But Lutherans of other states were by no means satisfied. The

reconciliation of the great city with the Catholic Church, from

which half its inhabitants had previously separated, was not

pleasant news to the Reformers, and they protested loudly. "On

the Friday after St. John's day," wrote Dorpius "in midsummer,

God came and destroyed this hell and drove the devil out, but the

devil's mother came in again.... The Anabaptists were on that day

rooted out, and the Papists planted in again."[273]

[273] "Hernach auff freitag S. Johanstag mitten in Sommer, kommet

Gott und zerstöret die Helle, und jaget den Teuffel heraus, und

komet sein Mutter wider hinein ... und sind die Widerteuffer

an obgemeltem tag ausgerottet worden, die Papisten aber wider

eingepflantzet."--Dorp. f. 399 (by misprint 499).

It is time to look at John of Leyden and his fellow-prisoners: they

were Knipperdolling and Bernard Krechting. There could be no doubt

that their fate would be terrible. It was additional cruelty to

delay it. But the bishop and the Lutheran divines were curious to

see and argue with the captives, and they were taken from place to

place to gratify their curiosity.

When King John appeared before Francis of Waldeck, the bishop asked

him angrily how he could protract the siege whilst his people were

starving around him. "Francis of Waldeck," he answered, "they should

all have died of hunger before I surrendered, had things gone as

I desired."[274] He retained his spirits and affected to joke. At

Dulmen the people crowded round him asking, "Is this the king who

took to himself so many wives?" "I ask your pardon," answered

Bockelson, "I took maidens and made them wives."[275]

[274] Dorp. ff. 399 a, 400 a, b.

[275] Dorp. f. 399 b.

It has been often stated that the three unfortunates were carried

round the country in iron cages. This is inaccurate. They were taken

in chains on horseback, with two soldiers on either side; their

bodies were placed in iron cages and hung to the steeple of the

church of St. Lambert, after they were dead.

At Bevergern the Lutheran divine, Anthony Corvinus, and other

ministers "interviewed" the fallen king, and a long and very curious

account of their discussion remains.[276]

[276] Luther's "Sämmtliche Werke." Wittenb. 1545-51. Band, ii.

ff. 376-386.

"First, when the king was brought out of prison into the room, we

greeted him in a friendly manner and bade him be seated before us

four. Also, we asked in a friendly manner how he was getting on in

the prison, and whether he was cold or sick? Answer of the king:

Although he was obliged to endure the frost, and the sins weighing

on his heart, yet he must, as such was God's will, bear patiently.

And these and other similar conversations led us so far--for nothing

can be got out of him by direct questions--that we were able right

craftily to converse with him about his government."

Then followed a lengthy controversy on all the heretical doctrines

of the Anabaptist sect, in which the king exhibited no little

skill. The preachers having brought the charge of novelty against

Anabaptism, John of Leyden very promptly showed that those living

in glass houses should not throw stones, by pointing out that

Lutheranism was not much older than Anabaptism, that he had proved

his mission by miracles, whereas Luther had nothing to show to

demonstrate his call to establish a new creed.

The discussion on Justification by Faith only was most affectionate,

for both parties were quite agreed on this doctrine--surely a very

satisfactory one and very full of comfort to John of Leyden. But on

the doctrine of the Eucharist they could not agree, the king holding

to Zwingli.[277]

[277] "Denn wiewol ichs fur dieser zeit mit dem Zwingel

gehalten," &c., f. 384.

"That in this Sacrament the faithful, who are baptised, receive the

Body and Blood of Christ believe I," said the king; "for though I

hold for this time with Zwingli, nevertheless I find that the words

of Christ (This is my Body, This is my Blood) must remain in their

worth. But that unbelievers also receive the Body and Blood of

Christ, that I cannot believe."

_The Preachers_: "How that? Shall our unbelief avail more than the

word, command and ordinance of God?"

_The King_: "Unbelief is such a dreadful thing, that I cannot

believe that the unbelievers can partake of the Body and Blood of

Christ."

_The Preachers_: "It is a perverse thing that you should ever try

to set our faith, or want of faith, above the words and ordinance

of God. But it is evident that our faith can add nothing to God's

ordinance, nor can my unbelief detract anything therefrom. Faith

must be there, that I may benefit by such eating and drinking; but

yet in this matter must we repose more on God's command and word

than on our faith or unbelief."

