MY DEAR SIR:-This morning I felt constrained to order Blenker's division

to Fremont, and I write this to assure you I did so with great pain,

understanding that you would wish it otherwise. If you could know the

full pressure of the case, I am confident that you would justify it, even

beyond a mere acknowledgment that the commander-in-chief may order what he

pleases.

Yours very truly,

A. LINCOLN.

GIFT OF SOME RABBITS

TO MICHAEL CROCK. 360 N. Fourth St., Philadelphia.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, April 2, 1862.

MY DEAR SIR:-Allow me to thank you in behalf of my little son for your

present of white rabbits. He is very much pleased with them.

Yours truly,

A. LINCOLN.

INSTRUCTION TO SECRETARY STANTON.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, April 3, 1862.

The Secretary of War will order that one or the other of the corps of

General McDowell and General Sumner remain in front of Washington until

further orders from the department, to operate at or in the direction of

Manassas Junction, or otherwise, as occasion may require; that the other

Corps not so ordered to remain go forward to General McClellan as speedily

as possible; that General McClellan commence his forward movements from

his new base at once, and that such incidental modifications as the

foregoing may render proper be also made. A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL McCLELLAN.

WASHINGTON, April 6, 1862.

GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN:

Yours of 11 A. M. today received. Secretary of War informs me that the

forwarding of transportation, ammunition, and Woodbury's brigade, under

your orders, is not, and will not be, interfered with. You now have

over one hundred thousand troops with you, independent of General Wool's

command. I think you better break the enemy's line from Yorktown to

Warwick River at once. This will probably use time as advantageously as

you can.

A. LINCOLN, President

TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN.

WASHINGTON, April 9, 1862

MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN.

MY DEAR SIR+--Your despatches, complaining that you are not properly

sustained, while they do not offend me, do pain me very much.

Blenker's division was withdrawn from you before you left here, and you

knew the pressure under which I did it, and, as I thought, acquiesced in

it certainly not without reluctance.

After you left I ascertained that less than 20,000 unorganized men,

without a single field battery, were all you designed to be left for the

defense of Washington and Manassas Junction, and part of this even to go

to General Hooker's old position; General Banks's corps, once designed for

Manassas Junction, was divided and tied up on the line of Winchester and

Strasburg, and could not leave it without again exposing the upper Potomac

and the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad. This presented (or would present when

McDowell and Sumner should be gone) a great temptation to the enemy to

turn back from the Rappahannock and sack Washington. My explicit order

that Washington should, by the judgment of all the Commanders of corps, be

left entirely secure, had been neglected. It was precisely this that drove

me to detain McDowell.

I do not forget that I was satisfied with your arrangement to leave Banks

at Manassas Junction; but when that arrangement was broken up and nothing

substituted for it, of course I was not satisfied. I was constrained to

substitute something for it myself.

And now allow me to ask, do you really think I should permit the line from

Richmond via Manaasas Junction to this city to be entirely open, except

what resistance could be presented by less than 20,000 unorganized troops?

This is a question which the country will not allow me to evade.

There is a curious mystery about the number of the troops now with you.

When I telegraphed you on the 6th, saying you had over 100,000 with you, I

had just obtained from the Secretary of War a statement, taken as he said

from your own returns, making 108,000 then with you and en route to you.

You now say you will have but 85,000 when all enroute to you shall have

reached you. How can this discrepancy of 23,000 be accounted for?

As to General Wool's command, I understand it is doing for you precisely

what a like number of your own would have to do if that command was away.

I suppose the whole force which has gone forward to you is with you by

this time; and if so, I think it is the precise time for you to strike a

blow. By delay the enemy will relatively gain upon you--that is, he

will gain faster by fortifications and reinforcements than you can by

reinforcements alone.

And once more let me tell you it is indispensable to you that you strike a

blow. I am powerless to help this. You will do me the justice to remember

I always insisted that going down the bay in search of a field, instead

of fighting at or near Manassas, was only shifting and not surmounting

a difficulty; that we would find the same enemy and the same or equal

entrenchments at either place. The country will not fail to note--is

noting now--that the present hesitation to move upon an entrenched enemy

is but the story of Manassas repeated.

I beg to assure you that I have never written you or spoken to you in

greater kindness of feeling than now, nor with a fuller purpose to sustain

you, so far as in my most anxious judgment I consistently can; but you

must act.

Yours very truly,

A. LINCOLN.

TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, April 9, 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK, Saint Louis, Mo.: If the rigor of the confinement

of Magoffin (Governor of Kentucky) at Alton is endangering his life, or

materially impairing his health, I wish it mitigated as far as it can be

consistently with his safe detention.

A. LINCOLN.

Please send above, by order of the President. JOHN HAY.

PROCLAMATION RECOMMENDING THANKSGIVING FOR VICTORIES,

APRIL 10, 1862.

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A Proclamation

It has pleased Almighty God to vouchsafe signal victories to the land and

naval forces engaged in suppressing, an internal rebellion, and at the

same time to avert from our country the dangers of foreign intervention

and invasion.

