Battle of Monmouth—General Lee’s Seeming Treachery—Washington on the
Field—La Fayette’s Coolness in the Face of Danger—An Incident of the
Battle—Arrival of the French Fleet—La Fayette’s Sagacity in
Negotiations—Resolution of Congress commending him—Letter from the
President of Congress—La Fayette’s Reply—La Fayette’s Letter to
Washington—Washington’s Affectionate Answer—La Fayette solicits Leave
of Absence to return to France—Washington’s Letter to Congress—La
Fayette’s Letter to the President of Congress—Congress grants the
Request—La Fayette’s Illness—Anxiety regarding him displayed by
Washington and the Army—His Recovery—A Visitor describes his
Appearance—Letter to Washington from on Board the _Alliance_—Dangers
at Sea—La Fayette’s Arrival in France—Virginie La Fayette describes
the Joy occasioned by the Return of her Father—La Fayette’s Letter to
President Laurens—Sword presented to La Fayette by Congress—La
Fayette’s Efforts in France in Behalf of America—La Fayette returns to
America—His Note to Washington announcing his Arrival—His Reception in
Boston—Congress renders Thanks to the Young Marquis—Discouragements in
the Army—Treachery of Benedict Arnold—La Fayette’s Letter regarding
the Plot—La Fayette’s Letter to his Wife—Appointed to the Command of
the Virginia Troops—Discouraging Difficulties—La Fayette’s Undaunted
Perseverance—His Politic Measures—La Fayette describes his Position to
Washington—La Fayette’s Refusal to hold Communication with
Arnold—Washington’s Commendation—Lord Cornwallis assumes Command of
the English Army—His Contempt for the Youthful Marquis—His Opinion
concerning the “Boy”—The Despised “Boy’s” Unexpected Stratagem—Brisk
Skirmish—La Fayette’s Commendation of General Wayne—The Marquis
outwits Cornwallis by Means of a Spy—La Fayette’s Letter to
Washington—Arrival of the French Fleet—Cornwallis Entrapped—Loyalty of
La Fayette—Arrival of Washington and Rochambeau—Siege of
Yorktown—Capitulation of the English—Surrender of Cornwallis—Public
Rejoicing—Letter from La Fayette to M. de Maurepas—Also to M. de
Vergennes—La Fayette’s Letter to his Wife—His Return to
France—Virginie La Fayette describes the Home Picture—Letter to
Washington from La Fayette.
“Liberty’s in every blow!
Let us do or die.”—BURNS.
ON Sunday, the 28th of June, 1778, the battle of Monmouth was fought.
General Lee, who commanded the troops first in action, with seeming
treachery ordered a retreat; and though La Fayette endeavored to stem
the tide of defeat, a total rout seemed certain, when Washington rode
upon the field, and seeing his orders had been disobeyed, he accosted
Lee with cutting severity, and gave instant commands to turn about.
“_Long live Washington!_” rang the shout along the ranks, and the white
charger, bearing the chieftain, was looked upon as a herald of victory.
The irresistible genius of that quiet man turned back the tide of war,
and forced the British to retreat, and night alone prevented the
Americans from pushing on to a further attack. Everywhere had La Fayette
been seen encouraging his men. Where the greatest danger was, there was
always his place. With the utmost coolness he gave orders or obeyed the
directions of his chief. Colonel Willet, who had volunteered as an aide
to General Scott, who commanded the infantry, says that in the hottest
of the fight he saw La Fayette ride up, and in a voice cool, steady, and
slow, and with as much deliberation as if nothing exciting prevailed,
said: “General, the enemy is making an attempt to cut off our right
wing—march to its assistance with all your force.” So saying, he
galloped off, being exceedingly well mounted, though plainly dressed.
An officer under the immediate command of La Fayette said of him at this
battle: “I have been charmed with the blooming gallantry and sagacity of
the Marquis de La Fayette, who appears to be possessed of every
requisite to constitute a great general.”
In the “Historical Anecdotes of the Reign of Louis XVI.,” an incident of
this battle is related as follows:—
“During the American war a general officer in the service of the United
States advanced with a score of men, under the English batteries, to
reconnoitre their position.
“His aide-de-camp, struck by a ball, fell at his side, while the
officers and orderly dragoons fled precipitately. The general, though
under the fire of the cannon, approached the wounded man to see whether
he had any signs of life remaining, or whether any assistance could be
afforded him. Finding the wound had been mortal, he turned his eyes away
with emotion, and slowly rejoined the group which had gotten out of the
reach of the pieces. This instance of courage and humanity took place at
the battle of Monmouth. General Clinton, who commanded the English
troops, knew that the Marquis de La Fayette usually rode a white horse;
and it was upon a white horse that the general officer who retired so
slowly was mounted. Sir Henry Clinton, therefore, commanded the gunners
not to fire. This noble forbearance probably saved General La Fayette’s
life. At that time he was but twenty-two years of age.”
During the summer of 1778 an expedition against Newport, then held by
the British, was planned. A French fleet under Count d’Estaing had
arrived. The plan was to move against Newport by land and sea. When all
was arranged, the Count d’Estaing for some reason changed his purpose,
and the expedition was necessarily abandoned. In the negotiations La
Fayette displayed much zeal, and hearing that the American army was
flying before the enemy, he immediately started for the scene, and by
his intrepid courage turned the tide of pursuit, and brought back the
troops without the loss of a man. This brave conduct of La Fayette met
with universal commendation, and in his honor Congress passed the
following resolution:—
“_Resolved_, That Mr. President be requested to inform the Marquis de La
Fayette that Congress have a due sense of the sacrifice he made of his
personal feelings in undertaking a journey to Boston, with a view of
promoting the interests of these states, at a time when an occasion was
daily expected of his acquiring glory in the field, and that his
gallantry in going on to Rhode Island, when the greatest part of the
army had retreated, and his good conduct in bringing off the pickets and
out-sentinels, deserve their particular approbation.”
Mr. Laurens, who was then President of Congress, accompanied this
resolution with the following letter:—
“PHILADELPHIA, Sept. 13, 1778.
“SIR: I experience a high degree of satisfaction in fulfilling the
instructions embraced in the enclosed act of Congress of the ninth
instant, which expresses the sentiments of the representatives of the
United States of America, relative to your excellent conduct during the
expedition recently undertaken against Rhode Island. Receive, Sir, this
testimonial on the part of Congress as a tribute of the respect and
gratitude offered to you by a free people.
“I have the honor to be with very great respect and esteem, Sir, your
obedient and most humble servant,
“HENRY LAURENS, President.”
To these communications La Fayette replied:—
“CAMP, Sept. 23, 1778.
“Sir: I have just received the letter of the 13th instant with which you
have favored me, and in which you communicate the honor which Congress
has been pleased to confer by the adoption of its flattering resolution.
Whatever sentiments of pride may be reasonably excited by such marks of
approbation, I am not the less sensible of the feelings of gratitude,
nor of the satisfaction of believing that my efforts have, in some
measure, been considered as useful to a cause in which my heart is so
deeply interested. Have the goodness, Sir, to present to Congress my
unfeigned and humble thanks, springing from the bottom of my heart, and
accompanied with the assurances of my sincere and perfect attachment, as
the only homage worthy of being offered to the representatives of a free
people.