_The King_: "If this your meaning hold, then all unbelievers must

have partaken of the Communion of the Body and Blood of Christ. But

such I cannot believe."

_The Preachers_: "You must understand that our unbelief cannot make

the ordinance of God unavailing. Say now, for what end was the sun

created?"

_The King_: "Scripture teaches that it was made to rule the day and

to shine."

_The Preachers_: "Now if we or you were blind, would the sun fail to

execute its office for which it was created?"

_The King_: "I know well that my blindness or yours would not make

the sun fail to shine."

_The Preachers_: "So is it with all the works and ordinances of

God, especially with the Sacraments. When I am baptised it is well

if faith be there; but if it be not, baptism does not for all that

fail to be a precious, noble, and holy Sacrament, yes, what St. Paul

calls it, a regeneration and renewal of the Holy Ghost, because it

is ordered by God's word and given His promise. So also with respect

to the Lord's Supper; if those who partake shall have faith to

grasp the promise of Christ, as it is written, _Oportet accedentem

credere_, but none the less does God's word, ordinance, and command

remain, even if my faith never more turned thereto. But of this we

have said enough."[278]

[278] _Ibid._ f. 384 b.

The preachers next catechised John of Leyden on his heresy

concerning the Incarnation. He did not deny that Jesus Christ was

born of Mary, but he denied that He derived from her His flesh and

blood, as he considered that Mary being sinful, out of sinful flesh

sinful offspring must issue.

The catechising on the subject of marriage follows.

_The Preachers_: "How have you regarded marriage, and what is your

belief thereupon?"

_The King_: "We have ever held marriage to be God's work and

ordinance, and we hold this now, that no higher or better estate

exists in the world than the estate of matrimony."

_The Preachers_: "Why have you so wildly treated this same estate,

against God's word and common order, and taken one wife after

another? How can you justify such a proceeding?"

_The King_: "What was permitted to the patriarchs in the Old

Testament, why should it be denied to us? What we have held is this:

he who wished to have only one wife had not other wives forced upon

him; but him who wished to have more wives than one, we left free to

do so, according to God's command, Be fruitful and multiply."

This the preachers combat by saying that the patriarchs were

guiltless, because the law of the land (_die gemeine Policey_) did

not then forbid concubinage, but that now that is forbidden by

common law, it is sinful.[279] Then they asked the king what other

texts he could quote to establish polygamy.

[279] Wei zweiveln nicht wenn ein bestendig Policey und Regiment

gewesen were, wie itzt est, es würden sich die Vetter freilich

aug der selbigen gehalten haben.

_The King_: "Paul says of the bishop, let him be the husband of

one wife; now if a bishop is to have only one wife, surely, in the

time of Paul, laymen must have been allowed two or three apiece, as

pleased them. There you have your text."

_The Preachers_: "As we said before, marriage is an affair of common

police regulation, _res Politica_. And as now the law of the land is

different from what it was in the time of Paul, so that many wives

are forbidden and not tolerated, you will have to answer for your

innovations before God and man."

_The King_: "Well, I have the consolation that what was permitted to

the fathers cannot damn us. I had rather be with the fathers than

with you."

_The Preachers_: "Well, we prefer obedience to the State."[280]

[280] Predicanten: So wöllen wir in diesemfäll viel lieber der

Oberkeit gehorsam sein, f. 386 b.

Here we see Corvinus, Kymens, and the other ministers placing

matrimony on exactly the same low footing as did Luther.

Having "interviewed" the king, these crows settled on Knipperdolling

and Krechting in Horstmar, and with these unfortunates they carried

on a paper controversy.

The captivity of the king and his two accomplices lasted six months.

The Lutheran preachers had swarmed about him and buzzed in his

ears, and the poor wretch believed that by yielding a few points

he could save his life. He offered to labour along with Melchior

Hoffmann, to bring the numerous Anabaptists in Friesland, Holland,

Brabant, and Flanders into submission, if he were given his liberty;

but finding that the preachers had been giving him false hopes and

leading him into recantations, he refused to see them again, and

awaited his execution in sullen despair.

The pastors failing to convert the Anabaptists, and finding that the

sectaries used against them scripture and private judgment with such

efficacy that they were unable in argument to overcome them, called

upon the princes to exterminate them by fire and sword.

