ghosts,

clairvoyance, in spite of the universally consentient evidence, are

very doubtful facts after all. Their existence has to be

established before we look about for their cause. Now, of records

about _these_ phenomena the Middle Ages produce but a very scanty

supply. The miracles which were so common were seldom of this kind;

they were imposing visions of devils, or of angels, or of saints;

processions of happy or unhappy souls; views of heaven, hell, or

purgatory. The reason is not far to seek: ecclesiastical

chroniclers, like classical men of letters, recorded events which

interested themselves; a wraith, or common ghost ('matter of daily

experience,' says Lavaterus, and, later, contradicts himself), or

knocking sprite, was beneath their notice. In mediaeval sermons we

meet a few edifying wraiths and ghosts, returning in obedience to a

compact made while in the body. Here and there a chronicle, as of

Rudolf of Fulda (858), vouches for communication with a rapping

bogle. Grimm has collected several cases under the head of 'House-

sprites,' including this ancient one at Capmunti, near Bingen. {30}

Gervase of Tilbury, Marie de France, John Major, Froissart, mention

an occasional follet, brownie, or knocking sprite. The prayers of

the Church contain a petition against the spiritus percutiens, or

spirit who produces 'percussive noises'. The Norsemen of the Viking

age were given to second sight, and Glam 'riding the roofs,' made

disturbances worthy of a spectre peculiarly able-bodied. But, not

counting the evidence of the Icelandic sagas, mediaeval literature,

like classical literature, needs to be carefully sifted before it

yields a few grains of such facts as sane and educated witnesses

even now aver to be matter of their personal experience. No doubt

the beliefs were prevalent, the Latin prayer proves that, but

examples were seldom recorded.

Thus the dark ages do _not_, as might have been expected, provide us

with most of this material. The last forty enlightened years give

us more bogles than all the ages between St. Augustine and the

Restoration. When the dark ages were over, when learning revived,

the learned turned their minds to 'Psychical Research,' and Wier,

Bodin, Le Loyer, Georgius Pictorius, Petrus Thyraeus, James VI.,

collected many instances of the phenomena still said to survive.

Then, for want of better materials, the unhappy, tortured witches

dragged into their confessions all the folklore which they knew.

Second sight, the fairy world, ghosts, 'wraiths,' 'astral bodies' of

witches whose bodies of flesh are elsewhere, volatile chairs and

tables, all were spoken of by witches under torture, and by sworn

witnesses. {31} Resisting the scepticism of the Restoration,

Glanvil, More, Boyle, and the rest, fought the Sadducee with the

usual ghost stories. Wodrow, later (1701-1731), compiled the

marvels of his Analecta. In spite of the cold common-sense of the

eighteenth century, sporadic outbreaks of rappings and feats of

impulsive pots, pans, beds and chairs insisted on making themselves

notorious. The Wesley case would never have been celebrated if the

sons of Samuel Wesley had not become prominent. John Wesley and the

Methodists revelled in such narratives, and so the catena of

testimonies was lengthened till Mesmer came, and, with Mesmer, the

hypothesis of a 'fluidic force' which in various shapes has endured,

and is not, even now, wholly extinct. Finally Modern Spiritualism

arrived, and was, for the most part, an organised and fraudulent

copy of the old popular phenomena, with a few cheap and vulgar

variations on the theme.

In the face of these facts, it does not seem easy to aver that one

kind of age, one sort of 'culture' is more favourable to the

occurrence of, or belief in, these phenomena than another.

Accidental circumstances, an increase, or a decrease of knowledge

and education, an access of religion, or of irreligion, a fashion in

intellectual temperament, may bring these experiences more into

notice at one moment than at another, but they are always said to

recur, at uncertain intervals, and are always essentially the same.

To prove this by examples is our present business. In a thoroughly

scientific treatise, the foundation of the whole would, of course,

be laid in a discussion of psychology, physiology, and the phenomena

of hypnotism. But on these matters an amateur opinion is of less

than no value. The various schools of psychologists, neurologists,

'alienists,' and employers of hypnotism for curative or experimental

purposes, appear to differ very widely among themselves, and the

layman may read but he cannot criticise their works. The essays

which follow are historical, anthropological, antiquarian.

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