Both in the temples and hypogeums, the statues of private persons

were intended to serve as a support to the soul. The consecration

they received animated them, so to speak, and made them substitutes

for the defunct: the offerings destined for the other world were

served to them. The tomb of a rich man possessed a veritable chapel

to which a special body of priests was attached, formed of _hon-ka_

or _priests of the double_. At the sacramental festivals the _priests

of the double_ performed the necessary rites, they looked after the

upkeep of the edifice and administered its revenues. The statues of the

towns themselves demanded particular care. Indeed, the clergy of the

temple in which they were placed claimed their part in the advantages

derived from ancestor worship: veritable acts of donation were drawn

up in their favour, in which were specified the part they were to

play in the ceremonies, the quantity of the offerings that fell to

their share for the service rendered, the number of days in the year

consecrated to each statue. “Agreement between Prince Hapi-T’aufi and

the _hour-priests_ of the temple of Anubis, master of Siout, in regard

to one white loaf that each must give to the statue of the prince,

under the hand of the _ka-priest_, the 18th Thot, the day of the

festival of _Ouaga_,[17] and also the gifts which every tomb owes to

its lord; afterwards in regard to the ceremony of kindling the flame,

and the procession that they ought to make with the _ka-priest_ while

he celebrates the service in honour of the defunct, and that they march

to the north corner of the temple on the day of kindling the flame. For

that Hapi-T’aufi gives the _hour-priests_ a bushel of corn from each of

the fields belonging to the tomb, the firstfruits of the harvest of

the prince’s domain, as each commoner in Siout is accustomed to do from

the firstfruits of his harvest, for every peasant always makes a gift

from the firstfruits of his harvest to the temple.”[18] The ceremonial

is set out in detail, and the monument tells us how, and under what

conditions, a dead person is fed in Egypt. The loaves, meat and corn

were placed in front of the statue by the priests: thence they reached

the gods, who, after taking their part, transmitted the rest to the

_double_.

We now understand why the statues that do not represent gods are always

and uniquely portraits as exact as the artists could render them. Each

was a stone body; not an ideal body in which only beauty of form or

expression was sought, but a real body in which care should be taken

neither to add nor take away anything. If the body of flesh had been

ugly, the body of stone must be ugly in the same way, otherwise the

_double_ would not find the support it needed. The statue from which

the head preserved in the Louvre was broken off was, undoubtedly, the

faithful portrait of the individual whose name was engraved on it: if

the realism of the expression is somewhat brutal, it is the fault of

the model, who had not taken care to be handsome, and not that of the

sculptor, who would have been guilty of a sort of impiety if he had

altered the physiognomy of his model in the least detail.

IV

SKHEMKA, HIS WIFE AND SON

A GROUP FOUND AT MEMPHIS

(_The Louvre_)

Skhemka lived at Memphis at the end of the Vth Dynasty. He was attached

to the administration of the domains, and was buried in the necropolis

of Saqqarah. His tomb, discovered by Mariette during the excavations of

the Serapeum, furnished three pretty statues to the Louvre.[19] I knew

the group reproduced here at a time when the coating that covered it

had suffered very little; the galleries of Europe possess nothing to be

compared with it for finish of execution.

I shall not say much of the principal personage: he possesses all the

qualities and all the defects to which we are accustomed in the work of

the sculptors of the Ancient Empire. The modelling of the torso, arms,

and legs is excellent, of the foot mediocre, of the hands execrable;

the head lives, alive and intelligent under the large wig, with its

rows of braids one above the other, which frames it. The two accessory

statues are charming in design and composition. On the left Ati, the

dead man’s wife, stands leaning against the back of the seat embracing

her husband’s leg. The face and limbs are painted yellow in accordance

with a convention almost always respected in Egypt.[20] A layer of

bright red denotes the tan that the sun lays on the men’s skin; the

light yellow reproduces the more delicate shade induced by the indoor

life of the women. The hair, parted over the forehead, falls in two

masses alongside the cheeks. The sleeveless dress is open in front, and

the opening extends in a point to between the two breasts: the stuff

exactly follows the lines of the body, and the skirt ends a little

above the ankle. The position of the breasts is indicated by a special

design; all the rest from the waist to the feet is embroidered with

ornaments in colour, imitating the network of glass beads to be seen

in the museums.[21] A necklace with two rows and bracelets complete

the costume. On the right, Knom, son of Skhemka and Ati, serves as a

pendant to his mother: he is naked except for a necklace round the

bottom of his neck and a little square amulet that falls on his chest.