The gentle Melancthon wrote a tract or letter to urge the princes

on; it was entitled, "Das weltliche Oberkeiten den Widerteuffern

mit leiblicher straffe zu wehren schüldig sey. Etlicher bedenken zu

Wittemberg gestellet durch Philip Melancthon, 1536. Ob Christliche

Fürsten schüldig sind der Widerteuffer unchristlicher Sect mit

leiblicher straffe und mit dem schwert zu wehren." He enumerates the

doctrines of the unfortunate sectarians at Münster and elsewhere,

and then he says that it is the duty of all princes and nobles to

root out with the sword all heresy from their dominions; but then,

with this proviso, they must first be instructed out of God's Word

by the pure reformed Church what doctrines are heretical, that they

may only exterminate those who differ from the Lutheran communion.

He then quotes to the Protestant princes the example of the Jewish

kings: "The kings in the Old Testament, not only the Jewish kings,

but also the converted heathen kings, judged and killed the false

prophets and unbelievers. Such examples show the office of princes.

As Paul says, the law is good that blasphemers are to be punished.

The government is not to rule men for their bodily welfare, so much

as for God's honour, for they are God's ministers; let them remember

that and value their office."

But it is argued on the other side that it is written, "Let both

grow together till the harvest. Now this is not spoken to the

temporal power," says Melancthon, "but to the preachers, that they

should not use physical power under the excuse of their office.

From all this it is plain that the worldly government is bound to

drive away blasphemy, false doctrine, heresies, and to punish in

their persons those who hold to these things.... Let the judge know

that this sect of Anabaptists is from the devil, and as a prudent

preacher instructs different stations how they are to conduct

themselves, as he teaches a wife that to breed children is to please

God well, so he teaches the temporal authorities how they are to

serve God's honour, and openly drive away heresy."[281]

[281] "Das weltliche Oberkeit," &c., in Luth. "Sämt. Werke."

1545-51, ii. ff. 327-8.

So also did Justus Menius write to urge on an exterminatory

persecution of the sectaries; he also argues that "Let both grow

together till the harvest," is not to be quoted by the princes as

an excuse for sparing lives and properties.[282]

[282] "Von dem Geist d. Widerteuffer." in Luth. "Samt. Werke."

1545-51, ii. f. 325 b.

On the 12th January, 1536, John of Leyden, Knipperdolling, and

Krechting were brought back to Münster to undergo sentence of

death.[283]

[283] Kerssenbroeck, p. 209; Kurtze Hist. f. 400.

A platform was erected in the square before the townhall on the

21st, and on this platform was planted a large stake with iron

collars attached to it.

When John Bockelson was told, on the 21st, that he was to die on the

morrow, he asked for the chaplain of the bishop, John von Siburg,

who spent the night with him. With the fear of a terrible death

before him, the confidence of the wretched man gave way, and he made

his confession with every sign of true contrition.

Knipperdolling and Krechting, who were also offered the assistance

of a priest, rejected the offer with contempt. They declared that

the presence of God sufficed them, that they were conscious of

having committed no sin, and that all their actions had been done

the sole glory of to God, that moreover they were freely justified

by faith in Christ.

On Monday the 22nd, at eight o'clock in the morning, the ex-king of

Münster and his companions were led to execution. The gates of the

city had been closed, and a large detachment of troops surrounded

the scaffold. Outside this iron ring was a dense crowd of people,

and the windows were filled with heads. Francis of Waldeck occupied

a window immediately opposite the scaffold, and remained there

throughout the hideous tragedy.[284] As an historian has well

observed, "Francis of Waldeck, in default of other virtues, might

at least have not forgotten what was due to his high rank and his

Episcopal character; he regarded neither--but showed himself as

ferocious as had been John Bockelson, by becoming a spectator of the

long and horrible torture of the three criminals."[285] John and his

accomplices having reached the townhall, received their sentence

from Wesseling, the city judge. It was that they should be burned

with red-hot pincers, and finally stabbed with daggers heated in the

fire.[286]

[284] Kerssenbroeck, p. 210; Kurtze Hist. f. 400.

[285] Bussierre, p. 462.

[286] Kerssenbroeck, p. 211; Bullinger, lib. ii. c. 10;

Montfort., p. 74; Heresbach, pp. 166-7; Hast, pp. 405-6; Kurtze

Historia, f. 400.

