Since the cosignatory Reichsstatthalter of the Reichsgau Wartheland

has been notified by the cosignatory Reich Minister of Justice, that

until further notice, that is for the duration of war, the delegation

of authority to the Reichsstatthalter in the Reichsgau Wartheland to

order the execution of death penalties against Poles and Jews, as well

as for pardoning of Poles and Jews who have been sentenced to death, is

no longer restricted, the contents of the communication of 13 November

is of no further consequence.

[Signed] SCHLEGELBERGER

[Signed] GREISER

Rk 1000 B

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NG-128

PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 354

LETTER FROM THE PROVINCIAL PRESIDENT OF UPPER SILESIA TO LAMMERS,

26 JANUARY 1942, REQUESTING THE POWER OF AMNESTY FOR POLES AND JEWS

SENTENCED TO DEATH

BK 1279 28 January 1942 [Initial] FI [Ficker]

Provincial President

Of the Province of Upper Silesia

O. P. I b 3

[Handwritten] on hand RM 1,000 B 1ob

BBT 145

Katowice, 26 January 1942

Hindenburgstrasse

Telephone: 34 921

[Initial] Ma 28/1

[Initial] Gg

[Illegible initial]

28/1

To the Chief of the Reich Chancellery

Reich Minister Dr. Lammers

Reich Chancellery

Berlin

Dear Reich Minister:

The decree of 4 December 1941, 1b (Reich Law Gazette I, p. 759),

concerning penal measures against Poles and Jews in the Incorporated

Eastern Territories aims at punishing quickly and effectively criminal

acts committed by Poles and Jews within the Incorporated Eastern

Territories. Its success, however, is doubtful as long as it is

necessary to obtain a decision from the Reich Minister of Justice

before granting amnesties [Gnadenrecht] to Poles and Jews sentenced

to death. In view of the peculiar criminal and political situation

in Upper Silesia, which is marked by the growing Polish resistance

movement, such delays--especially in wartime--are intolerable.

I therefore request you to take steps to have transferred to the power

of granting amnesties--at least for the duration of the war--to Poles

and Jews within the province of Upper Silesia who have been legally

sentenced to death.

I should like to point out especially that according to an article

in the periodical “Deutsches Recht,” 1941, (p. 2472), the Gauleiter

and Reichsstatthalter in the Reichsgau Wartheland [Greiser][358] has

already been granted similar powers.

Heil Hitler!

Yours

N 89 Justice 12 [Signed] BRACHT

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NG-126

PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 356

LETTER FROM DEFENDANT SCHLEGELBERGER TO LAMMERS, 26 MAY 1942,

TRANSMITTING A COPY OF SCHLEGELBERGER’S DECREE DELEGATING THE RIGHT TO

PARDON POLES AND JEWS TO REICH GOVERNORS AND PROVINCIAL PRESIDENTS

[Stamp]

Reich Chancellery 7996B-2 June 1942

[Initial] FI [Ficker]

1 enclosure

Reich Minister of Justice

9170 East /2--IIa-2-1054/42

Berlin W 8, 26 May 1942

Wilhelmstrasse 65

Telephone: 11 00 44

Long distance: 11 65 16

[Initial] KR [Kritzinger]

To the Reich Minister and Chief of the Reich Chancellery

Subject: Delegation of the right of pardon in the case of Jews

and Poles

Reference: Letter of 16 March 1942--Reich Chancellery 2477 B.

1 enclosure

I enclose for your information a copy of my decree of 28 May 1942,

by which I, in agreement with the Reich Minister and the Chief of

the Presidential Chancellery, delegated the exercise of the right of

pardon in the case of Poles and Jews sentenced by general courts in the

Incorporated Eastern Territories to the Reich governors and provincial

presidents of these provinces for the duration of the war.

The Acting Minister

[Signed] DR. SCHLEGELBERGER

[Handwritten notes]

1. Submitted to the Reich Minister.

[Initial] L [Lammers] 6 June

2. File!

[Initial] KR [Kritzinger] 3 June

[Initial] F [Ficker] 2 June

[Decree delegating Right to pardon Poles and Jews to Reich Governors

and Provincial Presidents]

I delegate for the duration of the war the exercise of the right

to pardon Poles and Jews sentenced by the general courts in the

Incorporated Eastern Territories (including the Special Courts), as

far as the Fuehrer has delegated it to me and no other delegation has

yet been made by me, to the Reich governors (attorneys general) each

for his respective province, in the Reich provinces of Wartheland and

Danzig-West Prussia and the provincial presidents of the provinces of

Upper Silesia and East Prussia.

Berlin, 28 May 1942

The Acting Reich Minister of Justice

[Signed] DR. SCHLEGELBERGER

(Seal)

to 9/70 East /2--II a-2-1054/42

7886 B 341357

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NG-744

PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 500

LETTER FROM THE REICH MINISTRY OF JUSTICE, SIGNED BY FREISLER, TO

PRESIDENTS OF DISTRICT COURTS OF APPEAL AND OTHERS, 7 AUGUST 1942,

CONCERNING “POLES AND JEWS IN PROCEEDINGS AGAINST GERMANS”

The Reich Minister of Justice

4110-IV a-4-1586

Berlin W 8, 7 August 1942

Wilhelmstrasse 65

Telephone: 11 00 44

Long distance: 11 65 16

To the

Presidents of the District Courts of Appeal,

Attorneys General at the District Courts of Appeal

For information to:

(_a_) The Presidents of the Reich Supreme Court and of the

People’s Court,

(_b_) The Chief Reich Prosecutors at the Reich Supreme Court

and at the People’s Court.

Subject: Poles and Jews in proceedings against Germans

Enclosures: Copies for the Presidents of the District Courts,

Chief Public Prosecutors, Local Courts, and Public

Prosecutors at the Local Courts

The Penal Ordinance for Poles of 4 December 1941[359]

(Reichsgesetzblatt I, p. 759) was intended not only to serve as a

criminal law against Poles and Jews, but beyond that also to provide

general principles for the German administration of law to be adopted

in all criminal proceedings against Poles and Jews irrespective of the

role which the Poles and Jews play in the individual proceedings. The

regulations of article IX, for instance, according to which Poles and

Jews are not to be sworn in apply to proceedings against Germans as

well.

I have found that the special legal status of the Poles and Jews who

are subject to the penal ordinance for Poles is not always taken into

account. Reference is therefore made to the following points:

1. Proceedings against Germans should be carried on whenever

possible without calling Poles and Jews as witnesses. If, however,

such a testimony cannot be evaded, the Pole or Jew must not appear

as a witness against the German during the trial, he must always

be interrogated by a judge who has been appointed or requested

to do so, (art. II, par. 1 of the Order for Execution of 31 Jan.

1942[360]--(Reichsgesetzblatt I, p. 52)).

2. Evidence given by Poles and Jews during proceedings against Germans

must be received with the utmost caution especially in those cases

where other evidence is lacking. I request that the Fuehrer order

published in my circular decree of 3 September 1941-4103-II a-2-2041/41

concerning the interrogation of enemy subjects be applied to Poles and

Jews as well.

3. Proceedings against Germans on the basis of charges preferred by

Poles and Jews are only justified if sufficient proof is available

that such a charge is well founded and if paragraph 153 of the Code

of Criminal Procedure appears to be nonapplicable right from the

beginning. As a rule, a thorough interrogation of the person preferring

charges will have to take place first. The public prosecutor will also

limit his application to the police in the same way. Coercive measures

against the accused German as well as his official interrogation should

in every case be undertaken only if the suspicion that the German has

committed a serious offense has been sufficiently substantiated.

No information about the result of the proceedings is to be given to a

Pole or Jew who has preferred charges against a German.

As deputy:

[typed] Signed: DR. FREISLER

Certified.

[Signed] KANNIESS

Senior clerk of Ministerial Chancellery

[Stamp]

Reich Ministry of Justice

Office of the Minister

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 662-PS

PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 263

NOTES OF THE REICH MINISTRY OF JUSTICE ON A CONFERENCE OF 9 OCTOBER

1942 ON TRANSFER OF CONVICTS AND “ASOCIALS” IN VARIOUS CATEGORIES TO

THE AFRICA BRIGADE, SPECIAL COMMANDOS IN THE EAST, AND TO HIMMLER

_Copy_

Conference on 9 October 1942

SECRET

_I. AFRICA BRIGADE_

The Fuehrer has ordered the formation of an Africa Brigade composed

of members of the age groups 1908 and younger who had hitherto been

classified as unworthy of military service. The military unworthy

assigned to the brigade in the African theater should be given the

opportunity to redeem themselves, and thereby obtain permanent military

worthiness. Those called up by virtue of the Fuehrer’s orders are to

be classified as military worthy for the duration of their military

service.

For the execution of the Fuehrer’s order, the High Command of the

Armed Forces has issued the order of 2 October 1942--_Az 12 i 10.34

AHA/Ag/E_ (_Ia_)--Nr.550/42 g Kdos (top secret). Accordingly,

the following will be called up:

1. Military unworthy German citizens of the age group 1908 or younger

who have been sent to the penitentiary for 3 years or less and have not

been penalized for the same or similar offenses either before or after

the original offense.

2. Military unworthy German citizens of the same age group who have

been sentenced to the penitentiary for 3 to 5 years for a first

offense, and have no previous or later sentences.

3. Military unworthy German citizens of the same age group who have

been sentenced to the penitentiary for 3 years (ref. par. 1) _and_

who still are _serving their sentences_, in case they have served

1 year with good conduct.

Concerning paragraphs 1–3, those called up must be fit for field and

tropical service. Individuals with homosexual tendencies, or who were

punished for high treason, or have been ordered to be held in custody

for security reasons, or to be castrated are not to be called up. For

those unfit to serve who have been sentenced to and have served up

to 1½ years in the penitentiary and have otherwise served sentences

for only minor offenses, the restoration of military worthiness will

continue as a rule through the pardon channels. These may, as usual,

be placed in various units of the army.

The measures necessary in the administration of justice according to

this order are put into effect--

Pardon proceedings instigated by the local recruiting authorities on

behalf of those sentenced who belong to the age groups of 1908 and

younger will not as a rule be continued. The armed forces replacement

offices concerned will be informed by the pardoning authorities, to

desist from further processing of these requests by order of the High

Command of the Armed Forces. Exceptions are proceedings against those,

who have been sentenced up to 1½ years’ penitentiary (see above). These

proceedings will be acted upon in the manner heretofore customary, and

if need be, presented to the Reich Minister of Justice for decisions.

The attorneys general will issue a report on the number of convicts who

are still in confinement who come under this category for induction.

They will simultaneously compile lists which will contain personal

particulars of those persons sentenced (name, birth-date and town,

occupation, sentence, expiration date, behavior, etc.). The list will

be sent to the army office concerned. The named prisoners will await

the army’s call.

_II. SPECIAL COMMANDOS IN THE EAST_

The Reich Marshal has expressed the wish to have convicts made

available to be used as special commandos in the East, and to carry

out sabotage behind the enemy’s lines. He refers to convicts who

strayed off the straight and narrow and have not committed especially

dishonorable deeds, for whose person and deed one may have human

understanding. Especially suited are poachers who out of a passion for

hunting have trespassed, and smugglers who have risked their lives in

battle on the borders against the custom officials.

The poachers are already being turned over to the Reich Leader SS for

special duties. The number of smugglers who come under consideration

is exceptionally small. A telephonic questioning of the 13 district

attorneys located on the borders of the Reich, disclosed only 2

suitable smugglers in confinement and three are being investigated.