“From the moment that I first heard the name of America, I loved her;
from the moment that I learned her struggles for liberty, I was inflamed
with the desire of shedding my blood in her cause; and the moments that
may be expended in her service, whenever they may occur, or in whatever
part of the world I may be, shall be considered as the happiest of my
existence. I feel more ardently than ever the desire of deserving the
obliging sentiments with which I am honored by the United States and by
their representatives, and the flattering confidence which they have
been pleased to repose in me has filled my heart with the liveliest
gratitude and most lasting affection.”
La Fayette’s youthful enthusiasm and his love of his country were both
so intense that his first impulse was to resent any national slight as a
personal affront.
La Fayette wanted to send a challenge, in 1778, to Lord Carlisle, an
English commissioner, who, in a letter to the American Congress, had in
his opinion used a phrase insulting to France. Washington at once wrote
to him disapproving the challenge.
“The generous spirit of chivalry,” he said, “when banished from the rest
of the world has taken refuge, my dear friend, in the highly wrought
feelings of your nation. But you cannot do anything if the other party
will not second you; and though these feelings may have been suitable to
the times to which they belonged, it is to be feared that in our day
your adversary, taking shelter behind modern opinions and his public
character, may even slightly ridicule so old-fashioned a virtue.
Besides, even supposing his lordship should accept your challenge,
experience has proved that chance, far more than bravery or justice,
decides in such affairs. I therefore should be very unwilling to risk,
on this occasion, a life which ought to be reserved for greater things.
I trust that his Excellency, Admiral the Count d’Estaing, will agree
with me in this opinion, and that so soon as he can part with you, he
will send you to headquarters, where I shall be truly glad to welcome
you.”
The English commissioner, as Washington had anticipated, declined the
challenge upon public grounds, adding: “In my opinion such national
disputes may be best settled by the fleets under Admiral Byron and the
Count d’Estaing.”
About this time La Fayette wrote from his camp to Washington, as
follows:—
“Give me joy, my dear General: I intend to have your picture. Mr.
Hancock has promised me a copy of the one he has in Boston. He gave one
to Count d’Estaing, and I never saw a man so glad at possessing his
sweetheart’s picture as the admiral was to receive yours.”
To these fond words Washington thus replied:—
“The sentiments of affection and attachment which breathe so
conspicuously in all your letters to me are at once pleasing and
honorable, and afford me abundant cause to rejoice at the happiness of
my acquaintance with you. Your love of liberty, the just sense you
entertain of this valuable blessing, and your noble and disinterested
exertions in the cause of it, added to the innate goodness of your
heart, conspire to render you dear to me; and I think myself happy in
being linked with you in bonds of the strictest friendship.
“The ardent zeal which you have displayed during the whole course of the
campaign to the eastward, and your endeavors to cherish harmony among
the officers of the allied powers, and to dispel those unfavorable
impressions which had begun to take place in the minds of the
unthinking, from misfortunes which the utmost stretch of human foresight
could not avert, deserved, and now receive, my particular and warmest
thanks.
“Could I have conceived that my picture had been an object of your
wishes, or in the smallest degree worthy of your attention, I should,
while Mr. Peale was in camp at Valley Forge, have got him to take the
best portrait of me he could, and presented it to you; but I really had
not so good an opinion of my own worth as to suppose that such a
compliment would not have been considered as a greater instance of my
vanity, than means of your gratification; and therefore, when you
requested me to sit to Monsieur Lanfang, I thought it was only to obtain
the outlines and a few shades of my features, to have some prints struck
from.”
Reports now reached La Fayette that the French ministry were planning an
attack upon England; whereupon he wrote to the Duke d’Ayen:—
“I should consider myself as almost dishonored if I were not present at
such a moment. I should feel so much regret and shame, that I should be
tempted to drown or hang myself, according to the English mode. My
greatest happiness would be to drive them from this country, and then to
repair to England, serving under your command.”
Feeling that his presence was now required in France, and that he could
there best serve America, La Fayette solicited from Congress a leave of
absence, that he might return to his own country. General Washington
sent the following letter to the President of Congress by La Fayette:—
“HEADQUARTERS, Oct. 6, 1778.
“SIR: This letter will be presented to you by Major-General La Fayette.
The generous motives which formerly induced him to cross the ocean, and
serve in the armies of the United States are known to Congress. The same
praiseworthy reasons now urge him to return to his native country, which
under the existing circumstances has a claim to his services.
“However anxious he was to fulfil the duty which he owes to his king and
country, that powerful consideration could not induce him to leave this
continent while the fate of the campaign remains undecided. He is,
therefore, determined to remain until the termination of the present
campaign, and takes advantage of the present cessation from hostilities
to communicate his designs to Congress, so that the necessary
arrangements may be made at a convenient season, while he is at hand, if
occasion should offer, to distinguish himself in the army.
“At the same time, the marquis, being desirous of preserving his
connection with this country, and hoping that he may enjoy opportunities
of being useful to it as an American officer, only solicits leave of
absence, for the purpose of embracing the views which have been already
suggested. The pain which it costs me to separate from an officer who
possesses all the military fire of youth, with a rare maturity of
judgment, would lead me, if the choice depended on my wishes, to place
his absence on the footing which he proposes. I shall always esteem it a
pleasure to be able to give those testimonials of his service to which
they are entitled, from the bravery and conduct which have distinguished
him on every occasion; and I do not doubt that Congress will, in a
proper manner, express how sensibly they appreciate his merits and how
much they regret his departure. I have the honor to be, etc.,
“GEORGE WASHINGTON.”
La Fayette proceeded to Philadelphia, bearing this letter from
Washington. Having arrived there, he at once addressed the following
letter to the President of Congress:—
“PHILADELPHIA, Oct. 13, 1778.
“SIR: However attentive I ought to be not to employ the precious moments
of Congress in the consideration of private affairs, I beg leave, with
that confidence which naturally springs from affection and gratitude, to
unfold to them the circumstances in which I am at present situated. It
is impossible to speak more appropriately of the sentiments which attach
me to my own country than in the presence of citizens who have done so
much for their own. So long as I have had the power of regulating my own
actions, it has been my pride and pleasure to fight beneath the banners
of America in the defence of a cause which I may dare more particularly
to call _ours_, as I have shed my blood in its support.
“Now, Sir, that France is engaged in war, I am urged, both by duty and
patriotism, to present myself before my sovereign, to know in what
manner he may be pleased to employ my services. The most pleasing
service that I can render will be that which enables me to serve the
common cause among those whose friendships I have had the happiness to
obtain, and in whose fortunes I participated when your prospects were
less bright than they now are. This motive, together with others which
Congress will appreciate, induce me to request permission to return to
my own country in the ensuing winter. So long as a hope remained of an
active campaign, I never indulged the idea of leaving the army, but the
present state of peace and inaction leads me to prefer to Congress this
petition. If it should be pleased to grant my request, the arrangements
for my departure shall be taken in such a manner that the result of the
campaign shall be known before they are put into execution. I enclose a
letter from his Excellency, General Washington, consenting to the leave
of absence which I wish to obtain. I flatter myself that you will
consider me as a soldier on leave of absence, ardently wishing to rejoin
his colors as well as his beloved comrades. If, when I return to the
midst of my fellow-citizens, it is believed that I can, in any manner,
promote the prosperity of America, if my most strenuous exertions can
promise any useful results, I trust, Sir, that I shall always be
considered as the man who has the prosperity of the United States most
at heart, and who entertains for their representatives the most perfect
love and esteem. I have the honor to be, etc.,
“LA FAYETTE.”