It is therefore recommended to the people of the United States that at

their next weekly assemblages in their accustomed places of public worship

which shall occur after notice of this proclamation shall have been

received, they especially acknowledge and render thanks to our Heavenly

Father for these inestimable blessings, that they then and there implore

spiritual consolation in behalf of all who have been brought into

affliction by the casualties and calamities of sedition and civil war, and

that they reverently invoke the divine guidance for our national counsels,

to the end that they may speedily result in the restoration of peace,

harmony, and unity throughout our borders and hasten the establishment of

fraternal relations among all the countries of the earth.

In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the

United States to be affixed.

Done at the city of Washington, this tenth day of April, A.D. 1862, and of

the independence of the United States the eighty-sixth.

A. LINCOLN.

By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.

ABOLISHING SLAVERY IN WASHINGTON, D.C.

MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. April 16, 1862.

FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: The act

entitled "An act for the relief of certain persons held to service or

labor in the District of Columbia" has this day been approved and signed.

I have never doubted the constitutional authority of Congress to abolish

slavery in this District, and I have ever desired to see the national

capital freed from the institution in some satisfactory way. Hence there

has never been in my mind any question on the subject except the one of

expediency, arising in view of all the circumstances. If there be matters

within and about this act which might have taken a course or shape more

satisfactory to my judgment, I do not attempt to specify them. I am

gratified that the two principles of compensation and colonization are

both recognized and practically applied in the act.

In the matter of compensation, it is provided that claims may be presented

within ninety days from the passage of the act, "but not thereafter"; and

there is no saving for minors, femmes covert, insane or absent persons. I

presume this is an omission by mere oversight, and I recommend that it be

supplied by an amendatory or supplemental act.

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN.

WASHINGTON, April 21, 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN:

Your despatch of the 19th was received that day. Fredericksburg is

evacuated and the bridges destroyed by the enemy, and a small part of

McDowell's command occupies this side of the Rappahannock, opposite the

town. He purposes moving his whole force to that point.

A. LINCOLN.

TO POSTMASTER-GENERAL

A. LINCOLN. EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, April 24, 1862.

Hon. POSTMASTER-GENERAL.

MY DEAR SIR:--The member of Congress from the district including Tiffin,

O., calls on me about the postmaster at that place. I believe I turned

over a despatch to you from some persons there, asking a suspension, so

as for them to be heard, or something of the sort. If nothing, or nothing

amounting to anything, has been done, I think the suspension might now be

suspended, and the commission go forward.

Yours truly,

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN.

WASHINGTON, April 29, 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN:

Would it derange or embarrass your operations if I were to appoint Captain

Charles Griffin a brigadier-general of volunteers? Please answer.

A. LINCOLN.

MESSAGE TO THE SENATE, MAY 1, 1862.

TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES:

In answer to the resolution of the Senate [of April 22] in relation to

Brigadier-General Stone, I have the honor to state that he was arrested

and imprisoned under my general authority, and upon evidence which whether

he be guilty or innocent, required, as appears to me, such proceedings to

be had against him for the public safety. I deem it incompatible with the

public interest, as also, perhaps, unjust to General Stone, to make a more

particular statement of the evidence.

He has not been tried because, in the state of military operations at the

time of his arrest and since, the officers to constitute a court martial

and for witnesses could not be withdrawn from duty without serious injury

to the service. He will be allowed a trial without any unnecessary delay;

the charges and specifications will be furnished him in due season, and

every facility for his defense will be afforded him by the War Department.

A. LINCOLN,

WASHINGTON, MAY 1, 1862

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL McCLELLAN

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, MAY 1, 1862

MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN:

Your call for Parrott guns from Washington alarms me, chiefly because it

argues indefinite procrastination. Is anything to be done?

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK.

WAR DEPARTMENT, MAY 1, 1862

MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK, Pittsburgh Landing, Tennessee:

I am pressed by the Missouri members of Congress to give General Schofield

independent command in Missouri. They insist that for want of this their

local troubles gradually grow worse. I have forborne, so far, for fear of

interfering with and embarrassing your operations. Please answer telling

me whether anything, and what, I can do for them without injuriously

interfering with you.

A. LINCOLN.

RESPONSE TO EVANGELICAL LUTHERANS, MAY 6, 1862

GENTLEMEN:--I welcome here the representatives of the Evangelical

Lutherans of the United States. I accept with gratitude their assurances

of the sympathy and support of that enlightened, influential, and loyal

class of my fellow citizens in an important crisis which involves, in my

judgment, not only the civil and religious liberties of our own dear land,

but in a large degree the civil and religious liberties of mankind in many

countries and through many ages. You well know, gentlemen, and the world

knows, how reluctantly I accepted this issue of battle forced upon me on

my advent to this place by the internal enemies of our country. You all

know, the world knows, the forces and the resources the public agents have

brought into employment to sustain a government against which there has

been brought not one complaint of real injury committed against society

at home or abroad. You all may recollect that in taking up the sword thus

forced into our hands this government appealed to the prayers of the pious

and the good, and declared that it placed its whole dependence on the

favor of God. I now humbly and reverently, in your presence, reiterate the

acknowledgment of that dependence, not doubting that, if it shall please

the Divine Being who determines the destinies of nations, this shall

remain a united people, and that they will, humbly seeking the divine

guidance, make their prolonged national existence a source of new benefits

to themselves and their successors, and to all classes and conditions of

mankind.