The grace and charm of the figures cannot be too much admired. Although

of small dimensions, the artist has endowed them with the physiognomy

and features suited to their age with as much exactness as if he

had been dealing with a colossus. The firm flesh and rounded but

muscular limbs of the woman in her prime, and the chubby flesh and soft

limbs of the child, are treated equally happily. The mother’s face has

a smiling charm, the son’s a naïve and wondering grace: the Egyptian

chisel did not often work with so much intelligence and lightness.

[Illustration: SKHEMKA WITH HIS WIFE AND SON.

Limestone. The Louvre.]

The gesture with which each of the two small people embraces the leg

of the big one is not an artifice of composition, a simple way of

attaching the subordinate elements of the group to the principal one.

It is often to be found in turning over the plates of Lepsius’s fine

work.[22] The inscriptions repeatedly state of the wife that “she loved

her husband,” and the artists reveal it in action. Seated or standing

by his side, she puts her hand on his shoulder or her arm round his

neck; crouching or kneeling, she leans against him, her breast pressed

against his leg, her cheek leaning against his knee. And it is not only

in the privacy of the home that she treats him with this affectionate

abandon, but in public, before the servants or the assembled vassals,

while he is inspecting his lands and reviewing his possessions.[23]

In the same way it is rare to find a personage without his children,

“who love him,” at his feet or by his side, from the little, naked

long-haired boy, like Knom, to the grown-up sons and married daughters.

To sum up, the sculptor to whom we owe the Louvre monument has carved

in stone a scene of contemporary life. He shows us Skhemka, Ati, and

Knom grouped as they were every day: and what is conventional in his

work is not the grouping of the three people, but the disproportion in

stature between the husband and wife, and between the mother and son.

But here, again, he is only conforming to a prevailing tradition of

his art. In all the tombs of every period, the master of the hypogeum

is generally of the height of the wall, while servants, friends, sons,

and wives are only of the height of one of the rows. The king, in

the warlike paintings of the temples, is of colossal size, while the

others, friends or enemies, beside him, look like a crowd of pigmies.

In that case we might imagine that the difference in size showed only

the difference of rank, but the explanation does not suffice elsewhere.

A slave married for her beauty preserved something of the inferiority

of her former condition; a princess of the blood royal, united in

marriage to a private individual, did not therefore renounce her royal

rank. If inequality of stature corresponded to inequality of rank,

the sculptor would have made the first smaller and the second bigger

than her husband. They did not, however, do that: slave or princess,

they gave the wife a stature sometimes equal but more often lower than

that of the husband.[24] Thus the treatment does not show social

distinction; the woman was legally on the same level as the man. If

the master of the tomb is alone in his height, it is merely because he

alone is at home in the tomb, and it was desired to show in him the one

master, the personage who must be protected against the dangers of the

other world: so he was designed of large size, as we underline a word

in a sentence in order to emphasize it.

In fact, the sculptor, in modelling his work, thought of the

necessities of the life beyond the tomb. Skhemka’s wife living might be

superior to Skhemka by fortune or birth, and so take precedence of him;

before the dead Skhemka she was only a subordinate personage. Egyptian

theology supposed, it would seem, that the wife was as indispensable

to the man after as during life, and that is why she is represented by

his side on the walls of his tomb; but, as she is only an accessory

there, the sculptor and the painter are free to treat her as they

understand the matter. If the husband demanded it, they gave both the

same stature, seated them on the same seat, made no sort of difference

between them. But if he expressed no wish, they could either suppress

her altogether or relegate her to the background and give her the

dimensions of her son, as they did with Ati, in order that she may lean

against the seat on which her husband is enthroned.

V

THE CROUCHING SCRIBE

VTH DYNASTY

(_The Louvre_)

He was found by Mariette in the tomb of Skhemka in 1851, during the

soundings which preceded the discovery of the Serapeum. He is now

in the Louvre, in the centre of the “Salle civile” of the Egyptian

Gallery, surrounded by show-case tables. His attitude, in conjunction

with the unfortunate place assigned him, makes him look like a fellah

dealer in antiquities seated in the midst of his goods, patiently

waiting for customers. The red paint, which was perfect when he was

brought to the Louvre, has worn off in places with the coating on

which it was applied, and so the whity colour of the limestone shows

through here and there; the cross light from the two windows falls on

him in such a way as almost to efface the modelling of the shoulders

and chest: ordinary visitors, for whom there is nothing to mark it,

scarcely look at it, and pass it by in complete indifference to the

fact that one of the masterpieces of Egyptian sculpture is before them.

[Illustration: CROUCHING SCRIBE.

The Louvre.]