Congress readily granted this request, and after directing that a letter
should be written to La Fayette thanking him for his disinterested zeal
and the services which he had rendered to the United States, Congress
passed the resolution that: “The Minister Plenipotentiary of the United
States of America at the court of Versailles be directed to cause an
elegant sword, with proper devices, to be made and presented in the name
of the United States to the Marquis de La Fayette.”
While La Fayette was making his preparations to return to France, he was
stricken down by a violent fever which for a time threatened to be
fatal. The entire army displayed the most intense interest regarding his
state, and great was the joy when the physicians at length announced
that the marquis would recover. General Washington visited him daily at
Fishkill, where he was taken sick, and paid him every kind and tender
attention in his power. During La Fayette’s convalescence a gentleman
visited him, who thus describes his appearance at that time:—
“By the request of Colonel Gibson I waited on the Marquis de La Fayette.
The Colonel furnished me with a letter of introduction, and his
compliments, with inquiries respecting the Marquis’ health. I was
received by this nobleman in a polite and affable manner. He is just
recovering from a fever, and is in his chair of convalescence. He is
nearly six feet high, large, but not corpulent, being not more than
twenty-two years of age. He is not very elegant in his form, his
shoulders being broad and high, nor is there a perfect symmetry in his
features; his forehead is remarkably high, his nose large and long,
eyebrows prominent and projecting over a fine animated hazel eye. His
countenance is interesting and impressive. He converses in broken
English, and displays the manners and address of an accomplished
gentleman.”
A vessel called the _Alliance_ had been furnished La Fayette for his
voyage to France. On January 11, 1779, he penned these farewell lines to
Washington, written on board the _Alliance_:—
“Farewell, my dear General. I hope your French friend will ever be dear
to you. I hope I shall soon see you again, and tell you myself with what
emotion I now leave the coast you inhabit, and with what affection and
respect I am forever, my dear General, your respectful and sincere
friend,
LA FAYETTE.”
But notwithstanding the face of the young marquis was thus set homeward,
it was not all smooth sailing. Terrible storms tossed the little vessel
to and fro, and for a time it seemed as though the huge waves would
engulf the frigate. The main top-mast was blown away, the vessel rolled
upon the heavy swells, apparently at the mercy of the tempest, while the
dashing billows broke over the dismantled craft, which was soon half
filled with water, and seemed doomed to destruction.
But the darkness of the stormy night was followed by the radiance of a
calm and lovely morning. The golden sunshine flooded the surface of the
ocean, and the _Alliance_ sailed safely on her homeward way. But storms
were not the only dangers which beset the path of La Fayette. A mutinous
plot was formed among the sailors, and only the promptness and energy of
the marquis, in ordering the arrest of thirty-one of the mutineers, and
placing them in irons, so awed the others that tranquillity was secured.
With what inexpressible eagerness La Fayette must have turned to watch
the first glimpse of his beloved land—that land where dwelt his idolized
wife and little babe whose eyes had never yet rested on its father’s
face.
His fame had gone before him, and his name was known and spoken with
pride and honor in every city and hamlet of his native country. La
Fayette landed at Brest in February.
His daughter thus describes her mother’s ecstasy at this longed-for
meeting:—
“The intensity of my mother’s joy was beyond all expression.
“This happiness was soon disturbed by fresh alarms which prevented her
enjoying in peace my father’s return. A projected invasion of England
detained him a long time on the coast. During his stay in France he was
continually employed in preparing fresh enterprises. My mother’s health
was shaken at once by past anxieties and by the dread of future dangers.
On the 24th of December, 1779, my brother was born.”
This brother of Virginie La Fayette was named George Washington La
Fayette, in honor of his father’s revered friend. The expedition against
England was, however, abandoned; and La Fayette turned his attention to
forwarding the interests of America, by soliciting for her army
assistance in men, money, and clothing. So earnest was his zeal that he
offered to pledge his entire fortune in the cause of the Republic. He
wrote as follows to President Laurens:—
“The affairs of America I shall ever look upon as my first business
while I am in Europe. Any confidence from the king and ministers, any
popularity I may have among my own countrymen, any means in my power,
shall be, to the best of my skill, and to the end of my life, exerted in
behalf of an interest I have so much at heart. If Congress believe that
my influence may serve them in any way, I beg they will direct such
orders to me, that I may the more certainly and properly employ the
knowledge which I have of this court and country for obtaining a success
in which my heart is so much interested.
“The flattering affection with which Congress and the American nation
are pleased to honor me, makes me very desirous of letting them know—if
I dare speak so frankly—how I enjoyed my private position. Happy in the
sight of my friends and family, after I was by your attentive kindness
safely brought again to my native shore, I met with such an honorable
reception, and such kind sentiments as far exceeded any wishes I could
have conceived. I am indebted for that inexpressible satisfaction which
the good will of my countrymen towards me affords to my heart, to their
ardent love for America, to the cause of freedom and its defenders,
their new allies, and to the idea which they entertain, that I have had
the happiness to serve the United States. To these motives, Sir, and to
the letter Congress was pleased to write on my account, I owe the many
favors the king has conferred upon me. Without delay I was appointed to
the command of his own regiment of dragoons, and everything he could
have done, everything I could have wished, I have received on account of
your kind recommendations.”
The sword which Congress had voted should be presented to him was
finished in August. It was of very elegant workmanship. Among other
elaborate designs with which it was ornamented were representations of
the battle of Gloucester, the retreat of Barren Hill, the battle of
Monmouth, and the retreat of Rhode Island. The sword was presented to
the Marquis de La Fayette by a grandson of Dr. Franklin, accompanied by
a letter written by Benjamin Franklin, in which he said, “By the help of
the exquisite artists France affords, I find it easy to express
everything but the _sense we have of your worth and our obligations to
you_.”
So enthusiastic were La Fayette’s efforts in behalf of America, and such
was his perseverance, that the prime minister of France exclaimed in
astonishment, “He would unfurnish the palace of Versailles to clothe the
American army!” to which La Fayette, eagerly responded, “_I would!_”
At length La Fayette received the welcome tidings that the king and
ministry had at last acceded to his repeated requests; and he was
instructed “to proceed immediately to join General Washington, and to
communicate to him the secret that the king, willing to give the United
States a new proof of his affection and of his interest in their
security, is resolved to send to their aid, at the opening of the
spring, six vessels of the line and six thousand regular troops of
infantry.”
On the 19th of March, 1780, La Fayette sailed from France to bear to
America this joyful news; and at the entrance of Boston harbor he wrote
these words of greeting to Washington, and despatched them by a
messenger to announce his arrival:—
“Here I am, my dear General, and in the midst of the joy I feel in
finding myself again one of your loving soldiers, I take but the time to
tell you that I came from France on board a frigate which the king gave
me for my passage. I have affairs of the utmost importance, which I
should at first communicate to you alone. In case my letter finds you
anywhere this side of Philadelphia, I beg you will wait for me, and do
assure you a great public good may be derived from it. To-morrow we go
up to the town, and the day after I shall set off in my usual way to
join my beloved and respected friend and general.”