In the case of the latter, the citizenship is doubtful. There are no

similar groups of convicts for this task who could make any difference

in amounts. Under these circumstances it appeared practical to give

the attorneys general the general task of obtaining the convicts,

appropriate for this purpose, and reporting them. Prerequisites are,

voluntary enlistment, physical fitness for military service, age 18 to

45 years, confinement of at least 1 year for a deed not especially

dishonorable. The following are exceptions:

_a._ Foreigners, stateless persons, those of non-German blood.

_b._ Persons who have been punished because of homosexuality or

high treason, or against who imprisonment for security reasons or

castration has been ordered.

The appropriate request to the attorneys general has been made. The

reports are expected before 25 October 1942. They are being checked in

the Reich Ministry of Justice. The names of those convicts appearing

suitable according to this will be made known to the Reich Marshal.

Insofar as they fulfill also the prerequisites for induction into the

Africa Brigade, a corresponding reference will be necessary.

_III. DELIVERY OF ASOCIAL CONVICTS_

[Asoziale Strafgefangen]

Persons in penal institutions designated as asocial persons by judicial

decision are to be turned over to the Reich Leader SS.

1. _Persons in custody for reasons of security_--Persons in

custody for reasons of security who are in German penal institutions

will be put at the disposal of the Reich Leader SS. The execution of

sentence will be regarded as interrupted by the delivery.

In detail the following principles should govern proceedings:

_a._ Persons under court martial sentences will not be delivered.

Prisoners sentenced by former Polish courts or by courts of the

Government General, will be transferred; before this, however,

agreement with the Governor General will be obtained. The workhouse

according to Austrian law is not equivalent to security custody

[Sicherungsverwahrung].

_b._ Whether women are also to be delivered is still doubtful.

This question will be discussed with SS Gruppenfuehrer Streckenbach. In

this regard it will have to be a fundamental point from the beginning

that in the case of female Poles, Jews, and gypsies no doubt about the

delivery can exist.

_c._ Foreigners are not affected. Poles, Russians, Ukrainians,

Jews, gypsies do not rank as foreigners, however, Latvians, Estonians,

do. Czechs sentenced by German courts will be handled like Germans.

_d._ The sick will be delivered, as soon as they are able to be

transported. The question whether prisoners in penal institutions

who according to the opinion of the institution are insane should be

delivered will be discussed with SS Gruppenfuehrer Streckenbach.

_e._ The delivery of persons in custody for security reasons

will take place as a matter of basic principle also in the case of

such prisoners who on account of age or for other reasons no longer

seem dangerous. An exception will be made only in the case of persons

in security custody, in whose case the institution is convinced that

because of their favorable development they can be released within

a predictable time. These cases will be laid before section XV for

individual checking.

_f._ Persons sentenced who are still serving penitentiary

sentences, but who in addition have been sentenced to security custody,

will be put at the disposal of the Reich Leader SS.

_g._ When delivering prisoners it must be taken into account that

the production of industries important to defense should suffer no

stoppages. Insofar as necessary workers to replace them must be trained

first.

_h._ The question, to whom the delivery will be made, will be

discussed with SS Gruppenfuehrer Streckenbach.

_i._ In the immediate future only persons who have received

final judgment will be taken; the decision on future sentences is in

abeyance. For the reception of persons sentenced later, individual

institution will be designated, the number of which is to be limited as

much as possible.

2. _Jews, gypsies, Russians, and Ukrainians_ will be delivered to

the Reich Leader SS without exception.

3. _Poles_--Ethnic Poles who are subject to the Polish criminal

law regulations or have been delivered to the Polish penal authorities

and who have more than 3 years’ sentence to serve will be delivered to

the Reich Leader SS.

Poles with smaller sentences will remain in custody of the prison

system. After serving their sentences they will be reported by name to

the police just the same.

4. _Penitentiary prisoners_--Penitentiary prisoners of the German

and Czech ethnic groups, who are sentenced to a punishment of over 8

years, will be individually checked to see whether they are according

to their personality, asocial, i.e., whether they will be worthless

forever to the nation. If the answer to this question is affirmative,

they will be delivered to the Reich Leader SS.

The check-up will be undertaken in section XV (Vice President of the

People’s Court Engert, Oberregierungsrat, Hupperschwiller, Chief Public

Prosecutor Meyer). Vice President Engert will regulate the technical

execution. The decisions in individual cases are incumbent upon him.

Special cases will be reported to the Reich Minister of Justice.

The guiding principles for those in security custody (III, 1) are

valid, and furthermore the following is to be observed in this regard.

On the treatment of Czechs sentenced by courts in the Protectorate

a conversation with the Reich Protector is necessary. The question

whether Alsatians and Lorrainers who have been sentenced in Alsace and

Lorraine should be taken must be cleared by negotiation with the chiefs

of the civil administration.

Persons originally sentenced to death whose sentences have been

commuted to penitentiary sentences over 8 years fall under the scope

of the action, insofar as they are regarded as asocial. Under this

requirement those sentenced persons are also included who have close

relatives in the field, and prisoners for whom, because of their

commitment in the removal of aerial bombs, a later commutation is

contemplated.

On the treatment of persons sentenced who are lodged in curative or

medical institutions, negotiations with SS Gruppenfuehrer Streckenbach

must be undertaken.

[typed] Signed: DR. CROHNE

13 October

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NG-558

PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 143

LETTER FROM REICH MINISTER OF JUSTICE THIERACK TO BORMANN, 13 OCTOBER

1942, CONCERNING THE “ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE AGAINST POLES,

RUSSIANS, JEWS, AND GYPSIES”

T 459

The Reich Minister of Justice

Berlin, 13 October 1942

[Handwritten] Dispatched 13/10.

[Initials] KUE [Kuemmerlein]

To Reichsleiter Bormann

Fuehrer Headquarters

Subject: Administration of criminal justice against Poles, Russians,

Jews, and gypsies

Dear Reichsleiter:

With a view to freeing the German people of Poles, Russians, Jews, and

gypsies, and with a view to making the eastern territories incorporated

into the Reich available for settlements of German nationals, I intend

to turn over criminal proceedings against Poles, Russians, Jews, and

gypsies to the Reich Leader SS. In so doing I work on the principle

that the administration of justice can only make a small contribution

to the extermination[361] of members of these peoples [Angehoerige

dieses Volkstums auszurotten]. Undoubtedly the administration of

justice pronounces very severe sentences on such persons, but that is

not enough to constitute a material contribution toward the realization

of the above-mentioned aim. Nor is any useful purpose served by keeping

such persons in German prisons and penitentiaries for years, even if

they are utilized as labor for war purposes as is done today on a large

scale.

I am, on the other hand, of the opinion that considerably better

results can be accomplished by surrendering such persons to the

police, who can then take the necessary measures unhampered by any

legal criminal evidence. I start from the principle that such measures

seem entirely justified in wartime, and that certain conditions which

I consider essential are fulfilled. These conditions consist in the

prosecution of Poles and Russians by the police only if they resided

until 1 September 1939 in the former state territory of Poland or the

Soviet Union; and secondly, that Poles who were registered as being

of German descent will continue to be subjected to prosecution by the

administration of justice as before.

On the other hand, the police may prosecute Jews and gypsies

irrespective of these conditions.

But no changes whatsoever are to be made in regard to the prosecution

of other foreign nationals by the administration of justice.

The Reich Leader SS, with whom I discussed these views, agrees with

them. I also informed Dr. Lammers.

I submit this matter to you, dear Reichsleiter, with the request to let

me know whether the Fuehrer approves this view. If so, I would then

make my official recommendations through Reich Minister Dr. Lammers.

[Handwritten] After one week.

[Initial] Kue [Kuemmerlein] 10/19, 10/26

Heil Hitler!

yours

[Initial] TH [Thierack]

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NG-787

PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 507

LETTER OF THE REICH MINISTRY OF JUSTICE TO LEADING JUDGES AND

PROSECUTORS, 4 APRIL 1944, TRANSMITTING A REPORT OF THE REICH

STATISTICAL BUREAU ON “CRIMINALITY IN THE GREATER GERMAN REICH IN THE

YEAR 1942,” EXCLUSIVE OF CASES HANDLED BY THE PEOPLE’S COURT

The Reich Minister of Justice

_4206 III a-4-446_

Berlin W 8, 4 April 1944

Wilhelmstrasse 65

Phone: 110044

out of town: 116516

To the Presidents of the Reich Supreme Court and the

People’s Courts

To the Presidents of the Districts Courts of Appeal and the

Chief Reich Prosecutors

at the Reich Supreme Court and the People’s Court,

as well as the Public Prosecutors at the Courts of Appeal

Subject: Development of criminality

1 enclosure: 1 copy each of the enclosed report regarding

criminality in the Greater German Reich in the year 1942

I am enclosing one copy of the report regarding criminality in the

Greater German Reich. Please acknowledge and treat confidentially.

By order:

[Typed] Signed: GRAU

Certified: [Signed] SEEMANN

[Stamp] Judicial Clerk

Reich Ministry of Justice

Ministerial Chancellery

[Handwritten] To Under Secretary Dr. Klemm

Reich Statistical Bureau

_Keep under lock and key_

_Only for official use._

_Publication not permitted_

_Criminality in the Greater German Reich in the year 1942_

_1. Total result_

Since 1 January 1942 the Reich statistics of criminality comprise

territorially the area of the Greater German Reich with the exception

of the Alpine and Danube Gaue where the criminal law of the Reich as

the exclusive basis of the statistics of criminality in the Reich,

has not yet been introduced in its totality. As to _persons_, the

statistics of criminality in the Reich enumerate separately--

_a._ German nationals and aliens (aliens too will be enumerated

separately from 1 January 1943 on).

_b._ Members of the Protectorate.

_c._ Poles and Jews sentenced on the basis of the Penal Ordinance

for Poles.

_d._ Other racial Jews.

Taking these individual groups together, a _total_ of 457,129 persons

were _sentenced_[362] with legally binding effect in the Greater German

Reich for crimes and offenses against laws of the Reich (not counting

sentences for crimes and offenses against laws of the Reich falling

under the jurisdiction of the People’s Court) that is, 9.4 percent more

than in the year 1941 (417,923). The number of persons _convicted_

with legally binding effect amounts to 417,001--91.2 percent of the

total number of persons accused; 1941 [amounted] to 377,072--90.2

percent. Punishment was inflicted on 372,502 persons convicted (1941:

346,105)--89.3 percent (91.8 percent) and punishment and corrective

measures on 2,449 (3,082)--0.6 percent (0.8 percent).

Of 29,305 (1941: 30,540) persons sentenced 6.4 percent (7.3 percent)

were _acquitted_. In addition corrective measures were decreed in

the case of 139 (134) defendants who were acquitted, in the case of 487

(495) corrective measures were decreed independently, and in the case

of 35 (54) persons a motion to decree corrective measures independently

was refused.

In 10,162 cases (2.2 percent) compared with 9,628 (2.3 percent) in the

previous year, _proceedings were quashed_ by the court.

In the year reported on 84,318--20.2 percent of the total number of

persons convicted, compared with 92,546--24.5 percent in the year 1941,

were persons who had been _previously convicted_ of crimes or

offenses against laws of the Reich.

Total number of persons convicted--

------------------------------------+---------------+---------------

| 1941 | 1942

+-------+-------+-------+-------

|Number |Percent|Number |Percent

------------------------------------+-------+-------+-------+-------

I. Crimes and offenses in violation | | | |

of the Reich Penal Code |232,888| 61.8 |240,473| 57.7

| | | |

II. Crimes and offenses in violation| | | |

of other laws of the Reich |144,184| 38.2 |176,528| 42.3

------------------------------------+-------+-------+-------+------

Thus, the proportion of crimes and offenses in violation of the Reich

Penal Code decreased from 1941 to 1942, whereas the proportion of those

in violation of other laws of the Reich increases as a result of the

growing number of violations of wartime penal legislation.