Does he represent the great lord in whose tomb he was found? Other

statues that entered the Louvre with his bear the name of Skhemka and

pass for the faithful portrait of that personage.[25] If, as their

careful composition leads us to believe, that claim is justified, the

Crouching Scribe was only one of the numerous relatives or servants

named in the inscriptions of the chapel. The people of the Ancient

Empire had the custom of shutting up in the _Serdâb_,[26] by the side

of the statue of the dead person, those of other individuals belonging

to his family or his household. They are mourners, both men and women

crouching down, one hand hanging or cast on the ground about to pick

up the dust in sign of mourning, the other held in front of the face

and plunged into the hair;[27] women who crush the grain on the stone;

servants who thrust their arm into an amphora, probably to coat it with

pitch before pouring in the beer or wine. Ours is a scribe: his legs

bent under him and placed flat on the ground in one of those positions

familiar to Orientals, but almost impossible for Europeans, the bust

upright and well-balanced on the hips, the head raised; reed in hand,

and the sheet of papyrus spread over his knees, he still waits, at

an interval of 6,000 years, for his master to resume the interrupted

dictation. The paintings in the contemporary tombs tell us a hundred

times rather than once what he is preparing to write. In order to

sustain himself in the other world, the great Egyptian lord received on

appointed days the offerings due to him from the domains attached to

his tomb: one was to bring bread, one meat, others wine, cakes, fruit.

It was quite a big piece of bookkeeping, identical with that usual in

his lifetime. The scribes of flesh and blood entered the real revenues

as they came in; the scribe of stone rendered the same service to the

master of stone whom he attended for ever.

We cannot say that our scribe was handsome in his lifetime, but the

truth and vigour of his portrait compensates largely for what he lacks

in beauty. The face is almost square, and the strongly accentuated

features indicate a man in his prime; the large mouth with thin

lips is slightly raised at the corners and almost disappears in the

prominent muscles that frame it; the cheeks are rather hard and bony;

the ears are thick and heavy, and stand out awkwardly from the head;

and the low brow is crowned with coarse, short hair. The eye is well

opened, and owes its special vivacity to an artifice of the ancient

sculptor. The stone in which it is set has been cut away and the

hollow filled with black and white enamel; a bronze mounting marks

the edges of the eyelids, while a little silver nail[28] fastened

under the crystal at the bottom of the eyeball receives the light,

and reflecting it, simulates the pupil of a real eye. It is difficult

to imagine the striking effect that this combination may produce in

certain circumstances. When Mariette cleared out the tomb of Râhotpou

at Meîdoum, the first ray of light which entered the tomb, that had

been closed for 6,000 years, fell on the forehead of two statues

leaning against the wall of the _Serdâb_, and made the eyes sparkle

so brilliantly that the fellahs threw down their tools and fled in

terror. Recovered from their fear, they wanted to destroy the statues,

persuaded that they contained an evil genius, and were only prevented

from doing so at the point of the pistol. More than one statue of the

Ancient Empire, intact at the moment of its discovery, was mutilated

for the same reason that nearly proved fatal to those of Meîdoum. In

the bad light in which the Crouching Scribe is placed, the eyeball does

not shine with a sufficiently strong sparkle, but it really does seem

to have life in it and to follow the visitor with its look.

The rest of the body is equally full of expression. The flesh hangs a

little, as is fitting with a man of a certain age whose occupations

prevent exercise. The arms and back are good in detail; the lean bony

hands have fingers of a greater length than is usual; the rendering

of the knee is minute and exact in a way rarely found elsewhere in

Egyptian art. The whole body is, so to speak, governed by the animation

of the physiognomy, and under the influence of the same feeling of

expectation that dominates it: the muscles of the arm, bust, and

shoulder are only partly at rest, ready at the first signal to resume

the task that has been begun. No work better refutes the reproach of

stiffness usually made in regard to Egyptian art. Let us add that it

is unique in Europe, and that we must go to Boulaq for pieces fine

enough to sustain comparison without disadvantage. But it is not enough

to possess a masterpiece, it is still more important to preserve it.

In its present position the Crouching Scribe runs more risks than

formerly in Egypt. The thousands of years spent buried beneath the sand

in a hypogeum on the tableland of Saqqarah thoroughly dried up the

limestone of which it is made. Transported to our damp climate, and

submitted to its sudden changes of temperature, it is only too much

exposed to deterioration. It should not have been installed without

protection and naked, so to say, in the centre of a room, between

two large doors always open, round about which there are perpetual

draughts. The curators at Turin have placed the fine limestone statue

of Amenôphis I possessed by the Museum in a tightly closed glass cage,

and to that protection is due the fact that the Pharaoh has preserved

its epidermis and colour intact; the expense is not so great that the

Louvre would be impoverished by authorizing a similar proceeding. The

demotic inscriptions of the Serapeum are carefully placed under glass,

and the precaution is praiseworthy, although it makes the study of them

impossible; it is then high time to take similar precautions with the

Scribe. The damp has already acted on it a little; the red coating has

been loosened and has fallen away in some places. If the mechanical

work of destruction is allowed to proceed it will soon be in the same

condition as the three statues of Sapouî and his wife, and the Louvre

will have lost one of the finest pieces of sculpture Egypt has given us.