When La Fayette landed in Boston he was received with marked attention.
The day was given up to public rejoicing; bells were rung, cannon
boomed, and the shouts of the cheering multitude, mingled with the
strains of martial music, as America paid homage to her adopted son. But
these public honors, gratifying as they were, could not detain the
faithful young hero, whose first desire was to clasp to his heart the
form of his adopted father and to look into the face of his beloved
general. Perhaps nowhere else in history is another instance of such
peculiar love and lasting friendship as was displayed by La Fayette and
Washington. The young knight bowed at the feet of his chief, regarding
him as something almost more than mortal in the perfection of his
character and the attraction of his nature; while the general, upon
whose shoulders rested the responsibility of a nation, felt his heart
lightened and his soul comforted by the sympathy and appreciation of
this self-sacrificing young marquis.
Congress was not tardy now in rendering appropriate thanks to the young
marquis, and passed a resolution in his honor. But Congress was not so
ready to come to the help of the suffering American army. Washington
again made an appeal in their behalf. “For the troops to be without
clothing at any time,” he wrote, “is highly injurious to the service and
distressing to our feelings; but the want will be more peculiarly
mortifying when they come to act with those of our allies.”
La Fayette, as usual, started a relief fund from his private purse,
offering the ladies of Philadelphia, who were making donations in aid of
the suffering troops, one hundred guineas in the name of Madame La
Fayette.
Amid innumerable discouragements Washington prepared for the coming
campaign. It was not until July that the long-expected French fleet
arrived, and then only part of the promised assistance. Five thousand
five hundred men were sent, leaving two thousand, with all the arms,
munitions of war, and clothing promised to La Fayette, to follow later.
The intention of the American army had been to unite with the French
allies in an attack upon New York. But the second part of the French
fleet was blockaded in the port of Brest by a British squadron, thus
disconcerting all the plans of the allies. The immediate attack upon New
York was accordingly abandoned.
It was in September of this year, 1780, that the treachery of Benedict
Arnold was consummated. Washington had, at the earnest solicitation of
La Fayette, left the camp to meet with Count de Rochambeau, the leader
of the French forces, and the Chevalier de Ternay, the admiral of the
French fleet. This important interview had been arranged to take place
at Hartford, Conn. It was during the absence of Washington that the
traitor Arnold carried into execution his infamous plot. La Fayette thus
describes his discovery of the nefarious deed, in a letter to the
Chevalier de la Luzerne:—
“When I parted from you yesterday, Sir, to come and breakfast here with
General Arnold, we were far from foreseeing the event which I am now
going to relate to you. You will shudder at the danger to which we were
exposed; you will admire the miraculous chain of unexpected events and
singular chances which have saved us; but you will be still more
astonished when you learn by what instrument this conspiracy has been
formed. West Point was sold,—_and sold by Arnold_,—the same man who
formerly acquired glory by rendering such immense services to his
country. He had lately entered in a horrible compact with the enemy and
but for the accident which brought us here at a certain hour, but for
the combination of chances that threw the adjutant-general of the
British army into the hands of some peasants, beyond the limits of our
stations, at West Point and on the North River, they would both at
present, in all probability, be in the possession of the enemy.
[Illustration: ROCHAMBEAU]
“When we set out yesterday for Fishkill, we were preceded by one of my
aides-de-camp and one of General Washington’s [Colonels Hamilton and
McHenry], who found General Arnold and his wife at breakfast, and sat
down at the table with them. While they were together, two letters were
given to Arnold, which apprised him of the arrest of the spy. He ordered
a horse to be saddled, went into his wife’s room to tell her he was
ruined, and desired his aide-de-camp to inform General Washington that
he was going to West Point, and would return in the course of an hour.
“On our arrival here we crossed the river and went to examine the works.
You may conceive our astonishment when we learned, on our return, that
the arrested spy was Major André, adjutant-general of the English army;
and when among his papers were discovered the copy of an important
council of war, the state of the garrison and works, and observations
upon various means of attack and defence, the whole in Arnold’s own
handwriting.
“The adjutant-general wrote also to the general avowing his name and
situation. Orders were sent to arrest Arnold; but he escaped in a boat,
got on board the English frigate, the _Vulture_, and as no person
suspected his flight, he was not stopped at any post. Colonel Hamilton,
who had gone in pursuit of him, received soon after, by a flag of truce,
a letter from Arnold to the general, in which he entered into details to
justify his treachery, and a letter from the English commander,
Robertson, who, in a very insolent manner, demanded that the
adjutant-general should be delivered up to them, as he had only acted
with the permission of General Arnold.”
La Fayette was one of the fourteen generals who tried Major André, and
who were forced to the painful decision that the interests of America
demanded that he should suffer the extreme penalty of the law, as a spy,
which was death by hanging. Washington would have been glad to exchange
André for the traitor Arnold, that to him might be meted out his just
deserts; but Sir Henry Clinton would not give up Arnold, though he made
efforts to save André. Arnold’s villany was afterwards rewarded by the
commission of brigadier-general in the British army, and he was placed
at the head of some English troops then ravaging the southern part of
Virginia. His malignant spirit gloated in acts of atrocious cruelty, and
he allowed his men to pillage and destroy, sparing neither old nor
young, neither women nor children.
La Fayette now entered upon a series of marches, manœuvres,
skirmishes, and strategic expeditions, which ended at last in the
capture of Lord Cornwallis at Yorktown: this was largely due to La
Fayette’s successive masterly stratagems and skilful plans. It has been
said of La Fayette, that his name was never tarnished by a single
military blunder. Others have displayed equal courage in the face of
dangers, and calmness on the field of battle, but his military genius
consisted in a tact and skill in extricating an army from apparently
insurmountable perils that would have baffled veteran generals well
versed in the stratagems of war.
But the untiring soldier was none the less a tender father and devoted
husband; in the midst of preparations for the coming campaign he
snatches a moment to write thus fondly to his “dearest heart”:—
“The Americans continue to testify for me the greatest kindness. There
is no proof of affection which I do not receive each day from the army
and nation. I experience for the American officers and soldiers that
friendship which arises from having shared with them for a length of
time dangers, sufferings, and both good and evil fortune. We began by
struggling together, for our affairs have often been at the lowest
possible ebb. It is gratifying to me to crown this work with them by
giving the European troops a high idea of the soldiers who have been
allied with us. To all these motives of interest for the cause and the
army are joined my sentiments of regard for General Washington.
“Embrace our children a thousand and a thousand times for me. Their
father, although a wanderer, is not less tender, nor less constantly
occupied with them, and not less happy at receiving news from them. My
heart dwells with peculiar delight on the moment when those dear
children will be presented to me by you, and when we can embrace and
caress them together.”
Having sent this loving message across the sea, the young knight-errant
entered upon another campaign in defence of liberty. Sir Henry Clinton
had sent out two thousand men under General Phillips to re-enforce
Arnold in Virginia. Learning this, Washington despatched La Fayette to
Virginia, to take command of the troops there collecting, and to
prevent, if possible, any junction of Phillips with Cornwallis. The
marquis was only too eager for active duty, and took up his line of
march with the troops previously under his charge, for Baltimore. But
these northern soldiers soon began to express their dissatisfaction with
such an expedition. They were without tents, shoes, hats, and, as the
marquis said, “in a state of shocking nakedness”; and they refused to
continue this unlooked-for march. To render his condition still more
distressing, La Fayette was informed by the Board of War that they were
utterly unable to render his troops any aid.