Detailed information concerning the extent of criminal acts in 1942,

_important for reasons of criminal policy as well as numerically_

compared with the previous year, is furnished in the chart [1] below.

-----------------------------+---------------------------+---------------------------

| 1941 | 1942

+--------------+------------+--------------+------------

| Total number | Persons | Total number | Persons

| of persons | previously | of persons | previously

| sentenced | convicted | sentenced | convicted

| | among them | | among them

-----------------------------+--------------+------------+--------------+------------

Sexual crimes and offenses | | | |

against morality | 13,591 | 4,544 | 10,588 | 3,074

Thereunder-- | | | |

Sodomy and bestiality | 3,963 | 1,522 | 2,790 | 936

Indecent assault on | | | |

persons under 14 | | | |

years of age | 4,374 | 1,364 | 3,415 | 964

Murder | 187 | 50 | 153 | 42

Manslaughter | 151 | 37 | 118 | 25

Abortion | 2,993 | 482 | 3,193 | 425

Slight, dangerous, and | | | |

serious bodily injury | 13,353 | 3,439 | 10,024 | 2,215

| | | |

Larceny, also in the case | | | |

of repeated offenses | 77,556 | 21,675 | 89,656 | 21,188

| | | |

Aggravated larceny, also | | | |

in the case of repeated | | | |

offenses | 12,192 | 3,936 | 15,587 | 3,776

| | | |

Embezzlement | 10,987 | 4,129 | 10,179 | 2,968

| | | |

Robbery, also in the case | | | |

of second offenders and | | | |

extortion equivalent to | | | |

robbery | 300 | 104 | 186 | 59

| | | |

Extortion | 512 | 182 | 353 | 102

| | | |

Receiving stolen goods, | | | |

also in the case of | | | |

repeated offenses | 10,956 | 2,329 | 14,778 | 2,619

| | | |

Simple fraud, also in the | | | |

case of repeated offenses | 16,258 | 8,005 | 12,551 | 5,266

| | | |

Forgery of Public Documents, | | | |

etc. | 8,052 | 2,075 | 9,952 | 2,069

| | | |

Arson | 121 | 23 | 119 | 20

| | | |

Major and minor crimes by | | | |

breach of official duties | 2,208 | 354 | 2,471 | 311

| | | |

Crimes and offenses against | | | |

the law concerning | | | |

dealings with food, etc. | | | |

(Adulteration of foods) | 3,433 | 668 | 2,801 | 557

| | | |

Law concerning fire arms | 1,626 | 304 | 1,317 | 206

| | | |

Law for the protection of | | | |

German blood and German | | | |

honor (race pollution) | 189 | 86 | 109 | 46

| | | |

Decree against people’s | | | |

parasites | 3,822 | 1,941 | 6,349 | 2,602

| | | |

Decree concerning Crimes of | | | |

Violence | 282 | 149 | 263 | 131

-----------------------------+--------------+------------+--------------+------------

Thus, we find an _increase_, to a more or less considerable

degree, in the following crimes: abortion (+6.7 percent), larceny

and aggravated larceny (+15.6 percent and +27.8 percent resp.), and

receiving of stolen goods (+34.9 percent). The three last named

criminal acts, the most important of which are directed against

property, constitute approximately 50 percent of all crimes and

offenses against the Reich Criminal Code recorded for this year. The

same offenses constituted only 43.2 percent of the total in 1941. Cases

of forgery of public instruments also show an increase (+23.6 percent),

partly in consequence of the forging of the numerous identity cards and

papers necessitated by the government control of economy. Offenses by

breach of official duties, likewise, have increased in number (+11.9

percent). The increase of cases pertaining to the decree against

people’s parasites is particularly noticeable (+66.1 percent).

On the other hand, all categories of sexual crimes have _decreased_ in

number (-22.3 percent), particularly unnatural sexual offenses (-29.6

percent) and indecent assault on persons under 14 years of age (-21.9

percent). Decreases are also recorded for the various types of willful

bodily injury (-24.9 percent), for the two capital crimes, murder and

manslaughter (-18.2 percent and -21.9 percent resp.), among the crimes

against property, embezzlement (-7.4 percent), for both robbery and

extortion equivalent to robbery (-38 percent) as well as extortion

(-31.1 percent) to a considerable extent, and, furthermore, for fraud

(-22.8 percent). The decline in the number of convictions arising from

crimes of violence (-6.7 percent) is also notable.

_Sentences_ imposed in 1942 (1941) (this covers both fines and

imprisonment) are as follows: 2,199 (1,085) death sentences, 20,104

(15,981) limited sentences of penitentiary [Zuchthaus] (including

severe penal camp), 194,386 (162,768) sentences of imprisonment

(including ordinary penal camp) and 162,158 (170,254) fines.

A comparison between this and last year’s criminal statistical data

for individual groups cannot be drawn because of the introduction of

a revised system of enumeration, previously mentioned, that went into

effect 1 January 1942. Until then the Reich criminal statistics had not

yet provided such an analysis of individual groups.

_2. Ethnic members of the German national community and foreigners_

_a._ Sentences

In 1942 a total number of 378,670 persons, both ethnic members of

the German national community as well as foreigners were legally

sentenced within the Greater Reich for crimes and offenses against

Reich laws (not including sentences for crimes and offenses against

Reich laws falling within the jurisdiction of the People’s Court).

Of these, 341,540, or 90.2 percent were legally _convicted._

Penalties alone were imposed on 297,324, or 87.1 percent of those

convicted, whereas both penalties and measures of security and reform

were imposed on 2,332 or 0.7 percent. The number of convicted persons,

punishment for whom was set aside in accordance with the juvenile court

law amounts to 2,911 or 0.8 percent. However, for the vast majority

of these cases measures of reform were ordered and these amounted

to 10,233 according to this year’s record. Juvenile detention was

ordered in the case of 37,717 defendants, which means 11 percent of all

convicted ethnic members of the German community (and foreigners), and

71.9 percent of the total number of juveniles within this particular

group who were subject to a penalty. In addition, prison sentences of

indefinite duration were imposed on 1,256 juveniles.

For the recorded year 26,544 defendants or 7 percent of the total

number, were acquitted. Besides, in 135 instances acquittal was granted

along with measures of security and reform, in 475 cases such measures

alone were imposed, and in 35 cases motions for measures of security

and reform were rejected.

_Proceedings_ were _quashed_ by courts in 9,941 cases, representing 2.6

percent of the total of persons brought to trial.

212,410 or 62.2 percent of the total of convictions of German nationals

(including foreigners) in 1942, represent crimes and offenses in

violation of the Reich Penal Code and 129,130 or 37.8 percent represent

crimes and offenses in violation of other laws of the Reich.

_b._ Personal Data on Convicted Persons

Of convicted German nationals (and foreigners) 116,754 or 34.2

percent in 1942, were _female_ and 52,423 or 15.3 percent were

_juveniles_ (ranging in age from 14 to 18). The age group of 18

to 21, normally representing the heaviest criminal quota, participates

in the total of convictions only with a number of 34,401 delinquents

or 10.1 percent, due to the drafting of many of these age brackets.

The number of persons already _previously convicted_ for crimes

and offenses against laws of the Reich amounts to a total of 77,322 or

22.6 percent of whom 18,478 or 23.9 percent had more than 4 previous

convictions. 36,419 of the convicted persons or 10.7 percent were

foreigners, of whom 3,064 or 8.4 percent represented juveniles.

_c._ Individual Criminal Acts

Chart 1 A[363] affords a view into the criminal structure of 1942.

According to this, the various acts of theft form, as previously, the

greater part of the total of convictions (91,476 or 43.1 percent; all

of whom are persons convicted for crimes and offenses in violation of

the Reich Penal Code). If one disposes of insult as a petty and civil

offense (13,516 or 6.4 percent), there follows--though at a greater

interval--the other two significant offenses against property, i.e.,

fraud (11,567 or 5.4 percent) and receiving stolen goods (12,115 or

5.7 percent). The fifth place is accorded to sexual offenses (10,205

or 4.8 percent) among which the indecent assaults on persons under

14 as well as sodomy and bestiality (32.7 percent and 26.2 percent

resp.) represent comparatively the greater share of all sexual crimes

and offenses. Then follow again two offenses against property, i.e.,

embezzlement (9,328 or 4.4 percent) and forgery of documents (8,628 or

4.1 percent).

In major crimes, murder participates with 117 convictions; manslaughter

with 101, and robbery together with extortion equivalent to robbery

with 147 delinquents.

If one arranges the above discussed, numerically significant criminal

acts in accordance with convicted _adults_ and _juveniles_

the following results: Of the total number of adult and juvenile

persons convicted for crimes and offenses in violation of the Reich

Penal Code, the percentage is as follows:

--------------------------------+----------+------------

| Adults | Juveniles

--------------------------------+----------+------------

Petty larceny | 33.8 | 49.3

Aggravated larceny | 3.8 | 17.5

Embezzlement | 4.8 | 2.7

Receiving stolen goods | 6.4 | 2.5

Fraud | 6.0 | 2.8

Forgery of Public Documents | 4.1 | 3.8

Sexual crimes and offenses | 4.7 | 5.1

--------------------------------+-----------------------

In petty and aggravated larceny together, the number of crimes

represent approximately two-thirds for juveniles and slightly less than

four-tenths for adults.

Due to enactment of laws pursuant to war exigencies, the following

other crimes and offenses deserve mentioning: They are arranged in

order of the number of their convictions.

Persons

convicted

with legally

binding

effect

Penal ordinances relating to the rationing of

consumer goods of 5 April 1940 18,565

Decree amending the penal code for the protection of

the military power of the German nation of 25

November 1939 9,263

Amongst them: prohibited contact with prisoners of

war (article 4) 9,103

War Economy Decree of 4 September 1939 8,097

Decree against people’s parasites of 5 September 1939 5,029

Decree, subject: special measures concerning foreign

broadcasts of 1 September 1939 985

Decree relating to crimes of violence of 5 December

1939 194

_d._ Sentences pronounced

Chart No. 2[364] gives the particulars about the _sentences

pronounced._

According to it, in 1942, 1,061 _death sentences_ were pronounced,

among them 18 against juveniles. 15,830 defendants were sentenced to

terms in _penitentiary for definite periods of time_, of them

6,543 or 41.3 percent to a period of 3 years and more, 56 terms in

penitentiary for a definite period of time were pronounced against

juveniles.

Of the total number of _terms of imprisonment_ amounting to

143,685--in the year reported on short-term sentences formed 41.5

percent of them, these of medium length 47.3 percent, long-term

imprisonments 10.3 percent, and these of undefined length 0.9 percent.

_Fines_ were imposed in 141,464 cases. Detention was pronounced in

378 cases.

In 1942 juvenile arrest was pronounced against 37,717 juveniles, i.e.,

against 71.9 percent of the total number of juvenile delinquents, among

them were 25,562 arrests or 67.8 percent for a definite period of time.

The proportion of chronologically defined terms of imprisonment of more

than 2 weeks to the total number of arrests is 51.5 percent. 12,155 or

32.2 percent of the juveniles were sentenced to weekend incarceration,

and among them 23.6 percent to the loss of three and four of their

weekly off-times.