In comparing it with the statues of Skhemka that we have already

described,[29] we are led to ask why the statue of a subordinate

person should be so superior to that of his master. The Egyptians

knew nothing of what we term art and the artist’s profession: their

sculptors were persons who cut stone with more or less skill, but whose

work, always subordinated to the plan of a building, or to theological

considerations, did not possess the absolute value belonging to the

least important statue of classical antiquity or of modern times.

The effigy of an individual was placed in his tomb, not because it

was beautiful, but because it represented him and served as a support

to his _double_. The question of skill or artistic feeling was a

subordinate one, and we find twenty statues of the same person, some of

which are of finished workmanship and others coarse sketches: whether a

masterpiece or not, the stone body equally served its purpose. Skhemka

fell into the hands of a merely conscientious workman, his scribe into

those of a highly skilled craftsman. I imagine that they cared little

enough if the sculptor brought more or less talent to his task: so long

as the resemblance was there, they asked for nothing more.

VI

THE NEW SCRIBE OF THE GIZEH MUSEUM[30]

The excavations undertaken by M. de Morgan in the northern part of the

necropolis of Saqqarah have recently brought to light a mastaba in fine

white stone, near the tomb of Sabou, a little to the east of Mariette’s

old house. No architectural façade or chapels accessible to the living

were found, only a narrow corridor that plunges into the masonry from

north to south with 5° deviation to the east. The walls had been

prepared and made smooth to receive the usual decoration, but when the

mason had completed his task, the sculptor, it would seem, had no time

to begin his. None of the sketches with the chisel or brush customarily

found in the unfinished tombs of all periods are to be seen. Two large

stelæ, or, if it is preferred, two niches in the form of doors, had

been prepared in the right-hand wall, and a statue stood in front of

each in the same spot where the Egyptian workmen had placed them on the

day of the funeral. The first represents a man seated squarely on a

stool, wearing the loin-cloth, and on his head a wig with rows of small

curls one above the other.

[Illustration: THE NEW SCRIBE OF THE GIZEH MUSEUM.

Painted limestone.]

The bust and legs are bare; the fore-arms and hands rest on the knees,

the right hand closed with the thumb sticking out, the left flat with

the tips of the fingers reaching beyond the hem of the loin-cloth. So

far as may be judged from a photograph, the general style is somewhat

weak; but the detail of the knee, the structure of the leg and foot,

are carefully rendered, the chest and back stand out by the excellent

modelling, the head, weighted as it is by the coiffure, is attached

to the shoulder with an easy and not ungraceful vivacity. The face is

not in good relief, and has a sheepish expression, but the mouth is

smiling, and the eyes of quartz and crystal have an extraordinarily

gentle expression. Taken altogether it is a very good piece of Egyptian

portraiture, and would be a valuable addition to any museum.[31]

The new scribe was crouching in front of the second stele.[32] He

measures in height almost the same as his colleague in the Louvre, and

sufficiently resembles him to permit both being described in almost

similar terms. The legs are bent under and are flat on the ground,

the bust upright and well balanced on the hips, the head raised, the

hand armed with the reed, and in its place on the open papyrus sheet;

they are both waiting at an interval of 6,000 years for the master

to resume the interrupted dictation.[33] The professional gesture

and attitude are reproduced with a truth that leaves nothing to be

desired: it is not only a scribe whom we have before us, it is the

scribe as the Egyptians knew him from the beginning of their history.

The skill with which the sculptors have brought out and co-ordinated

the general features belonging to each class of society is largely

responsible for the impression of monotony produced by their works on

modern spectators. That impression is lessened and nearly effaced, if

we look a little more closely and see how carefully the sculptors have

noted and reproduced the details of form and bearing that make up the

physiognomy proper to each of the individuals who live in the same

social surroundings or practise the same profession. Our two scribes do

not cross their legs in identical fashion; he of the Louvre puts the

right leg in front, he of Gizeh the left. There is no fixed choice, and

children at first tuck their legs under without thought of preference

for one or the other; soon they acquire a habit which makes them keep

to the position once adopted, and in the East to-day you find people

who put either the left or right leg in front, and just a few who put

either one or the other indifferently. The Louvre scribe flattens out

the hand that holds the reed, the man of Gizeh sinks down, and his back

is slightly bent. This shows the habit of the individual, and is not a

question of age, for a glance at the two statues shows that the Gizeh

scribe is younger than his colleague of the Louvre: he is not out of

the thirties, while the other is certainly over forty.

Egyptian Art: Studies · 第 3 / 14 段