La Fayette’s nature seemed rather to be nerved by obstacles to greater
strength and superior judgment than weakened and discouraged. A
perplexing dilemma was often his greatest opportunity. Washington could
not aid him, the Board of War announced themselves powerless; and La
Fayette was left to face his overwhelming perplexities alone.
He boldly issued an order to his troops, in which he sympathized with
their hardships, and frankly told them that he was about to enter upon
an enterprise, of great difficulty and danger, and expressed his
confidence that his soldiers would join him in the hazardous expedition.
But if any should be unwilling to accompany him, he assured them that a
free permit would be given them to join their corps in the North, and
that by applying to him, they could be saved from the crime and disgrace
of desertion. Not a man after that left the heroic band, and a lame
sergeant hired a place in a cart that he might keep up with the army.
Arriving at Baltimore, La Fayette borrowed upon his personal credit ten
thousand dollars, which he immediately appropriated to supplying the
needs of his soldiers. He wrote to General Greene thus:—
“As our brave and excellent men are shockingly destitute of linen, I
have borrowed, from the merchants of Baltimore a sum on my credit which
will amount to to about two thousand pounds, and will procure hats,
shoes, blankets, and a pair of linen overalls to each man. I hope to set
the Baltimore ladies at work upon the shirts, which will be sent after
me, and the overalls will be made by our tailors. I will use my
influence to have the money added to the loan which the French court
have made to the United States, and in case I cannot succeed, bind
myself to the merchants for payment, with interest, in two years.”
Most willingly did the ladies of Baltimore give their aid in preparing
garments for the troops, and La Fayette proceeded with his division
towards Virginia. Phillips and Arnold had separated their forces for a
time, that they might better carry on their work of pillaging; but in
April they reunited their divisions, and planned an attack upon
Richmond.
But the vigilant marquis was before them; marching with great celerity,
he entered and took possession of the city, and was there joined by
Baron Steuben, with his corps of regular troops, and by General Nelson,
with a band of Virginia militia. The chagrin of the British was intense
when they discovered that they had been outwitted by La Fayette and that
he had gained this important post.
La Fayette thus describes to Washington his position at this time:—
“When General Phillips retreated from Richmond, his project was to stop
at Williamsburg, there to collect contributions which he had imposed.
This induced me to take a position between Pamunkey and Chickahominy
rivers, which equally covered Richmond and some other interesting parts
of the state, and from where I detached General Nelson with some militia
towards Williamsburg. Having got as low down as that place, General
Phillips seemed to discover an intention to make a landing, but upon
advices received by a vessel from Portsmouth, the enemy weighed anchor,
and, with all the sail they could crowd, hastened up the river.
“This intelligence made me apprehensive that the enemy intended to
manœuvre me out of Richmond, where I returned immediately, and again
collected our small force. Intelligence was the same day received that
Lord Cornwallis—who, I had been assured, had embarked at Wilmington—was
marching through North Carolina. This was confirmed by the landing of
General Phillips at Brandon, south side of James River.
“Apprehending that both armies would meet at a central point, I marched
towards Petersburg, and intended to have established a communication
over Appomattox and James rivers; but on the 9th General Phillips took
possession of Petersburg, a place where, his right flank being covered
by James River, his front by Appomattox, on which the brigades had been
destroyed in the first part of the invasion, and his left not being open
to assault except by a long circuit through fords that at this season
are very uncertain, I could not—even with an equal force—have got any
chance of fighting him unless I had given up this side of James River
and the country from which re-enforcements are expected. It being the
enemy’s choice to force us to an action, while their own position
insured them against our enterprises, I thought it proper to shift this
situation, and marched the greater part of our troops to this place
[Welton], about ten miles below Richmond. Letters from General Nash,
General Jones, and General Sumner are positive as to the arrival of
Colonel Tarleton, and announce that of Lord Cornwallis at Halifax.
“Having received a request from North Carolina for ammunition, I made a
detachment of five hundred men, under General Muhlenburg, to escort
twenty thousand cartridges over Appomattox, and, to divert the enemy’s
attention, Colonel Gimat, with his battalion and four field-pieces,
commanded their position from this side of the river. I hope our
ammunition will arrive safely, as before General Muhlenburg returned he
put it in a safe road with proper directions. On the 13th General
Phillips died, and the command devolved upon General Arnold. General
Wayne’s detachment has not yet been heard from. Before he arrives it
becomes very dangerous to risk an engagement where—as the British armies
are vastly superior to us—we shall certainly be beaten, and by the loss
of arms, the dispersion of militia, and the difficulty of a junction
with General Wayne, we may lose a less dangerous chance of resistance.”
La Fayette, meanwhile, endeavored to strengthen his forces, and so
disciplined his troops that they became prepared to act with the
greatest efficiency and celerity at a moment’s notice. It was at this
time that La Fayette received a letter from Arnold, in continuance of a
correspondence which the marquis had opened with Phillips previous to
his death, regarding an exchange of prisoners. When the letter from the
infamous traitor was brought to him by a messenger, La Fayette refused
to touch the document, while he assured the bearer that he would hold no
communication whatever with its author, adding, “In case any other
English officer should honor him with a letter, he would always be happy
to give the officers every testimony of esteem.”
General Washington warmly commended this action, and wrote to La
Fayette: “Your conduct upon every occasion meets my approbation, but in
none more than in your refusing to hold correspondence with Arnold.”
Lord Cornwallis now assumed chief command of the English army. On the
24th of May Cornwallis crossed the James River, at the head of all his
troops, and made his first direct advance upon La Fayette. The marquis
had retreated to Richmond, and thus writes to Washington: “Were I
anyways equal to the enemy, I should be extremely happy; but I am not
strong enough even to get beaten. The government in this state has no
energy, and the laws have no force; but I hope the present Assembly will
put matters on a better footing. I had a great deal of trouble to put
things in a tolerable train; our expenses were enormous, and yet we can
get nothing. Arrangements for the present would seem to put on a better
face but for this superiority of the enemy, who will chase us wherever
they please. They can overrun the country, and, until the Pennsylvanians
arrive, we are next to nothing in point of opposition to so large a
force. This country begins to be as familiar to me as Tappan and Bergen.
Our soldiers are hitherto very healthy. I have turned doctor, and
regulate their diet.”
The English looked with exultation and disdain upon their apparently
weak foe, and Lord Cornwallis wrote with confidence, “_The boy cannot
escape me!_” But the despised “boy” was of a more heroic and
irresistible nature than the proud general imagined, and would yet give
him a most perplexing chase, and at length catch his boastful foe in so
cunning a trap that all the English hosts could not deliver him; and
this same “boy” should stand by and witness his surrender.