Of the _protective and reformative measures_ described in article

42a of the Reich Penal Code, the following have been decreed with

legally binding effect in 1942:

Placing into a lunatic asylum 906

Placing into a reformatory institution for alcohol addicts 90

Placing into a workhouse 400

Protective custody 1,414

Sterilization of dangerous sexual offenders 152

Ban on the exercise of trade or profession 298

In greater detail in the period reported on protective and reformative

measures were decreed e.g., in the case of convictions for indecent

assault on persons under 14 years of age; 232 times or 7.0 percent of

the persons convicted for the offenses in question; for repeated petty

larceny, 334 times or 7.4 percent; for repeated aggravated larceny,

195 times or 25.1 percent; and for repeated fraud, 271 times or 20.2

percent.

_3. Other Groups of Persons_

The following gives detailed particulars concerning the number of

Protectorate Nationals, Poles and Jews, as well as racial Jews brought

to trial in Greater Germany (exclusive of the Alpine and Danube Gaue)

in 1942.

-----------------------------------------+-------------+---------+------

|Protectorate | Poles |Racial

| Nationals |and Jews | Jews

-----------------------------------------+-------------+---------+------

Persons brought to trial | 13,060 | 63,786 | 1,613

Juveniles brought to trial | 482 | 5,169 | 44

Percentage of persons brought to trial | 3.7 | 8.1 | 2.7

| | |

Convicted persons | 12,117 | 61,836 | 1,508

Percentage of persons brought to trial | 92.8 | 96.9 | 93.5

| | |

Acquitted | 871 | 1,816 | 74

Percentage of persons brought to trial | 6.7 | 2.8 | 4.6

| | |

Persons previously convicted | 2,493 | 4,237 | 266

Percentage of total convicted | 20.6 | 6.9 | 17.6

Persons with more than 4 previous | | |

convictions among these | 766 | 593 | 43

Percentage of previously convicted | 30.7 | 14.0 | 16.2

-----------------------------------------+-------------+---------+------

The figures given above concerning the _convictions_ of Poles and Jews,

refer exclusively to convictions according to the Penal Ordinance for

Poles, that is to say, mainly to such crimes which have been committed

in the Incorporated Eastern Territories. However, crimes are also

included which have been committed in other districts of the German

Reich by Jews and Poles, who on 1 September 1939 had their residence or

permanent abode in the territory of the former Polish state (No. XIV of

the Penal Ordinance for Poles).[365]

Contrary to expectations, the _quota_ of Poles and Jews _previously

convicted_ is low; this can first of all be explained by the fact that

some of the criminal records were destroyed in the eastern territories;

furthermore that during the fighting in autumn 1939, the Poles opened

the doors of the penitentiaries and released dangerous criminals who,

in most cases, turned criminals again and were brought before the

German summary courts; a great number of those retaken, against whom

fresh violations of the law could not directly be proved, were sent

to concentration camps as a preventive measure. In both instances,

therefore, persons who had previous convictions were thus omitted

from the census of criminal statistics. Taking these points into

consideration, the quota of Poles and Jews previously convicted has

still to be regarded as comparatively high.

Particulars concerning the most important _punishable_ actions,

committed by the above mentioned groups of persons which have led to a

conviction, can be obtained from chart I B.

With regard to the penalties imposed upon them by the courts a total

of 1,138 Protectorate Nationals, Poles, and Jews, as well as Jews by

race were sentenced to death during the current year according to chart

2. These figures include 930 Poles and Jews sentenced under the crimes

ordinance for Poles. The total number of penal servitude sentences,

imposed for limited periods of time, against Protectorate Nationals and

Jews by race amounts to 2,237 and the jail sentences amount to 7,321.

By virtue of the criminal ordinance for Poles the sentence of penal

camp for hard labor was imposed in 2,017 cases and that of regular

penal camp in 43,180 cases.

The total _fines_ imposed, amount to 20,694.

85 defendants had their _property confiscated_.

* * * * * * *

_Chart 2_

_Punishments meted out in the year 1942

on account of crimes and offenses against Reich laws_

---------------------------+----------------------------------------------

| Punishments[366] meted out to--

|

+----------------+------------+---------+------

Sentences |German Nationals|Inhabitants |Poles[367]

|(and Foreigners | of the | and |Racial

| Total of this |Protectorate| Jews | Jews

| total to | | |

| juveniles | | |

---------------------------+--------+-------+------------+---------+------

| | | | |

Death sentences | 1,061 | 18 | 186 | 930 | 22

| | | | |

Penal servitude sentences: | | | | |

For life | | | | |

For a certain length of | | | | |

time, in toto | 15,850 | 56 | 2,112 | | 125

For less than 3 years | 9,307 | 18 | 1,294 | | 56

For 3 years and more | 6,543 | 38 | 818 | | 69

| | | | |

Total of jail sentences |143,885 | 9,695 | 6,875 | | 646

Of them-- | | | | |

For less than 3 months | 59,736 | 2,520 | 2,595 | | 348

For 3 months up to | | | | |

1 year | 88,012 | 5,315 | 3,020 | | 218

For one year and more | 14,881 | 504 | 1,051 | | 80

For an undetermined | | | | |

length of time | 1,256 | 1,256 | 9 | |

| | | | |

Severe penal camp total of | | | | |

sentences imposed | | | | 2,017 |

Of them-- | | | | |

For less than 5 years | | | | 1,257 |

For 5 years or more | | | | 760 |

| | | | |

Ordinary penal camp total | | | | |

of sentences imposed | | | | 43,180 |

Of them-- | | | | |

For less than 1 year | | | | 32,540 |

For 1 year or more | | | | 10,640 |

| | | | |

Confiscation of property | | | 4 | 78 | 3

| | | | |

Fines |141,464 | 2,021 | 3,037 | 16,939 | 718

| | | | |

Confinement in a fortress | | | | |

| | | | |

Arrest | 378 | 31 | 54 | | 4

| | | | |

Arrest of juveniles in | | | | |

toto | 37,717 |37,717 | 134 | |

namely: for a certain | | | | |

period in toto | 25,562 |25,562 | | |

of this, for more than | | | | |

2 weeks | 13,165 |13,165 | | |

| | | | |

Total of weekend | | | | |

imprisonments | 12,155 |12,155 | | |

Of this, [those with] | | | | |

3 and 4 pass privileges| 2,866 | 2,866 | | |

---------------------------+--------+-------+------------+---------+------

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NG-715

PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 112

THIRTEENTH REGULATION UNDER THE REICH CITIZENSHIP LAW,

1 JULY 1943[368]

1943 REICHSGESETZBLATT, PART I, PAGE 372

Under article 3 of the Reich Citizenship Law of 15 September 1935

(Reichsgesetzblatt I, p. 1146), the following is ordered:

Article 1

1. Criminal acts committed by Jews shall be punished by the police.

2. The decree concerning penal law for Poles

[Polenstrafrechtsverordnung] of 4 December 1941[369] (Reichsgesetzblatt

I, p. 759) shall no longer apply to Jews.

Article 2

1. The property of a Jew shall be confiscated by the Reich after his

death.

2. The Reich may, however, grant compensation to the non-Jewish legal

heirs and persons entitled to sustenance who have their domicile in

Germany.

3. This compensation may be granted in the form of a lump sum, not

to exceed the ceiling price of the property which has passed into

possession of the German Reich.

4. Compensation may be granted by the transfer of titles and assets

from the confiscated property. No costs shall be imposed for the legal

processes necessary for such transfer.

Article 3

The Reich Minister of the Interior with the concurrence of the

participating supreme authorities of the Reich shall issue the legal

and administrative provisions for the administration and enforcement

of this regulation. In doing so he shall determine to what extent the

provisions shall apply to Jewish nationals of foreign countries.

Article 4

This regulation shall take effect on the seventh day of its

promulgation. In the Protectorate Bohemia and Moravia it shall apply

where German administration and German courts have jurisdiction;

article 2 shall also apply to Jews who are citizens of the Protectorate.

Berlin, 1 July 1943

The Reich Minister of the Interior

FRICK

Chief of the Party Chancellery

M. BORMANN

Reich Minister of Finance

COUNT SCHWERIN VON KROSIGK

Reich Minister of Justice

DR. THIERACK

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NG-151

PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 204

SELECTIONS FROM CORRESPONDENCE PRECEDING ISSUANCE OF THIRTEENTH

REGULATION UNDER REICH CITIZENSHIP LAW, 3 AUGUST 1942–21 APRIL 1943,

INVOLVING LIMITATIONS UPON LEGAL RIGHTS OF JEWS, THEIR PUNISHMENT BY

POLICE, AND RELATED MATTERS[370]

1. Letter from the Reich Ministry of Justice to several leading

Reich authorities, 3 August 1942

Direct Reich Chancery 10939 B

Reich Minister of Justice

III a-2 1637 42 1506/5

Carbon Copy

Berlin W 8, 3 August 1942

_Urgent Letter_

To the

_a._ Reich Minister of the Interior

_b._ Reich Leader SS and Chief of the German Police

_c._ Reich Minister for People’s Enlightenment and Propaganda

_d._ Foreign Office

_e._ Chief of the Party Chancellery, Munich

_f._ Reich Protector for Bohemia and Moravia

Subject: Restriction of legal rights [Rechtsmittel][371] for Jews in

criminal cases

1 Enclosure

Enclosed I submit the draft for an ordinance concerning the restriction

of legal rights for Jews in criminal cases with the request to state

your opinion in regard to it.

_I_ have emphasized the importance in war of this ordinance,

because it indirectly serves national defense. The dissatisfaction

which is apparent in wide circles of the German population with regard

to the fact that legal rights in criminal cases are still afforded to

Jews and that they are still given the right to appeal to the courts

in cases of sentences inflicted by the police is liable to weaken the

determination of the German people to defend itself in this contest

which has been imposed on it.

As Deputy:

[typed] signed: DR. FREISLER

2. Draft enclosed with the letter of the Reich Ministry of Justice

of 3 August 1942

_Copy_

[Handwritten] 1508/05

_Ordinance concerning the restriction of legal rights for

Jews in criminal cases_

Of....................1942

The Ministerial Council for the defense of the Reich decrees with force

of law:

Article 1

Jews are not entitled to make use of the right of appeal, revision

(appeal for nullification pursuant to the former Austrian law which has

remained in force), and complaint against decisions in criminal cases.

Jews cannot appeal to courts for a decision against sentences inflicted

by the police.

In cases where an appeal for legal rights has been filed already or

a decision by a court proposed at the time this ordinance is being

enforced, those are considered as cancelled.

Berlin,....................1942

The President of the Ministerial Council for

the Defense of the Reich,

[Handwritten] GFM [General-Feldmarshall]

Reich Minister and Chief of the Reich

Chancellery

To IIIa-2 1637.42 344528

3. Letter from the Reich Ministry of the Interior to the Reich Ministry

of Justice, 13 August 1942

Reich Chancery 11452B 15 August 1942 [Initial] FI [Ficker]

Reich Minister of the Interior

Berlin, 13 August 1942

NW 7, Unter den Linden 72

Telephone: 12 00 34

12 00 37

Ib 1200/42 1508/06

7035

Use this reference in your reply. Reference 15/8

_Urgent Letter_

S.Ang. of 21/8

To the Reich Minister of Justice

Subject: Restriction of legal rights for Jews

Referring to your letter of 3 August 1942 RK. 11405 B im Gg.

