311 [The records of the kirk session of the parish of Govan, during the

incumbency of the author, after having been lost for many years,

were fortunately recovered not long ago. These show the great

strictness of the ecclesiastical discipline of those days. There

were not fewer than twenty-two elders in the kirk session. Each of

these had a ward or district assigned to him, of which it was his

duty to take a particular superintendence. It was hardly possible,

therefore, that any irregularity of which a parishioner was guilty

could be concealed, and consequently, what is recorded in the

register is to be regarded, not as a specimen, but as the gross

amount of the immorality of the parish. Some may affect to ridicule

the severe notice that was taken of particular instances of

misconduct. But the cognizance that was taken of such things is a

proof of the high tone of moral and religious feeling that prevailed

at that time among the office bearers of the church. Individuals, we

find, were brought before the kirk session, on account of family and

domestic feuds, for quarrelling with their neighbours, for solitary

instances of drunkenness, and of the use of profane language, for

carrying water on the Lord’s day, for sleeping in church, for

resorting to taverns on the Sabbath, for calumny, and for neglecting

the education of their children, &c. They who were convicted of such

offences, were sometimes rebuked in private by an elder, and at

other times by the minister in the presence of the eldership. It was

only in the case of graver offences, the number of which was

comparatively small, that a reproof was administered in the presence

of the congregation.—_Ed._]

312 [In the “Causes of the Lord’s Wrath against Scotland, agreed upon by

the Commission of the General Assembly,” 1650, “Backsliding and

defection from the covenants and our solemn vows and engagements,”

is specified (p. 46) to be “one of the greatest and most

comprehensive and provoking sins in the land.” _Printed in the year

1653._—_Ed._]

313 [This is the language of a man who did not use “at any time

flattering words,” or utter to his people “smooth things.” From what

he says here, however, and in some other sermons, and from

corresponding evidence which might be adduced, we are forced to

conclude that the well-known description which Kirkton has given of

the state of religion in Scotland in those days, (Hist. of Ch. of

Scot. pp. 48, 54, 64) must be too highly coloured. The presence of a

large military force and a state of civil warfare could not but be

prejudicial, in various ways, to the religion and morality of a

country. I am perfectly aware that the authority of Lord Clarendon,

Bishop Burnet, Milton, and others, may be brought forward to prove

that the parliamentary soldiers were kept under the strictest

discipline, and were remarkable for their grave deportment. But I

know likewise that the characters of not a few of those soldiers are

seriously affected by the offensive details of the ecclesiastical

records of the parish with which Binning was connected.—_Ed._]

314 [See Note, p. 368.—_Ed._]

315 [Or together.—_Ed._]

316 [That is, explain.—_Ed._]

317 [Coldly or indifferently.—_Ed._]

318 [Languishing.—_Ed._]

319 [“Upon Sunday, the 27th of February [1642], a declaration was read

out of the old town pulpit [Aberdeen] by our minister, Mr William

Strahan, showing the state of the Protestants in Ireland, and how

their wives and bairns were miserably banished, and forced to flee

into the west parts of Scotland for refuge, and the land not able to

sustain them. It was found expedient that ilk parish within the

kingdom should receive a collection of ilk man’s charity for their

help and support, whereupon was collected of this poor parish

fourscore pounds.” (Spalding’s “History of the Troubles in

Scotland,” vol. i. p. 34. Aberdeen, 1792.) “As a body, the

presbyterians [in Ireland] suffered less by the ravages of the

rebellion than any other class. The more influential of their

ministers, and the principal part of their gentry, had previously

retired to Scotland to escape the tyranny of Strafford and the

severities of the bishops and were thus providentially preserved.”

(Dr. Reid’s “History of the Presbyterian Church in Ireland,” vol. i,

p. 339.) After the execution of Charles I, an oath called the

_Engagement_, was framed by the English parliament, requiring all

persons to be “faithful to the commonwealth of England as now

established, without a king or house of lords.” The Irish ministers

refused to take this oath. The republicans were irritated by this

refusal, and by the loyalty of the ministers, who publicly preached

against them. They therefore imprisoned some of the ministers, while

others fled to the woods, and some to Scotland. At length, at a

council of war held at Carrickfergus in March, 1651, a formal act of

banishment from the kingdom was passed against them. “Those that

staid in the country, though they could not exercise their ministry

orderly as formerly, and though their stipends were sequestered, yet

they, changing their apparel to the habit of countrymen, travelled

in their own parishes frequently, and sometimes in other places,

taking what opportunities they could to preach in the fields, or in

barns and glens, and were seldom in their own houses. They persuaded

the people to constancy in the received doctrines, in opposition to

the wild heresies which were then spreading, and reminding them of

their duty to their lawful magistrates, the king and parliament, in

opposition to the usurption of the times, and in their public

prayers always mentioning the lawful magistrate. This continued

throughout the summer of 1651, at which time there was diligent

search made anew for them. Some were again taken, others fled, and

those who were taken were imprisoned first, for a time, in

Carrickfergus, in lodgings where they quartered; and thereafter,

Colonel Venables not gaining any ground upon them, they were sent to

Scotland.” Adair’s MS. apud Dr. Reid’s Hist. vol. ii. p. 246-248.