[Illustration: Cornwallis]
For some time a sort of military game of “hide-and-seek” was kept up by
Lord Cornwallis and La Fayette. It was Cornwallis’ plan to entrap him;
it was La Fayette’s plan to elude him. The marquis moved his division
with such unexpected celerity, that when the English general thought
that he had him securely hedged in at any particular point, he would
straightway find, to his chagrin, that his antagonist was miles away,
sometimes before him, sometimes behind him, now on this side, then on
that, and on one occasion, in order to guard some valuable stores at
Albemarle Old Court House, La Fayette passed his foe in the night; and
while Cornwallis supposed that he had so disposed of his force that the
enemy must be entrapped, and smiled to himself at the easy manner in
which the prey would fall into his hands in the morning, as all the
roads to Albemarle Court House had been carefully guarded, the marquis
played his own little strategic game, and when the day dawned, the proud
English lord, with deep mortification, received tidings that his
adversary was already before him, on the direct road to Albemarle, and
his English lordship had been baffled in securing either the coveted
stores or the more coveted American army.
On the 6th of July occurred a brisk skirmish between the opposing
forces. The British army were crossing the James River, on the march
from Williamsburg to Portsmouth. La Fayette, thinking that the larger
part of the troops had already crossed, ordered an attack to be made
upon what he supposed to be the rear-guard. This time he had indeed
fallen into one of Lord Cornwallis’ traps. In order to deceive the
Americans, only a small detachment had been sent forward, and when it
was attacked by the force under General Wayne, known as “Mad Antony,”
the little band of Americans found themselves facing the entire English
force. La Fayette, who was stationed at a short distance with the main
army, rightly conjectured, from the very heavy firing, that more than a
rear-guard were engaged, and sent assistance to Wayne, with orders to
fall back. So swift had been the attack and so sudden the retreat, that
Cornwallis suspected a snare, and did not follow up his triumph.
General Wayne thus described the attack: “This was a severe conflict.
Our field officers were generally dismounted by having their horses
killed or wounded under them. I will not condole with the marquis for
the loss of two of his as he was frequently requested to keep at a
greater distance. His natural bravery rendered him deaf to admonition.”
General Wayne’s conduct was thus praised by La Fayette: “It is enough
for the glory of General Wayne and the officers and men he commanded to
have attacked the whole British army with a reconnoitring party only,
close to their encampment, and by this severe skirmish hastened their
retreat over the river.”
Active warfare was now for a time suspended. Cornwallis was intrenched
at Portsmouth, and La Fayette occupied himself in watching his enemy
with untiring vigilance. The marquis succeeded in having his own servant
hired by Cornwallis as a spy, and by this means, as the man was always
true to his first master, La Fayette was enabled to keep well posted
concerning all the movements in the opposing encampment.
To General Washington La Fayette thus writes:—
“I am an entire stranger to everything that passes out of Virginia, and
Virginia operations being for the present in a state of languor, I have
more time to think of my solitude. In a word, my dear General, I am
homesick, and if I cannot go to headquarters, wish, at least, to hear
from thence. I am anxious to know your opinion concerning the Virginia
campaign. That the subjugation of this state was the great object of the
ministry is an indisputable fact. I think your diversion has been of
more use to the state than my manœuvres, but the latter have been
much directed by political views. So long as my lord wished for an
action, not one gun has been fired; but the moment he declined it, we
began skirmishing, though I took care never to commit the army. His
naval superiority, his superiority of horse, of regulars, his thousand
advantages over us, are such that I am lucky to have come off safe. I
had an eye upon European negotiations, and made it a point to give his
lordship the disgrace of a retreat.
“From every account, it appears that a part of the army will embark. The
light infantry, the guards, the 80th Regiment, and Queen’s Rangers are,
it is said, destined for New York. Lord Cornwallis, I am told, is much
disappointed in his hopes of command. Should he go to England, we are, I
think, to rejoice for it. He is a cold and active man,—two dangerous
qualities in this southern war.
“The clothing you long ago sent to the light infantry has not yet
arrived. I have been obliged to send for it, and expect it in a few
days. These three battalions are the best troops that ever took the
field. My confidence in them is unbounded. They are far superior to any
British troops, and none will ever venture to meet them in equal
numbers. What a pity these men are not employed along with the French
grenadiers; they would do eternal honor to our arms! But their presence
here, I must confess, has saved this state, and, indeed, the southern
part of the continent.”
Hearing that the expected French fleet was to arrive in Chesapeake Bay,
instead of New York harbor, the contemplated attack upon New York was
abandoned by Washington, and Virginia was chosen as the scene of action.
Washington accordingly prepared for a southern movement with great
prudence and secrecy. Count de Rochambeau was in favor of the
expedition, and readily assented to join Washington’s forces with the
French under his command. For a time Washington did not dare to make
known his plans to La Fayette, lest his despatches should fall into the
hands of the enemy; but he requested La Fayette to remain in Virginia,
adding, “You will not regret this, especially when I tell you that, from
the change of circumstances with which the removal of part of the
enemy’s forces from Virginia to New York will be attended, it is more
than probable we shall also entirely change our plan of operations.”
This hint was sufficient for the keen-witted marquis, who answered: “I
am of the opinion, with you, that I had better remain in Virginia. I
have pretty well understood you, my dear General, but should be happy to
have more minute details, which, I am aware, cannot be intrusted to
letters.”
La Fayette also wrote to his wife: “It was not prudent in the general to
confide to me such a command. If I had been unfortunate, the public
would have called that partiality an error of judgment.”
But Washington well knew the character and capacity of the young
marquis, and trusted him probably more than his older and more
experienced generals. La Fayette had already proved that his courage
would never lead him to make rash ventures, but when hazardous
enterprises were necessary, no danger could unnerve him, and no
unexpected dilemma could confuse him.
On the 30th of August the French fleet under Count de Grasse arrived.
The Marquis de Saint-Simon landed with three thousand men, and La
Fayette joined his force to them and took up a strong position at
Williamsburg. Washington having completely outwitted General Clinton, by
feigning an intended attack on New York, had started on the 19th of
August, with the entire American army, and, crossing the Hudson, they
began their march to Virginia.
In announcing their departure to La Fayette, Washington wrote to the
marquis, enjoining upon him the closest watchfulness, lest the enemy
should escape his vigilance, adding: “As it will be of great importance
towards the success of our present enterprise that the enemy, on the
arrival of the fleet, should not have it in their power to effect
retreat, I cannot omit to repeat to you my most earnest wish that the
land and naval forces which you will have with you may so combine their
operations that the British army may not be able to escape. The
particular mode of doing this I shall not, at this distance, attempt to
dictate. Your own knowledge of the country, from your long continuance
in it, and the various and extensive movements which you have made, have
given you great opportunities for observation, of which I am persuaded
your military genius and judgment will lead you to make the best
improvement. You will, my dear Marquis, keep me constantly advised of
every important event respecting the enemy or yourself.”
Cornwallis, who had taken his position at York and Gloucester, where he
had been actively engaged in erecting heavy fortifications, now suddenly
found himself completely surrounded by his foes, being blockaded by sea
and land, with hardly a possibility of escape. He sent an urgent request
to Sir Henry Clinton for succor, and finding, after having carefully
reconnoitred La Fayette’s position at Williamsburg, that any attempt to
pass it and retreat to the South would be useless, he awaited with
impatience his expected re-enforcements.