1b-III-2 1637.42

The same considerations which have prompted your suggestion to deny

legal rights to Jews in criminal cases also apply to administrative

matters. I would like to ask you, therefore, to extend the draft of

an ordinance concerning the restriction of legal rights for Jews in

criminal cases at the same time also to administrative matters, giving

it about the following tenor:

Ordinance concerning the restriction of legal rights for Jews

Of....................1942.

The Ministerial Council for the Defense of the Reich decrees with force

of law:

Article 1

Jews are not entitled to make use of the right of appeal in criminal or

administrative cases.

They cannot appeal, as is otherwise admissible, to the courts for a

decision against a decision taken.

Nor can they enter a protest which otherwise might be admissible.

Article 2

In cases where an appeal for legal rights or a protest has been filed

already they are considered as canceled.

Article 3

This ordinance is enforced 7 days after its announcement. It is valid

also in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia and the Incorporated

Eastern Territories.

Berlin,....................1942

The President

of the Ministerial Council for the

Defense of the Reich

Delegate General for the Reich Administration

Reich Minister and Chief of the Reich Chancellery

Copies to the supreme Reich authorities, except the Reich Minister of

Justice with the request to state their opinion by 21 August 1942, in

case of difference of opinion. Otherwise agreement will be assumed.

As deputy:

[signed] DR. STUCKART

4. Letter from the Reich Ministry of Justice, signed by the defendant

Schlegelberger, to the Reich Ministry for People’s Enlightenment and

Propaganda, 13 August 1942

The Acting Reich Minister of Justice Copy

III a 2 1706.42 Berlin, 13 August 1942

[Handwritten] 1508/06

_Urgent Letter_

To the Reich Minister for People’s Enlightenment and Propaganda

Berlin

Subject: Restriction of legal rights for Jews

Referring to urgent letter of 12 August 1942[372] R 1400/23.7.42/122/1.9.

I. I thought of meeting at first the most urgent need within the

compass of my sphere of activity, viz, that of adjusting the

administration of justice from a legal point of view, and moreover I

had prepared a corresponding draft for the other administration of

justice belonging to my sphere of activity. However, I did not want to

take the initiative to make suggestions concerning matters which are

beyond the sphere of my department.

_The draft enclosed in your urgent letter_ includes all supreme

authorities of the Reich, especially that of the Reich Minister

and all ministers whose sphere of work is connected with matters

of administrative law. While, as far as the sphere of activity of

these ministers is concerned I still adhere to the opinion that I

should refrain from making suggestions on my part, I declare that I

have no objections against an extension of my draft to matters of

administrative law and to decisions by administrative authorities.

II. 34529 114058

II. On the assumption that an extensive regulation of the situation of

the Jews with regard to legal and administrative decisions is desired,

it seems necessary to me that the question of the admissibility for

a Jew to _testify on oath_ be legally regulated too, and this

regulation had best be included in the same decree.

Therefore, I furthermore suggest that the decree should provide that

the Jew is not admissible to testify on oath. Thereby the taking of an

oath or the furnishing of an affidavit by Jews is in general impossible.

In my opinion, however, the fact that the Jew is not permitted to take

an oath should not make the Jew have a better legal position than the

person who is authorized to take an oath. Therefore, I further suggest

to include a regulation according to which the testimony of a Jew which

could have been made under oath--if it had been given by a person who

is permitted to take an oath--should be treated like testimony given

under oath as far as criminal cases are concerned. My idea in this

connection is that the chiefs of the supreme authorities of the Reich

should order administratively that it should be pointed out to the Jew

that he could be legally prosecuted if he commits an offense against

his duty to give true testimony, but I do not propose to make this a

prerequisite of being liable to punishment.

In my opinion, comprehensive settlement of the problem requires

furthermore the exclusion, for reasons of foreign policy, of all Jews

from the regulations of this decree who are citizens of a foreign

nation.

Therefore, under the assumption that the persons participating in the

comprehensive solution of the problem and those supreme authorities of

the Reich which are in charge of specialized sectors agree, I would

suggest to give the _following wording_ to the decree:

Decree concerning the restriction of legal rights for Jews and their

inadmissibility to take an oath.

dated....................1942

The Ministerial Council for the Defense of the Reich orders the

following to be enforced as a law:

Article 1

Jews are not entitled to lodge a plea for appeal, revision, and

complaint (nullity plea and appeal under the still valid parts of

Austrian law) against the decisions of the courts.

Jews cannot apply for a judicial decision against penal measures

inflicted by the police.

Article 2

Jews cannot make use of the legal rights provided against decisions

made by the administrative authorities.

Article 3

Insofar as legal right has already been exercised or an application for

legal decision has been requested when this law comes into effect, they

are considered to be withdrawn.

Article 4

Jews are not entitled to take an oath.

Article 5

The regulation concerning perjury and false oath applies to untrue

statements of Jews not made under oath, if a person entitled to take

an oath could have been sworn to this statement. In the same manner

the regulations concerning the making of a false declaration in lieu

of oath are to be applied to the untrue declaration of a Jew, if the

declaration was the substitute for a declaration in lieu of oath or a

statement with reference to such a declaration.

Article 6

The regulations do not apply to Jews who are citizens of a foreign

nation.

Article 7

The supreme authorities of the Reich are authorized to issue

regulations for the execution within their jurisdiction.

[Typed] signed: DR. SCHLEGELBERGER

344531

5. Letter from Reich Leader SS to Lammers, 25 August 1942

13/9 RK. 12020 B 27 August 1942 [Initial] FI [Ficker]

The Reich Leader SS

and

Chief of the German Police

in the Reich Ministry of the Interior

20/9

S IV B 4 b--Ref. No. 1268/42

Please quote above reference and date in reply.

[Handwritten] Submitted last to RM 11853 tz 1b

Berlin SW 11, 25 August 1942

Prinz-Albrecht-Strasse 8

Tel. 12 00 40

1508/7

_Urgent Letter_

To the Reich Minister and Chief of the Reich Chancellery

Berlin [Initial] L [Lammers] 30 August

Subject: Limitation of legal rights for Jews

Reference: Urgent letter of the Reich Minister for Popular

Enlightenment and Propaganda sent to you on 21

August 1942--R 1400/13 August 1942, 122--1,9.

Considering the fact that up to now, the competent authorities disagree

and that moreover a number of further questions must be regarded as

not clarified, I consider the suggestions which have been made up to

now as not yet arrived at a stage when they could be submitted to the

Ministerial Council for the Defense of the Reich, and for this reason

I have asked the Reich Minister of Justice to arrange for a discussion

for the clarification of these essential questions.

BY ORDER:

[Typed] Signed: SUHR

Certified:

[Illegible signature]

Employee of the Chancery

Resubmitted because of RM 11850 (marked red), Office 13/19

[Stamp]

The Reich Leader SS [Initial] F [Frick] Sept. 12

and Chief of the German Police

6. Letter from Martin Bormann to the Reich Ministry of Justice,

9 September 1942

_National Socialist German Labor Party_

Party Chancellery

The Chief of the Party Chancellery

Fuehrer Headquarters

9 September 1942.

III C-Do. 2425/0/1

_Copy_

To the Minister of Justice

Berlin W 8

Wilhelmstr. 65

Subject: Limitation of legal appeal for Jews. RM 11405 B

Reference: Your letter of 13 August 1942--III a _2_ 1706.42--.

The limitation for legal appeal for Jews proposed by you extends in

the sphere of court decisions only to the legal appeal in a limited

sense--that is to say to appeal, revision, and complaint. This

regulation does not represent a comprehensive solution of the problem,

since the Jews will still be given the possibility of making use of

legal aids [Rechtsbehelfen] in a wider sense.

The considerations which are decisive for your draft also apply to

almost all cases of “legal aids.” In criminal cases this applies above

all to objections against penal rulings and to pleas for resumption

of proceedings. In the sphere of civil law it would apply, e.g., to

reminders of cost and execution matters, objections to execution orders

and judgments by default, as well as to nullity and restitutions suits.

Also, a limitation of the admissibility of suits protesting against

executions and suits filed by a third party will have to be taken into

consideration, as in these cases, too, the result will be a legal aid

against a judicial decision. I think it necessary to include all those

cases too into the regulation.

I further request you to include into the draft a regulation declaring

inadmissible the declining of a judge by a Jew.

I have no objections against the provisions of the draft relative to

the disqualification of Jews to take an oath.

Heil Hitler!

[Typed] Signed: M. BORMANN

Certified copy:

[Signed] DOSER

7. Letter from the General Plenipotentiary for the Administration of

the Reich to a number of leading Reich authorities, 29 September 1942

_Copy_

RK. 136 2 B 29 Sept. 1942 [Initial] FI [Ficker]

The General Plenipotentiary

for the Administration of the Reich

GBV. 788/42

2425 [Handwritten] Last submitted RK 12853 B

Berlin, 29 September 1942

[Stamp] See document of 8.10.

_Urgent Letter_

To the:

Head of the Party Chancellery

The Reich Minister of Justice

The Reich Minister for People’s Enlightenment and

Propaganda

The Foreign Office

The Reich Minister of Finance

[Handwritten] Submitted with RK 442 B. attached October 2

Subject: Ordinance concerning legal restrictions to be imposed on

Jews

On the basis of a discussion of 25 September 1942 between the officials

in charge, a new draft of an ordinance concerning the restrictions

imposed on Jews in the proceedings before the administrative agencies

or courts has been drawn up under the title, “Ordinance concerning

Legal Restrictions to be Imposed on Jews.” Please let me know as soon

as possible your opinion about the enclosed new formulation.

If no reply has been received by 14 October, your consent will be taken

for granted.

This copy is forwarded for your information and with the request that

you take a decision by 14 October.

As deputy:

[Signed] _Stuckart_

Justice 1

To the other supreme Reich authorities

8. Draft of proposed decree enclosed with the letter of the General

Plenipotentiary for Reich Administration of 25 September 1942

Appendix to GBV 788/42--2425 25 September 1942

Draft of an Ordinance concerning Legal Restrictions to be imposed on

Jews of..............1942.

The Council of the Ministers for Reich Defense ordains with the force

of law:

Article 1

(1) Jews will have no right of appeal [Rechtsmittel] from the

decisions of administrative agencies and courts, nor other legal means

[Rechtsbehelfen] to attack the same. Should, at the time when the

present ordinance takes effect, an appeal already be lodged, it will be

treated as withdrawn.

(2) Other applications from Jews to the administrative agencies or

courts are admissible only insofar as the administrative agency or

court would be of the opinion that the consideration of the application

would be in the common interest.

Article 2

Jews cannot testify under oath.

Article 3

(1) The regulations concerning perjury apply to the untrue, unsworn

testimony of a Jew when the testimony could have been sworn to if it

had been made by a person capable of taking an oath.

(2) Similarly, the provisions concerning false assurances in lieu of

affidavits apply to a statement made by a Jew, if such a statement was

intended to replace an assurance in lieu of affidavit, or a deposition

made with reference to such an assurance.

(3) The Jew shall be warned that any such untrue deposition or false

statement will be punished according to those provisions.

Article 4

Statements of a Jewish party to the proceedings with respect to the

question whether a witness or expert should be put on oath, will be

disregarded.

Article 5

In the sentencing of Jews the provisions concerning the deprivation of

civil rights will not apply.

Article 6

Jews cannot challenge German judges on grounds of partiality.

Article 7

At the death of a Jew his fortune escheats to the Reich.

Article 8

The Reich Minister of the Interior in agreement with the supreme

Reich authorities in interest will issue the necessary legal and

administrative provisions for the implementation and amendment of the

present ordinance. He will hereby determine how far this ordinance is

to apply to Jews of foreign nationality.