The king was the first to mount the scaffold and be tortured.

"The king endured three grips with the pincers without speaking or

crying, but then he burst forth into cries of, "Father, have mercy

on me! God of mercy and loving kindness!" and he besought pardon

of his sins and help. The bystanders were pierced to the heart

by his shrieks of agony, the scent of the roast flesh filled the

market-place; his body was one great wound. At length the sign was

given, his tongue was torn out with the red pincers, and a dagger

pierced his heart.

Knipperdolling and Krechting were put to the torture directly after

the agonies of the king had begun. Knipperdolling endeavoured

to beat his brains out against the stake, and when prevented, he

tried to strangle himself with his own collar. To prevent him

accomplishing his design, a rope was put through his mouth and

attached to the stake so as totally to incapacitate him from moving.

When these unfortunates were dead, their bodies were placed in three

iron cages, and were hung up on the tower of the church of St.

Lambert, the king in the middle.[287]

[287] Kerssenbroeck, p. 211; Kurtze Hist. f. 401.

Thus ended this hideous drama, which produced an effect throughout

Germany. The excess of the scandal inspired all the Catholic

governments with horror, and warned them of the immensity of the

danger they ran in allowing the spread of Protestant mysticism.

Cities and principalities which wavered in their allegiance to the

Church took a decided position at once.

At Münster, Catholicism was re-established. As has been already

mentioned, the debauched, cruel bishop was a Lutheran at heart, and

his ambition was to convert Münster into an hereditary principality

in his family, after the example of certain other princes.

Accordingly, in 1543, he proposed to the States of the diocese to

accept the Confession of Augsburg and abandon Catholicism. The

proposition of the prince was unanimously rejected. Nevertheless

the prince joined the Protestant union of Smalkald the following

year, but having been complained of to the Pope and the Emperor,

and fearing the fate of Hermann von Wied, Archbishop of Cologne,

he excused himself as best he could through his relative, Jost

Hodefilter, bishop of Lübeck, and Franz von Dei, suffragan bishop

of Osnabrück.

Before the Smalkald war the prince-bishop had secretly engaged the

help of the Union against his old enemy, the "wild" Duke Henry of

Brunswick. After the war, the Duke of Oldenburg revenged himself

on the principality severely, with fire and sword, and only spared

Münster itself for 100,000 guilders. The bishop died of grief. He

left three natural sons by Anna Polmann. They bore as their arms a

half star, a whole star being the arms of Waldeck.

Authorities: Hermann von Kerssenbroeck; Geschichte der

Wiederthaüffer zu Münster in Westphalen. Münster, 1771. There is

an abbreviated edition in Latin in Menckenii Scriptores Rerum

Germanicaum, Leipsig, 1728-30. T. iii. pp. 1503-1618.

Wie das Evangelium zu Münster erstlich angefangen, und die

Widerteuffer verstöret widerauffgehöret hat. Darnach was die

teufflische Secte der Widerteuffer fur grewliche Gotteslesterung

und unsagliche grawsamkeit ... in der Stad geübt und getrieben;

beschrieben durch Henrichum Dorpium Monasteriensem; in Luther's

Sammtliche Werke. Wittemb. 1545-51. Band ii. ff. 391-401.

Historia von den Münsterischen Widerteuffern.

_Ibid._ ff. 328-363.

Acta, Handlungen, Legationen und Schriften, &c., d.

Munsterischen sachen geschehen. _Ibid._, ff. 363-391.

Kurtze Historia wie endlich der König sampt zweien gerichted,

&c. _Ibid._ ff. 400-9.

D. Lambertus Hortensius Monfortius, Tumultuum Anabaptistarum

Liber unus. Amsterdam, 1636.

Histoire de la Réformation, ou Mémoires de Jean Sleidan. Trad.

de Courrayer. La Haye, 1667. Vol. ii. lib. x. [This is the

edition quoted in the article.]

Sleidanus: Commentarium rerum in Orbe gestarum, &c. Argent. 1555;

ed. alt. 1559.

I. Hast, Geschichte der Wiederthaüffer von ihren Entstehen in

Zwickau bis auf ihren Sturz zu Münster in Westphalen Münster. 1836.

* * * * *

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