La Layette’s loyalty to Washington and his faithful obedience was at
this time severely tried. As the Count de Grasse had permission to serve
on the American coast only until the middle of October, and as he and
the Marquis St. Simon were anxious to distinguish themselves, they urged
La Fayette to make an immediate attack upon the enemy, without awaiting
the arrival of Washington and the Count de Rochambeau. “It is right,”
they argued, “that you who have had all the difficulties of this
campaign should now be rewarded with the glory of its successful
termination.” They represented that the incomplete state of the
fortifications of Cornwallis made his defeat sure, as he could not
resist a sudden attack. These were powerful reasons to the young and
impulsive marquis; but his loyalty and better judgment prevailed, and he
resisted all appeals to commence the attack, and waited in patience the
arrival of Washington and Rochambeau.
On the 14th of September Washington and Rochambeau arrived at
Williamsburg, and La Fayette was rejoiced to behold the consummation of
one of his fondest wishes, which was to see Washington at the head of
the united French and American armies. Plans were immediately completed
for the siege of Yorktown. Washington highly approved of all the
measures adopted by La Fayette, and a brilliant success seemed certain.
But a new difficulty unexpectedly arose, which was only removed by the
persuasive influence of La Fayette. Information reached the French
admiral that the British fleet in New York had received important
additions, and he thereupon determined to sail directly against the
English fleet. Washington perceived that if they were deserted by the
French fleet, their victory over Cornwallis might be very uncertain. He
accordingly wrote a letter to Count de Grasse, and sent it by La
Fayette, urging the marquis to use his personal influence to prevent
this calamity. La Fayette realized the crisis of affairs, and
successfully appealed to the count; and the French fleet therefore
remained to aid the American army.
The troops from the North having arrived on the 28th, the entire army,
moving forward in four columns, halted about twelve miles in front of
the enemy, and the famous siege of Yorktown was begun.
The investment was complete. Cornwallis looked out in vain for any
chance to escape. The Americans gradually surrounded the town with
earthworks, redoubts, and trenches, and on the night of the 6th of
October a trench seven hundred feet was commenced within six hundred
yards of the British lines. So silently was this work done by the French
and Americans that the garrison was entirely unaware of it until
daylight, by which time the embankments were so high as to shield the
men from the enemy’s fire. Batteries and redoubts were speedily erected,
and such an unrelenting cannonading was kept up against the garrison
that they were forced to withdraw their cannon from the embrasures; and
most of their batteries were torn in pieces. On the night of the 11th,
Washington opened his second parallel within three hundred yards of the
lines. This, like the former, was begun noiselessly and was not
discovered by Cornwallis until the next morning. There were two redoubts
of the English that seriously interfered with the work of the besiegers,
by a constant fire. Washington determined to attack them. La Fayette was
appointed to lead the Americans, who should attack one of the redoubts,
and the Baron de Viomesnil led a band of Frenchmen against the other.
The baron had once remarked to La Fayette that he thought the French
method of attack superior to that of the Americans. La Fayette answered,
“We are but young soldiers, and we have but one sort of tactics on such
occasions, which is to discharge our muskets and push on straight with
our bayonets.”
Both leaders were now to carry out their preconceived military tactics.
La Fayette made an impetuous attack and captured the redoubt, and still
hearing firing from the other, he sent his aide-de-camp to the baron,
inquiring if he should send him assistance. Viomesnil answered, “Tell
the marquis that I am not yet master of my redoubt, but that I shall be
in less than five minutes.” He kept his word, and before that time had
passed, he entered his captured redoubt in perfect military order. Both
had been equally successful; but La Fayette was ahead as to time, and
the baron, in following strict military rule, was forced to expose his
men to a terrible fire from the enemy. The bravery with which this
difficult onset was made was highly gratifying to Washington; and he
complimented both officers in the orders for the succeeding day. The
captured redoubts were included in the second parallel, and soon some
howitzers were mounted upon them, and their destructive fire was turned
upon the besieged.
Cornwallis now determined to make a bold effort, and he sent out
Lieutenant-Colonel Abercrombie at the head of eight hundred chosen men
to make a desperate sortie against two batteries of the besieging enemy.
So valiant was their charge that they gained possession and spiked four
guns, but they were repelled by the Chevalier de Chastellux, and forced
to retire. The condition of Cornwallis was now desperate. His ordnance
had been dismounted by the terrible firing of the Americans, his walls
were crumbling, and nearly all his defences were razed. He resolved to
try one more daring design. This was to cross over in the night to
Gloucester Point, with such of his troops as were not disabled, and
endeavor by forced marches to join the army in New York. The attempt was
made, and one division passed over unperceived by the Americans, but a
violent storm suddenly arose and drifted the boats down the river, and
the plan was abandoned.
On the morning of the 17th Lord Cornwallis opened negotiations and
offered to capitulate. On the 19th formal articles of surrender were
signed, and Cornwallis and his army were made prisoners of war. “The
Americans and French took possession at noon of two bastions, and the
garrison defiled between the armies at two o’clock P.M., with drums
beating, carrying their arms, which they afterwards piled, with twenty
pair of colors. Lord Cornwallis feigned sickness, to avoid surrendering
before his soldiers, and General O’Hara accordingly appeared at the head
of the garrison. ‘When he came up,’ says Rochambeau, ‘he presented his
sword to me. I pointed to General Washington, who was opposite me, at
the head of the American army, and told him that the French army being
auxiliaries on the continent, it was the American general who was to
signify his orders to him.’ As the result of this capitulation 8000
prisoners, of whom 7000 were regular troops and 1000 sailors; 214 pieces
of cannon, of which 75 were brass; and 22 pair of colors, passed into
the hands of the allies. The men, artillery, arms, military chest, and
public stores of every denomination were surrendered to Washington, the
ships and seamen to the Count de Grasse.”[2]
-----
Footnote 2:
“Mémoires et Manuscrits.”
-----
Lord Cornwallis sent a messenger to La Fayette, “to tell the marquis
that, after having made this long campaign against him, he wished to
give him a private account of the reasons which had led him to
surrender.” The next day La Fayette went to see him. “I know,” said the
English general, “your humanity to prisoners, and I recommend my poor
army to you.”
“You know, my lord,” replied La Fayette, “the Americans have always been
humane towards imprisoned armies.”
Thus did La Fayette refuse even to accept a compliment which seemed to
separate him from his American comrades in arms.
The bells in every town and hamlet throughout the country rang out the
joyful news of this great victory. Bonfires blazed on every hill-top.
Congress repaired in solemn procession to the Dutch Lutheran church, to
return thanks to God for this providential deliverance. The names of
Washington and La Fayette, Rochambeau and De Grasse, resounded
throughout the world. The commander-in-chief ordered that suitable
religious services should be held in camp in honor of that Divine
Providence who had vouchsafed to them this great blessing.
[Illustration: Lt G {en} de Grasse]
On the 20th of October, 1781, La Fayette thus wrote to M. de Maurepas:—
“CAMP, near York.
“The tragedy is over; the piece is played, Monsieur le Comte, and the
fifth act comes to an end.
“I had a little torture during the first, but at last my heart
experiences a lively joy, and it gives me not a little pleasure to
congratulate you upon the happy success of our campaign.
“I cannot give you the details, Monsieur le Comte, which I intrust to
Lauzun, to whom I wish much happiness in crossing the ocean, which he
will traverse with the corps of the legion of Tarleton.