Article 9

This ordinance will take effect on the seventh day after its

promulgation. It also will apply in the Incorporated Eastern

Territories. In the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia it will

apply within the limits of the German administration and the German

jurisdiction.

Berlin

The President of the Council of

Ministers for Reich Defense

The Plenipotentiary General

for Reich Administration

The Reich Minister and Chief of

the Reich Chancellery

9. Letter from the General Plenipotentiary for Reich Administration to

the Reich Chancellery, 3 April 1943

The General Plenipotentiary for Reich Administration

GBV 262/43

1508/10

2425

[Handwritten notes] RK 4482 E

RK 13672B 52 M

2 Enclosures

Berlin, 3 April 1943

To the Reich Minister and Chief of the Reich Chancellery

for Under Secretary Kritzinger

Subject: Ordinance concerning legal restrictions to be imposed on

Jews

With reference to today’s conference between Under Secretary Kritzinger

and Under Secretary Dr. Stuckart, I am forwarding herewith in

duplicate--

(1) the draft of the ordinance concerning the legal restrictions to be

imposed on the Jews.

(2) the copy of the letter of the Chief of the Security Police and SD

of 8 March 1943 (II A 2 No. 22 III/43 176--).[373]

BY ORDER:

[Signature illegible]

Justice 1

344545

10. Letter from Kaltenbrunner, Chief of the Security Police and the SD,

to Frick, 8 March 1943

The Chief of the Security Police and the SD Copy

II A 2 No. 22 III/43-176

Berlin SW 11, 8 March 1943

Prinz Albrecht-Strasse 8

_Urgent letter_

To the Reich Minister of the Interior,

Party member Dr. Frick

Berlin NW 7

Unter den Linden 72

My dear Reich Minister:

Upon request I have been informed by Department I that you have stopped

the passing of the ordinance concerning the legal restrictions to be

imposed on Jews, as in view of the development of the Jewish question,

you no longer consider this ordinance necessary.[374] May I therefore

point out the following views taken by the Security Police, which are

in favor of an immediate passing of the ordinance:

1. Previous evacuations of Jews have been restricted to Jews who were

not married to non-Jews. In consequence, the numbers of Jews who have

remained in the interior is quite considerable. As the ordinance

would also include these Jews as well, the measures it plans are not

objectless.

2. The provision of article 7 of the ordinance according to which at

the death of a Jew his fortune escheats in its entirety to the Reich

results in the accumulation of considerably less work for the State

Police. At the present time the procedure used by the State Police in

handling the confiscation of such Jewish inheritances must frequently

be modified to suit each special case. If the decree were decided on

these separate procedures would no longer need to be carried out. The

ordinance would therefore bring about an effective reduction in present

administrative activity.

3. The provision according to which the application of criminal law

against Jews is transferred from the judicial authorities to the

police, is based on an agreement between the Reich Leader SS and

the Reich Minister of Justice Dr. Thierack. This agreement has been

approved by the Fuehrer. For if it is to be put into practice it must

be embodied in the form of a law, as the present competence of justice,

which is based on criminal procedure, can only be modified by a legal

provision.

If the ordinance which is planned does not come into force, this

provision as it is planned must then be set down in an independent law

which, however, is undesirable.

I beg you to consider the above-mentioned views and to examine whether

in spite of them an immediate passing of the ordinance does not seem

indicated.

Heil Hitler!

Yours obediently,

[Typed] signed: DR. KALTENBRUNNER

344547

11. Note of the Reich Chancellery, 6 April 1943, 1508/11

(14./4.) _To RK. 13672 B_, 4482 E

Fuehrer Headquarters

[Handwritten] 1508/11 6 April 1943

1. _Note_--Under Secretary Stuckart asked me over the telephone

to obtain the opinion of the Reich Minister and Chief of the Reich

Chancellery as to the draft of the ordinance which had been sent him

with the accompanying letter of 3 April. As Under Secretary Stuckart

informed me, the Reich Minister of the Interior himself has his

doubts as to whether the ordinance is still necessary. When Stuckart

approached the Party Chancellery on the question, Reichsleiter Bormann

suggested that he should obtain the opinion of the Reich Minister and

Chief of the Reich Chancellery.

On 5 April I discussed the affair with Under Secretary Klopfer. The

latter is of the same opinion as myself, that with the exception

perhaps of articles 6 and 7 of the draft, the ordinance can be

dispensed with. As regards article 7 of the draft, Under Secretary

Klopfer took my point of view that the possibility must be considered

of directing the heritage of deceased Jews either in part or in its

totality to their non-Jewish relatives.

The Reich Minister, to whom I reported on 6 April, is of the opinion

that we should decline as far as possible from a settlement of the

matter by an ordinance.

In order to help on the affair I came to an agreement with Under

Secretary Klopfer and suggested to Under Secretary Stuckart that the

question of the further consideration of the draft should be raised at

a discussion in which, in addition to myself and him, Under Secretary

Klopfer and Under Secretary Rothenberger and the Chief of the Security

Police Kaltenbrunner should take part. Under Secretary Stuckart

agreed to this and suggested that the conference should take place on

Wednesday, 14 April, 11 o’clock.

2. RKabR. Dr. Ficker with the request for his consideration.

3. Resubmit 14 April (in Berlin).

[Initial] F [Ficker]

8 April

344549 [Initial] KR [Kritzinger]

12. Note of the Reich Chancellery, 21 April 1943

Reich Chancellery 4611 E [Handwritten] 1508/12

for files Rk. 4748 E Berlin, 21 April 1943

1. NOTE--The Under Secretary conference, suggested by us,

about the draft on a _decree concerning the limitation of the legal

right of Jews_, which was at that time completed in the Reich

Ministry of the Interior took place today at the office of Under

Secretary Stuckart. Under Secretary Rothenberger, Under Secretary

Klopfer, SS Gruppenfuehrer Kaltenbrunner, and I were present as well as

Under Secretary Stuckart.

The discussion showed that only articles 6 and 7 of the provisions of

the draft of the order are considered necessary in which connection

article 7 is to be supplemented by a regulation which makes possible,

in the case of a confiscation of property, a settlement in favor of

non-Jewish heirs and legal dependents.

It was furthermore considered suitable to have the regulation issued as

a supplementary ordinance to the Reich citizens’ law.

The regulation accordingly would approximately take the form as shown

in appendix II.

[Enclosure] Appendix II.

2. To the Reich Minister with request for consideration.

[Initial] L [Lammers] 28 April

3. RK ab R. Dr. Ficker, respectfully.

[Initial] KR [Kritzinger]

Justice 1 s.Rk 5761

344550

13. Draft of a decree concerning the Reich Citizenship Law, enclosed

with the note of the Reich Chancellery of 21 April 1943

[Handwritten] Supplement to the Reich Citizenship Law and

Appendix II

_Decree Concerning the Limitation of the Legal Rights of the Jews_

[Handwritten] 1508/13 dated................1943

(_Abbreviated Form_)

Article 1

1. Punishable offenses of Jews will be punished by the police.

2. The decree concerning the administration of penal justice against

Poles and Jews of 4 December 1941 (Reich Legal Gazette I, p. 759) no

longer applies to Jews.

Article 2

On the death of a Jew, his property is forfeited to the Reich.

[Handwritten] Hardship clause in favor of non-Jewish heirs and

legal dependents.

Article 4

The Reich Minister of the Interior, in agreement with the top Reich

authorities concerned, issues the legal and administrative regulations

which are necessary for the execution and supplementing of this

ordinance. In this case he determines how far this order applies to

Jews of foreign nationality.

Article 5

This ordinance will come into force on the seventh day after its

promulgation. It will also apply to the Incorporated Eastern

Territories. In the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia it will apply

to the sphere of German administration and German jurisdiction.

Article 2 also applies to Jews who are subjects of the Protectorate.

Berlin,............1943 344551

The President of the Ministerial Council

for the Defense of the Reich

The Plenipotentiary General for the

Reich Administration

The Reich Minister and Chief of

the Reich Chancellery

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NG-1656

PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 535

DRAFT OF PROPOSED MEMORANDUM TO HITLER FROM MINISTRY OF JUSTICE, APRIL

1943, INITIALED BY DEFENDANT ROTHENBERGER AND MINISTERIAL DIRECTOR

VOLLMER, CONCERNING IMMINENT PROSECUTION OF A JEWESS FOR SELLING HER

MOTHER MILK TO A GERMAN PEDIATRICIAN

The Reich Minister of Justice

Information for the Fuehrer

(1943 No.)

After the birth of her child, a full-blooded Jewess sold her mother

milk [Muttermilch] to a pediatrician and concealed that she was a

Jewess. With this milk babies of German blood were fed in a nursing

home for children. The accused will be charged with deception [Betrug].

The buyers of the milk have suffered damage, for mother’s milk from a

Jewess cannot be regarded as food for German children. The impudent

behavior of the accused is an insult as well. Relevant charges,

however, have not been applied for, so that the parents, who are

unaware of the true facts, need not subsequently be worried.

I shall discuss with the Reich health leader the racial hygienic aspect

of the case.

Berlin,..............April 1943

(Referent: Ministerialrat Dr. Malzan)

To the Under Secretary

[Initial] R [Rothenberger]

[Initial] V [Vollmer] 19 April

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NG-351

PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 132

SECRET JUDGMENT OF FIRST SENATE OF PEOPLE’S COURT CONCERNING TWO POLES,

21 MAY 1943, AND DIRECTIVE OF MINISTRY OF JUSTICE TO DEFENDANT LAUTZ

CONCERNING THE MANNER OF CARRYING OUT THE EXECUTION OF ONE OF THE

DEFENDANTS

9 J 190/420 Copy

1 H 110/43

SECRET!

In the Name of the German People

In the case against--

1. the porter Paul Stefanowicz, from Berlin, born 5 January 1922 in

Olyka (District of Rovno),

2. the laborer Franz Lenczewski, from Berlin, born 1 August 1924 in

Sandec (Government General), Poland, at present in custody pending

trial for treasonable intent, et cetera, the People’s Court, First

Senate, on the basis of the session of 21 May 1943, in which the

following participated as judges:

People’s Court Senior Judge Laemmle, President

District Court President Dr. Schlemann,

SA Gruppenfuehrer Haas,

SA Brigadefuehrer Hohm,

SA Gruppenfuehrer Koeglmaier,

as representative of the Chief Reich Prosecutor [the defendant Lautz]:

Local Court Judge Dr. Pilz,

found:

As Poles, the defendants harmed the interests of the Reich by leaving

their places of work in Berlin in August 1942 and going to the Reich

border, with the intention of remaining in Switzerland until the end of

the war.

The defendant _Stefanowicz_ is therefore condemned to death.

The defendant _Lenczewski_, since he acted under the influence of

Stefanowicz, who is mentally greatly superior to him, will receive a

sentence of 8 years in a penal camp, and the period of custody for

investigation will be included in this term.

_Findings_

Both defendants are ethnic Poles, were formerly Polish citizens, and on

1 September 1939 resided in the former Republic of Poland.

Both defendants reported for work and were assigned to work in Berlin;

Lenczewski in April 1941 in a chocolate factory, Stefanowicz in January

1942 at the Neukoelln hospital.

Of the two defendants, Stefanowicz makes a much more intelligent and

bold impression. He belongs to the Polish intelligentsia, which is the

stronghold of the Polish spirit of resistance. Consequently in March

1942 shortly after he began his work, he left his place of work and

attempted to flee to Denmark. He was arrested in Flensburg, however,

and after 2 months in a labor reformatory camp he was returned to

his place of work in Berlin. There he was noted for his anti-German

attitude. According to his own statement, the nurses threatened that

his attitude would bring him into the concentration camp one of these

days. It was Stefanowicz who persuaded the codefendant Lenczewski, who

is nearly 2 years younger and was at the time the deed was committed

barely 18 years old, to leave his place of work and escape with him to

Switzerland in order to live a more comfortable life there. They agreed

to escape on 2 August 1942.