TELEGRAM TO FLAG-OFFICER L. M. GOLDSBOROUGH.

FORT MONROE, VIRGINIA, MAY 7, 1862

FLAG-OFFICER GOLDSBOROUGH.

SIR:--Major-General McClellan telegraphs that he has ascertained by a

reconnaissance that the battery at Jamestown has been abandoned, and he

again requests that gunboats may be sent up the James River.

If you have tolerable confidence that you can successfully contend with

the Merrimac without the help of the Galena and two accompanying gunboats,

send the Galena and two gunboats up the James River at once. Please report

your action on this to me at once. I shall be found either at General

Wool's headquarters or on board the Miami.

Your obedient servant,

A. LINCOLN.

FURTHER REPRIMAND OF McCLELLAN

TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN.

FORT MONROE, VIRGINIA, May 9, 1862

MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN:

MY DEAR SIR:--I have just assisted the Secretary of War in framing part of

a despatch to you relating to army corps, which despatch, of course, will

have reached you long before this will. I wish to say a few words to you

privately on this subject. I ordered the army corps organization not only

on the unanimous opinion of the twelve generals whom you had selected and

assigned as generals of divisions, but also on the unanimous opinion of

every military man I could get an opinion from, and every modern military

book, yourself only excepted. Of course, I did not on my own judgment

pretend to understand the subject. I now think it indispensable for you to

know how your struggle against it is received in quarters which we cannot

entirely disregard. It is looked upon as merely an effort to pamper one or

two pets, and to persecute and degrade their supposed rivals. I have had

no word from Sumner, Heintzleman, or Keyes the commanders of these corps

are, of course, the three highest officers with you; but I am constantly

told that you have no consultation or communication with them; that you

consult and communicate with nobody but General Fitz John Porter, and

perhaps General Franklin. I do not say these complaints are true or just;

but at all events, it is proper you should know of their existence. Do the

commanders of corps disobey your orders in anything?

When you relieved General Hamilton of his command the other day, you

thereby lost the confidence of at least one of your best friends in the

Senate. And here let me say, not as applicable to you personally, that

Senators and Representatives speak of me in their places without question,

and that officers of the army must cease addressing insulting letters to

them for taking no greater liberty with them.

But to return. Are you strong enough--are you strong enough even with my

help--to set your foot upon the necks of Sumner, Heintzelman, and Keyes

all at once? This is a practical and very serious question to you?

The success of your army and the cause of the country are the same, and,

of course, I only desire the good of the cause.

Yours truly,

A. LINCOLN.

TO FLAG-OFFICER L. M. GOLDSBOROUGH,

FORT MONROE, VIRGINIA, May 10, 1862

FLAG-OFFICER GOLDSBOROUGH.

MY DEAR SIR:--I send you this copy of your report of yesterday for the

purpose of saying to you in writing that you are quite right in supposing

the movement made by you and therein reported was made in accordance with

my wishes verbally expressed to you in advance. I avail myself of the

occasion to thank you for your courtesy and all your conduct, so far as

known to me, during my brief visit here.

Yours very truly,

A. LINCOLN.

PROCLAMATION RAISING THE BLOCKADE OF CERTAIN PORTS.

May 12, 1862.

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A Proclamation.

Whereas, by my proclamation of the 19th of April, one thousand eight

hundred and sixty-one, it was declared that the ports of certain States,

including those of Beaufort, in the State of North Carolina, Port

Royal, in the State of South Carolina, and New Orleans, in the State of

Louisiana, were, for reasons therein set forth, intended to be placed

under blockade; and whereas the said ports of Beaufort, Port Royal, and

New Orleans have since been blockaded; but as the blockade of the same

ports may now be safely relaxed with advantage to the interests of

commerce:

Now, therefore, be it known that I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the

United States, pursuant to the authority in me vested by the fifth section

of the act of Congress approved on the 13th of July last, entitled "An act

further to provide for the collection of duties on imports, and for

other purposes," do hereby declare that the blockade of the said ports of

Beaufort, Port Royal, and New Orleans shall so far cease and determine,

from and after the first day of June next, that commercial intercourse

with those ports, except as to persons, things, and information contraband

of war, may from that time be carried on, subject to the laws of the

United States, and to the limitations and in pursuance of the regulations

which are prescribed by the Secretary of the Treasury in his order of this

date, which is appended to this proclamation.

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the

United States to be affixed.

Done at the city of Washington, this twelfth day of May, in the year of

our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, and of the independence

of the United States the eighty-sixth.

A. LINCOLN.

By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.

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