“M. de Rochambeau brings to you the account relative to the army which
he commands; but if the honor of having commanded for so long a time the
division of M. de Saint-Simon gives me the right to speak of my
obligations to that general and to his troops, this duty will give me
infinite delight.
“Will you kindly, Monsieur le Comte, present my homage to Madame la
Comtesse de Maurepas and to Madame de Flamarens, and accept the
assurance of my affection, of my remembrances, and of my respect.”
From the same place La Fayette wrote also to M. de Vergennes, as
follows:—
“Receive my congratulations, Monsieur le Comte, upon the fortunate turn
which has at last come to politics. M. de Lauzun will give you all the
details. I am happy that our campaign of Virginia has been so well
finished; and my respect for the ability of Lord Cornwallis renders his
capture all the more precious to me. After this attempt what English
general will come to place himself at the head to conquer America?
“Their Southern manœuvres have not ended more happily than those in
the North, and the affair of General Burgoyne has been repeated.
“Adieu, Monsieur le Comte; the time which I have for writing is so brief
that I will only add the assurance of respect and of tender attachment.”
From on board the _Ville de Paris_, in the Chesapeake Bay, La Fayette
thus writes to his wife:—
OCT. 22, 1781.
“Behold the last instant, my dear heart, in which it is possible for me
to write you. M. de Lauzun is about to join the frigate and depart for
Europe. Some business with the admiral affords me the pleasure of giving
to you the latest news of the past two days.
“That which has occurred regarding public events will be detailed by M.
de Lauzun. The end of this campaign is truly brilliant for the allied
armies. There has been in our movements a rare harmony, and I should
have been much disappointed had I not the satisfaction of this happy
ending of my campaign in Virginia.
“You are aware of all the difficulties that the superiority and the
talents of Lord Cornwallis have occasioned us; the advantage which we
had following the recovery of the territory lost, and which ended in the
position which we forced Lord Cornwallis to take; it was at that moment
that everybody rushed in upon him.
“I count amongst my many pleasant experiences the time when the division
of M. de Saint-Simon was reunited to my army; and, also, when I
alternately commanded the three adjutant-generals with the troops under
their order. I pity Lord Cornwallis, of whom I have the most exalted
opinion. He wished to test such estimation, and after the capitulation
gave me the pleasure of returning the incivility of Charleston. I do not
purpose to carry vengeance any further.
“My health is excellent. I have not received any injury during my
operations. Present my most tender homage to Madame d’Ayen, to M. le
Maréchal de Noailles; a thousand compliments to all my sisters, to
l’Abbé Fayon, to M. de Margelay.
“I embrace a thousand and a thousand times our dear children. Adieu!
adieu!”
Washington desired to follow up the advantages which the Americans had
gained, by an expedition against Charleston; but as De Grasse had prior
orders from his sovereign, preventing his remaining longer in America,
the project was abandoned, and the American army retired into winter
quarters.
Again La Fayette sought permission from Congress to visit his native
land, and after receiving the highest testimonials from Washington and
Congress, and also from the king and ministry of France, he sailed from
Boston in the frigate _Alliance_, on the 22d of December, 1781.
The greatest enthusiasm was excited by La Fayette’s arrival in France.
Royal _salons_ courted his presence, and high-born dames and gallant
cavaliers vied to do him homage. Even sovereigns deigned to note with
especial honor his return. Madame de La Fayette was present at a grand
fête at the Hôtel de Ville, in celebration of the Dauphin’s birth, when
the news was proclaimed that La Fayette, the conqueror of Cornwallis,
had just arrived; and, sympathizing with the impatient joy of the fond
wife, the queen herself ordered her carriage and accompanied Madame de
La Fayette to the Hôtel de Noailles, where La Fayette had just alighted.
The joy of the reunion between La Fayette and his family is more
fittingly told in the words of his daughter Virginie than by another.
Speaking of her father’s second visit to America, she says:—
“My father left France once more for America, where the war still
continued. The grief which my mother felt was still greater than at his
first departure. Her attachment had been increased both by her anxieties
on his account and by the enchanting moments she had spent with him. She
was then nineteen. Her impressions had become stronger and deeper; a
more intimate and serious confidence had associated her riper intellect
with my father’s opinions and designs: her mind was with him as well as
her heart.
“Nevertheless, what she suffered during the campaign of Virginia
surpassed all she had yet endured. As the English papers, which alone
brought any news, always depicted the situation as desperate, the most
disastrous reports came to her knowledge; but she had the courage to
hide them from her mother, and endeavored to bear all her sufferings
alone.
“The brilliant conclusion of that campaign which had been conducted by
my father, and had ended by the capture of Lord Cornwallis, caused her a
happiness which had been purchased by prolonged sufferings. My father
arrived unexpectedly in Paris on the 21st of January, 1782. The joy of
seeing him again, returned with so much glory out of so many dangers,
and the fascination of his presence, were intensely felt by my mother.
So overpowering were her feelings that for several months she felt ready
to faint every time he left the room. She was alarmed at the vehemence
of her passion, fearing that she could not always conceal it from my
father, and that it might become annoying to him, and she therefore
endeavored to restrain it for his sake only.”
This touching little scene of an ideal love-life is a charming picture
in La Fayette’s history. Scarcely anywhere in history can be found the
record of two souls in such perfect harmony of thought and feeling as
the Marquis and Marquise de La Fayette. To the end their life was
unmarred by the least discord or misunderstanding. The world crowned him
with honor; and he laid at her feet his diadem of glory, and felt
himself rewarded by her tender smile of approving love.
It is fitting that we should here quote a few lines from a letter
written to Washington by La Fayette, in October, 1782, announcing the
birth of this same Virginie, who afterwards became such a faithful
narrator of the beautiful life of the Marquis and Marquise de La
Fayette. The marquis says:—
“MY DEAR GENERAL: Since the arrival of Colonel Gimat not one line from
you has come to me; this afflicts me intensely, because when I have not
the pleasure of being with you it is absolutely necessary for me that I
should receive letters from you.
“This will be handed to you by General Dupontail and Colonel Gouvion,
who return to America. I wish I could do the same; but you know that I
am detained here by the American plenipotentiaries, in the hope of
serving our cause, which is always to me the principal object.
“General Dupontail will give you the public news; I have communicated
those of a more secret nature to the Secretary of Foreign Affairs, and I
have requested him to transmit my letter to your Excellency. You will be
able to form your opinion upon the situation of affairs; but although
their progress does not permit me (on account of the reasons which I
have already explained) to leave this country at the present time, my
personal opinion is, that a victory is necessary before a general peace
can be brought to a conclusion.
“I have charged Colonel Gouvion to say to you those things which had
better not be written, relative to my projects.
“Madame La Fayette desires me to present to you, also to Madame
Washington, her respects and affectionate regards. She has a little
daughter, just arrived; and though the infant is somewhat delicate, I
hope that she will grow up strong. I have taken the liberty of giving to
her the name of _Virginie_.
“I beseech you, my dear General, to present my respects to Madame
Washington, and my affectionate compliments to the family. I hope that
my conduct, guided by the motives of seeking the greatest public good,
and for American interests, will receive from you that approbation which
I prefer to that from all the rest of the world. Adieu, my dear
General!”