On that day they left Berlin and went via Augsburg and Innsbruck to

Landeck/Tyrol. From there they went on foot toward the Swiss border,

with the intention of crossing the border secretly. In the mountains,

however, they suffered from bad weather, and on 6 August 1942 they were

arrested by a customs patrol in See (Tyrol), very close to the Reich

border.

The prosecution assumes that the defendants had the intention of

joining the Polish Legion. Both defendants, however, have denied this

from the beginning and maintain that they merely wanted to get better

working conditions in Switzerland. The assumption of the prosecution is

doubtless supported by the fact that members of the former Polish State

who wanted to join the legion have frequently been arrested at the

border under similar circumstances. On the other hand, no evidence has

been presented that the defendants were in contact with such circles.

As for their personality, neither of them gives an impression of a

fighter but rather an effeminate one, and the fact that they merely

wanted to go to Switzerland in order to live a better life there, could

not be disproved.

Nevertheless, as Poles, both of them have harmed the interests of the

German Reich by their conduct. For they were assigned to work in the

Reich, and in total warfare any loss in this regard harms the interests

of the Reich. They were aware of this fact, especially since they

intended to remain in Switzerland permanently and thus to deprive the

Reich of their work for the entire duration of the war (crime under

art. 1, par. 3 of the Regulation on Administration of the Penal Law

against Poles and Jews in the Incorporated Eastern Territories of 4

December 1941 (Reichsgesetzblatt 1, p. 759)).

The law provides the death penalty for this offense, as a rule. Only

in less severe cases can a prison sentence be imposed. The case of the

defendant Stefanowicz is not a less severe case. As already emphasized,

he belongs to the Polish intelligentsia, which is the stronghold of

the spirit of resistance. From the very beginning he failed to adapt

himself to the order prevailing in the Reich and once before made an

unsuccessful attempt to escape to Denmark. He is also responsible for

the fate of his codefendant Lenczewski, to whom he is mentally far

superior. He was therefore given the death sentence. On the other

hand, in the case of the defendant Lenczewski, who did not make a very

independent impression during the trial, who was very young at the

time the deed was committed, and who succumbed to the influence of his

mentally superior friend, a sentence of 8 years in a penal camp was

considered sufficient. The period of custody for investigation was

included in this term.

Under the law, the defendants have to bear the costs of the trial,

since they have been convicted.

[Signed] LAEMMLE [Signed] DR. SCHLEMANN

25 May 1943

_Carbon copy_

The Reich Minister of Justice Berlin, 7 August 1943

IV g 10a 4910 c/43 g

Urgent--Secret

The Chief Reich Prosecutor with the People’s Court,

Berlin

personally or to his deputy in office

Reference GJ 190/42g 30 July 1943

Enclosures:

1 volume

1 folder

1 decree of 5 August 1943 (fair copy)

1 certified copy of the decree

Referring to the proceedings against Paul Stefanowicz who was sentenced

to death on 21 May 1943 by the People’s Court, I send you a fair copy

and certified copy of the decree of 5 August 1943[375] with the request

to take the necessary steps with the greatest possible speed. The

executioner Reichhart is to be entrusted with the carrying out of the

execution. As to the delivery of the body to an institute according to

article 39 of the Reich Ordinance of 19 February 1939, the Anatomical

Institute of Munich University is to be taken into consideration.

Please refrain from publicity, either through the press or through

posters.

BY ORDER

[Typed] DR. VOLLMER[376]

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NG-457

PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 201

OPINION AND SENTENCE OF THE NUERNBERG SPECIAL COURT, WITH DEFENDANT

OESCHEY AS PRESIDING JUDGE, 29 OCTOBER 1943, BY WHICH TWO FOREIGN

WORKERS WERE CONDEMNED TO DEATH[377]

Beg. f. H.V. Sg No. 256/1943

[Stamp]

The sentence is effective and must be executed.

Nuernberg, 3 November 1943

The Chief Registrar

of the Office of the District Court

Criminal Division

[Signed] RAMSENTHALER

Chief Court Clerk

_Sentence_

In the Name of the German People

The Special Court

for the area of the Nuernberg District Court of Appeal at the

Nuernberg-Fuerth District Court in the criminal case against Kaminska,

Sofie, farm laborer in Uffenheim and 1 other person charged with a

crime under part I, section 4 No. 1 of the Penal Ordinance for Poles

and Jews, at a public session on 29 October 1943 attended by--

Presiding judge--District Court President Oeschey;

Associate judges--Local Court Judge Dr. Pfaff and

District Court Judge Dr. Gros;

Public Prosecutor for the Special Court;

Public Prosecutor Markl, and as registrar of the office.

Court Clerk Kastner rules as follows:

Kaminska, Sofie; nee Uba, born on 1 September 1907 at Czenstocice,

widow, Polish farm laborer,

Wdowen Wasyl, born on 20 February 1923 at Zatwanica, single, Ukrainian

farm laborer,

both last residing in Uffenheim, both under arrest pending trial are

guilty: Kaminska slapped a German soldier, threatened him with a hoe,

and threw a stone after him; furthermore offered resistance to a

policeman when she was being arrested. Wdowen tried by force to prevent

Kaminska’s arrest.

They are therefore sentenced to death; Kaminska under articles II, III,

and XIV of the Penal Ordinance for Poles; Wdowen is sentenced as a

public enemy.

_Findings_

The defendant Kaminska, who belongs to the Polish ethnic group and who

on 1 September 1939 was residing in the territory of the former Polish

State, attended elementary school and after having finished school

worked as a laborer on several farms in Poland. She was married in 1929

and since then had three children. Her husband was killed in action

during the Polish campaign in October 1939. At the middle of December

1939 she came to Germany being committed to work there. She was first

employed for over a year by a farmer in Weidenheim, then for a year

by the farmer Landshuter at Unternzenn, and since 15 March 1942 she

has been employed by the farmer Gundel at Uffenheim. Leo Gundel is 60

years old and fragile; his daughter manages the farm. At Weidenheim

the defendant Kaminska met the codefendant Wdowen who belongs to the

Ukrainian ethnic group. Wdowen never attended school, he can neither

read nor write, nor had he learned a trade. Until he came to Germany

in March 1940 for labor commitment he worked as a farm laborer for his

parents and for other farmers in the territory of the former Polish

state. In Germany he was first employed by a farmer in Weidenheim, and

in March 1942 he was transferred to Gundel together with Kaminska.

Wdowen started a love affair with the defendant Kaminska in Weidenheim.

The child born in June 1942 is a result of that relationship. The

defendant took the child to her mother in Wussiowa in March 1943.

On 1 July 1942 the two defendants entered Gundel’s home and demanded

money from the daughter, Marie, for the journey which the defendant

Kaminska had made to Poland to take her child to her mother. When the

daughter refused the request, they turned to old Gundel who was also

present in the room. When he, too, refused to pay any money to Kaminska

both defendants became more and more insistent; the defendant Wdowen

even gave the farmer a push. In his distress, Gundel called for the

help of the army private Anton Wanner, who used to work on the farm as

a laborer and who happened to be spending his leave there. Wanner was

in uniform. He came into the living room and told the defendants to

leave immediately. The defendant Kaminska at once attacked the soldier,

slapping his face once. Thereupon, Wanner slapped her face. Now a fight

resulted during which his infantry assault badge fell to the ground.

Wanner, feeling himself threatened, drew his bayonet and yelled at

Wdowen, “Get out, you bully.” The defendant Kaminska by this time ran

out of the room and took a hoe which was leaning near the staircase.

She did not get a chance of attacking him as the soldier quickly closed

the door.

Shortly afterward Wanner was riding on his bicycle along the road

to Uffenheim to go to the police station. When he was passing the

two defendants who were walking in the same direction, the defendant

Kaminska threw a stone weighing half a pound after the soldier without,

however, hitting him.

The next day police sergeant Dirmann went to Gundel’s farm, but the

defendant Kaminska was working in the fields. There, the police

official told her to follow him. The defendant Kaminska followed him

unwillingly and hesitatingly. The codefendant Wdowen ran after the

police official, although the latter had forbidden him to follow them.

On the way Dirmann twice slapped Wdowen’s face to force him to turn

back. Despite this he followed the two to the prison cell. When Dirmann

wanted to put Kaminska in the cell she began screaming. Wdowen rushed

up to them and embraced Kaminska with both hands so that the police

official was prevented from arresting Kaminska. Only after several

other people who were called in by the police official came to his aid,

he succeeded in overpowering the two defendants and putting Kaminska in

the cell.

The defendant Kaminska states that she learned before 1 July 1942 at

the employment office that the farmer Gundel had to pay her travel

expenses both ways. On 1 July 1942, she made only these demands.

Besides, she only slapped the soldier after he had slapped her face.

She had not purposely torn off his infantry assault medal. It was

true she had fetched the hoe but she had not raised it to assault the

soldier but only to intimidate him.

The defendant further admits having picked up a stone on the way to

Uffenheim and having thrown it after the soldier; she merely mentioned

as an excuse that she had been so angry that she had picked up a stone

and thrown it at Wanner.

Regarding her arrest by police sergeant Dirmann, the defendant says

she had offered resistance because she had been afraid that the police

official would throw her into a cellar; she had not known before what

the official really wanted from her.

The defendant Wdowen denies having struck or attacked the old man

Gundel and the soldier in the living room. He had only received a blow

on the nose from Wanner when Wanner had said something to him and to

Kaminska which he could not understand. He had not seized or held him.

Concerning the arrest of Kaminska, Wdowen states that he had “already

thought” that Kaminska was to be arrested by the police official; he

had also kept “running after them,” although he had been forbidden to

do so, and he did not let himself be intimidated by the slappings.

Outside the cell he had intended to tear Kaminska away from the

police official because he had felt sorry for her. The excuses which

the defendants have put forward are irrelevant; for the rest, the

afore-mentioned facts have been confirmed by the witnesses Gundel and

Wurm. The soldier Wanner has been reported missing since the fighting

in Tunisia. The witness, police sergeant Wurm testified, however, that

Wanner had made definite and clear statements. The court is therefore

convinced that the defendant Kaminska hit the soldier first; she was

not authorized to do so in any way. When the witness Miss Gundel

had told her that she would first make inquiries at the employment

office as to whether the demands for payment of travel expenses

were justified, the defendant Kaminska should have been satisfied.

If despite that she continued to insist on her imagined demand and

together with Wdowen behaved insolently towards Miss Gundel and her

father, it was absolutely understandable that old Gundel called the

soldier Wanner for help. The defendant Kaminska should have complied

immediately with Wanner’s demand to leave the room. She cannot claim

that she did not understand his demand. If instead of immediately

leaving the farmer’s living room, she slapped the soldier’s face then

this constituted a bodily maltreatment and thereby an assault and

battery.

As the codefendant Wdowen, too, according to the credible statements

which the soldier Wanner had made to the police sergeant Wurm, either

gripped the soldier or at any rate took sides with Kaminska, so that

Wanner had to fear a joint attack, it was understandable that he drew

his bayonet in his defense. If the defendant Kaminska had to run out of

the house to get a hoe and with it had walked towards the front door

where the soldier was standing, Wanner had to fear the possibility of

an attack on his life, although it was not established at the trial

whether the defendant had already lifted the hoe to hit him. This

behavior must be regarded as a threat within the meaning of article 241

of the Criminal (Penal) Code.

The defendant admits that after the incident in Gundel’s room, “some

time later” on the way to Uffenheim she, in her anger, picked up a

stone weighing a half pound and threw it after the soldier Wanner who

was sitting on a bicycle, however, without hitting him.

The facts thus established prove that the defendant has committed a

crime within the meaning of article 1, paragraph 1 of the Law against

Violent Criminals of 5 December 1939. For this the death sentence is

imposed on a person who, among other things, when committing a serious

act of violence uses cutting or thrusting weapons or with such a weapon

threatens the body or life of another person.

An act of violence within the meaning of that provision is constituted

by a violent attack on a person which, according to design or execution

or in view of the consequences for the person who is being attacked,

endangers the security afforded by law to a high degree, and which

therefore is particularly rejected and detested by the national

community which is engaged in a fight for its right of existence,

according to the verdict of the Reich Supreme Court of 26 January 1942,

Second Criminal Senate, January 1942.

In the present case, the basic punishable deed is a threat within the

meaning of article 241 of the Criminal (Penal) Code.

The defendant by throwing, in her anger, such a heavy stone after

the soldier did not merely make a purposeless gesture. The court

is convinced that it is evident from the over-all attitude of the

defendant Kaminska, which she had previously displayed toward the

soldier, that she meant to hit Wanner. A stone weighing half a pound

when being thrown by someone in a condition which the defendant herself

described as anger may kill a human being. Thus, a stone of that weight

must be considered equal to a cutting or thrusting weapon; it must be

considered as an object equal to a weapon within the meaning of the

law against violent criminals. The defendant dared attack a German

soldier, she took up an offensive position which would have caused

grave injury if the soldier had not evaded the stone which was thrown

at him. The defendant was about to endanger gravely the life and health

of a German national. The German nation which is engaged in a grim

defensive struggle rightly expects the most severe methods to be taken

against such alien elements. The crime of the defendant, by design, and

execution, as well as a considerable violation of the security afforded

by law, constitutes a serious crime of violence within the meaning of

the law against violent criminals. The fact that the criminal is a Pole

is of particular significance.

From the name of the law it is concluded that it can only be applied

against persons who are to be regarded as violent criminals. The

defendant had not been provoked to the violent action. After she had

failed to hit him with the hoe, she tried to hit the soldier on the

road. The over-all behavior of the Polish woman, also toward the

farmer, proves that the crime is not alien to her nature. She thereby

characterizes herself as a Polish violent criminal. The defendant

cannot dispute that she resisted with all her strength when a police

official wanted to put her in a cell. Her excuse that she had not

known what the official wanted from her cannot be believed. She knew

in what manner she had acted toward the Germans on the previous day.

She therefore had to expect the police official who moreover was in

uniform to try and arrest her. The court has no doubt that she, as well

as Wdowen who admitted having assumed that Kaminska was to be “picked

up” because of her behavior on the day before, knew that she would now

be arrested. By her violent resistance outside the cell, she therefore

violated article 113 of the Criminal (Penal) Code.

According to the opinion of the medical expert, which the Court

shares, the defendant shows no symptoms which could justify doubts as

to her responsibility for the crime.

As the defendant on 1 September 1939 was a resident in the territory of

the former Polish State, she had to be found guilty in application of

articles II, III, and XIV of the Penal Ordinance for Poles, of a crime

of assault and battery in conjunction with a crime of threat, a crime

under article 1, paragraph 1 of the Law against Violent Criminals, and

of a crime of offering resistance to the police.

The defendant was further charged with intentionally having torn off

the infantry assault badge of the soldier Wanner. That could not be

proved during the trial. The witness, Miss Gundel, testifies that after

the defendant Kaminska had slapped the soldier’s face, a fight ensued

and that afterward the soldier’s infantry assault medal was missing.

In view of this evidence there is, at any rate, a possibility that the

badge might have loosened in the course of the fight. A particular

acquittal was not necessary, however, as the attitude of the defendants

must be regarded as one action.

Although the old feeble farmer Gundel was not physically injured by

the thrust of the defendant Wdowen, he did rightly feel the action of

the Ukrainian to be an offense to his honor as a German. The defendant

Wdowen, by holding Kaminska with both hands when the Polish woman was

about to be put into a cell so that the police official was unable to

do so for the moment, and by allowing himself to be removed only after

the intervention of other persons, offered forceful resistance to an

official who was lawfully doing his duty.

By his action, he also tried to free the codefendant Kaminska from the

hold of the official in whose custody she was.

His act, therefore, constitutes an attempt to free a prisoner in

conjunction with resistance to the police under articles 120, 43, 113,

73 of the Penal Code.

That, however, does not exhaust the entire unlawful character of his

deed.

The defendant Wdowen knows very well that the German economy, on

account of wartime conditions, is dependent on foreign labor, in

particular on labor from the eastern territories. He speculated that

his offenses would be overlooked in order not to lose him as a worker.

The defendant also knew that because of the drafts into the armed

forces the security organs in the Reich have been reduced and that

Germany is deprived of the population fit for military service so

that the rural population is largely helpless against the insolent

and obstinate behavior and against attacks, which occur more and more

on the part of such elements from the East. The defendant Wdowen,

therefore, committed the offense taking advantage of the extraordinary

wartime conditions. His action is therefore particularly despicable and

demands that the ordinary limit of punishment be exceeded.

The defendant therefore had to be sentenced for a crime under article

4 of the Decree against Public Enemies in conjunction with resistance

toward the police and an attempt to free a prisoner.

Under article III, paragraph 2 of the Penal Ordinance for Poles, the

death sentence must be passed if the law provides for it. The defendant

Kaminska, therefore, under the law against violent criminals is

deserving of the death penalty.

The death penalty has to be pronounced as the only just atonement

because the security afforded by law within the German living space

must be protected against Polish criminality with the utmost severity.

The defendant Wdowen, if only by his behavior toward the feeble

old farmer Gundel proved that he is an insolent aggressive fellow

inasmuch as he kept following the police official, although he had

been chastized twice. It is to be concluded that he was waiting for

a favorable moment to free the codefendant Kaminska by force, and

finally by attempting to prevent by force the police official from

the execution of his official duties and the latter having to call

for assistance, he topped his provocative, dangerous behavior. Every

security organ enjoys the special protection of the Reich. He who

impedes in such a provocative manner the security organs, which are

stationed at home, and which on account of their numerical minority

are particularly overburdened during the war, must expect the Reich to

react with utmost severity. That applies, in particular, to the foreign

workers from the East who work in the Reich. In view of that, the court

has assumed a particularly grave case within the meaning of paragraph 4

of the Decree against Public Enemies, and has not attached any decisive

importance to the circumstances alone that the defendant Wdowen has had

no previous convictions and has hitherto not attracted any unfavorable

attention during his stay in Germany. Therefore, the defendant Wdowen

had to be sentenced to death under the penal law of article 4 of the

Decree against Public Enemies.

Costs: Paragraph 465, Code of Criminal Procedure.

[Signed] OESCHEY[378]

DR. GROS[379]

PFAFF[380]

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 664-PS

PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 348

CIRCULAR LETTER OF HIMMLER TO THE SUPREME REICH AUTHORITIES, 10 MARCH

1944, NOTING THAT “THE ACCOMPLISHED EVACUATION AND ISOLATION” OF JEWS

AND GYPSIES HAD MADE MEANINGLESS THE PREVIOUS MANNER OF PUBLISHING

SPECIAL DIRECTIVES CONCERNING THEM

Berlin, 10 March 1944

The Reich Leader SS

Minister of Interior Affairs

S. Pol. IV D 2 c--927/44 g-24

[Initial] TH [Thierack]

[Stamp] Reich Ministry of Justice

17 March 1944

Dept. VII

_SECRET_

To the Supreme Reich Authorities

Subject: Posted prohibitions concerning Poles, Jews, and gypsies

The separately published decrees and rules governing the livelihood of

Poles, Jews, and gypsies within the jurisdiction of the Reich, have

frequently led to a summary equalization of these groups in the public

eye as far as sale-and-utilization prohibitions, public announcements

in the press, etc., are concerned. This attitude does not correspond

with the differentiated political position to be granted to these

groups now, and in the future.

As far as Jews and gypsies are concerned the accomplished evacuation

and isolation of these groups by the Chief of the Security Police and

the SD has made the publication of special directives (concerning the

all inclusive prohibition of participation in many livelihoods) in the

previous manner meaningless. Therefore, corresponding public directives

may be eliminated.

The decrees and regulations which have been decided upon to govern

the livelihood of the Poles will remain as before. For political

practical reasons it is hereby recommended to maintain a certain amount

of restraint in the public directives of these regulations, be it in

posters, signboards, on press releases, etc.

I wish that the subordinate officers be informed of the necessary

directives.

[Typed] Signed: H. HIMMLER

Certified: [Illegible signature]

SS Sturmbannführer

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NG-900

PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 453

LETTER FROM THE CHIEF OF SECURITY POLICE AND SD TO MINISTRY OF JUSTICE,

3 MAY 1944, ENTITLED “REQUESTS MADE BY THE COURTS FOR INFORMATION ON

JEWS,” AND INTEROFFICE MEMORANDUMS LEADING TO DISPATCHING OF A LETTER

DRAFTED BY DEFENDANT ALTSTOETTER

The Chief of the Security Police

and the Security Service

IVA b (I) a 4647/43

Please state this business number,

the date and the subject in

correspondence

Berlin SW-11, 3 May 1944

Prinz Albrechtstr. 8

Local Phone: 120040

Long distance: 126421

[Stamp] Reich Ministry of Justice

5 May 1944

Dept. VII-VI

[Initial] TH [Thierack]

[Initials] KLE [Klemm]

To the Reich Minister of Justice

Berlin

Subject: Requests made by the courts for information on Jews

Reference: None

In a number of proceedings for the checking of descent, the District

Court Vienna requested information about the whereabouts of Jews, in

some cases it requested this information from the central office for

the regulation of the Jewish problem in Bohemia and Moravia at Prague,

and in some cases directly from here. These Jews were at some time

either evacuated to the East or were sent to Theresienstadt. Although

my local office drew the attention of the District Court Vienna several

times to the fact that such requests, as well as applications for the

admission of such Jews as witnesses before courts or for hereditary

biological examinations cannot be granted on account of reasons

stated by the Security Police, the District Court Vienna renews its

applications continuously.

Besides the fact that the Jews for years had time and opportunity to

clarify their position with regard to descent, the proceedings for

the checking of the descent demanded by the Jews or their families

are according to experience in general made only in order to conceal

their descent so that they would not be subject to the measures of the

Security Police intended for them, or to those which have already been

carried out. For this reason and in the interest of urgent dispatch of

work important to the war effort the granting of applications of this

kind has to be refused for the time being.

Therefore, I request to direct the District Court Vienna not to submit

any such applications in future. I would be grateful to be informed

about the steps taken from there.

As deputy:

[illegible signature]

The Reich Minister of Justice Berlin, 3 June 1944

VIb 2 1124/44

Dispatched 14 June 1944, [initial] B

[Stamp] Office

8 June 1944

H/Frl. [illegible]

1. To the President of the Court of Appeal, _Vienna_

Subject: Handling of cases concerning descent of Jews or Jewish

persons of mixed race

No previous correspondence.

Trials of war criminals before the Nuernberg military tribunals under control council law no. 10, volume III · 第 11 / 22 章