See also a narrative of the sufferings of the Irish Presbyterians,

for their religion and loyalty, in the “Sample of Jet-Black

Calumny,” p. 214.—_Ed._]

320 [What is perhaps meant is, it _swelleth_ much.—_Ed._]

321 [That is, _that can lay claim to the favour of his Saviour even when

his Saviour turns away his face from him_.—_Ed._]

322 [What is here said would seem to fix the date of this sermon. It

appears to have been preached before the battle of Dunbar.—_Ed._]

323 [That is, strongly.—_Ed._]

324 [That is, his utmost.—_Ed._]

325 [It is evident from this, and similar references to recent events,

that the Case of Conscience must have been written in the early part

of the year 1651. The proceedings of the commission of the General

Assembly, from July 1650 to July 1661, fill a large MS volume of

more than 400 pages. These proceedings have never been printed, with

the exception of certain detached papers, which are found engrossed

in the controversial pamphlets and journals of the times.—Peterkin’s

“Records of the Kirk of Scotland,” p. 592.—_Ed._]

326 [“The Gen. Assembly itself at Edinburgh, in July thereafter, did,

upon the 19 of that moneth, publish a Declaration, in which they

give warning concerning Malignants thus:—‘We exhort all those who

are in publick trust in ye comitee of Estates, or otherwise, not

only to take good head of their private walking that it be suitable

to the Gospel of Jesus Christ, and of their families and followers,

that they bee void of offence, but also be straight in the cause and

covenant, and not to seek themselves, nor befriend any who have been

enemies to the Lord’s work, self-seeking, and conniving at, and

complying with, and pleading for Malignants, having been publick

sins that have been often complained of; and we wish to God yr were

no cause to complain of these things still, notwithstanding of the

solemne confession of them, and ingadging against them. God forbid

that any mocke the Lord. He is a severe avenger of all such things,

and there is the more reason at this time not to own Malignants,

because it is ordinary with men so to be taken with the sense of the

dangers such is before them as not to look back to that which is

behind hem. There may be inclinations in some to employ these men,

and make use of them, that we may be strengthened in this and in our

neighbour land, but God hath hitherto cursed all such counsels, and

blasted such resolutions, and if we shall again fall into this sin,

as our guilt shal be so much the greater by reasone of many promises

and ingadgments to the contrair, so we may expect ane heavier

judgment from the Lord upon it. Let us keep the Lord’s way, and

though we be few and weake, the Lord shall be with us, and make us

to prosper and prevail. They are not fit for the work of God, and

for the glorious dispensations of his more than ordinary works of

power and providence in these times, who cannot beleive nor act any

thing beyonde what sense and reasone can make clear unto them from

the beginning unto ye end of their undertakings. Former experiences

and present straits call upon us that we should act and follow our

deutie in such a way as may magnify the Lord, and make it known to

others that we may live by Faith.’—‘The Waters of Sihor,’ or the

Lands Defectione, By Mr. James Guthrie, Minister of Stirling,”

Wodrow MSS vol. xvii. p. 41, in Bib. Ad.—_Ed._]

327 [“At Stirlinge, the 12 of Septem. 1650. A shorte declaration and

warninge to all the congregations of the Kirk of Scotland, from the

commissioners of the General Assembly.

“Albeit the Lord quhosse judgments are unsearchable, and quhosse

wayes past finding out, has brought the land werey low wnder the

hand of ane prewaillinge enemey, yet must we not forbeare to declair

the mynd of God, nor vthers refusse to hearken thereto. It wer

superfluous to give answer to the maney calumnies and reproches that

are blazed abroad, for albeit in every thing we cannot justify the

conducte of the armey, yet we hold it our deutie to desyre every one

not to beleive groundless reports, bot rather to eye the Lord, and

looke vpe to the hand that smytts them. And therfor, in the first

place, we exhort and warne all the inhabitants of the land, to

searche out ther iniquities, and to be deeplie humbled before the

Lord, that he may turn away his wraith from us. The Lord hath

wounded us and chasteissed us sore, wiche sayes that our iniquities

are muche, and that our sins are increessed. It concerneth the King

to mourne for all the grivous provocations of his father’s housse,

and for all his auen guiltiness, and to consider if he hes come to

the covenant, and joined himselve to the Lord, upone politicke

interests, for gaining a croune to himselve rather then to advance

religione and righteousness, that it is iniquitie quhilk God will

not forgett excepte it be speedilie repented offe. It concerns our

nobles and judges to consider wither ther carriadge in publicke

matters be straight and equall, or rather savoring of seeking

themselves and the thinges of this worlde, and how they walke in

ther families, and in ther privat conversations. There is in maney a

grate deall of perversenes and incorrigiblenes in regard of

forsaking some and performing some deuties, notwithstanding publecke

confessions and engagements, and this cannot bot heighlie provock

the Lord. And it concerneth the officers of the armey, especially

thesse quho are cheiffe among them, to weight weell quhat the Lord

hes against them, and to repent of ther diffidence and carnall way

of acting and undervaluing of God’s people. And ministers have also

neid to searche themselves concerning ther faithfullness to be

sound, for wiche God is angrie, doutles even amongest thesse is

muche negligence. Albeit the Lord hes suffred that armey of

perfideous and blasphemous sectaries to prevaill. Yet God forbid

that the land should complay with him, quhatever may be the

plauseable and faire carriage of some of that enimey, yet doubtless

there is ane levin of error and hypocrassy amongest them wich all

the lovers of treuth wold decern and avoyd. As the Lord hes trayed

the stability and integritie of his people in the land heirtofore,

by the prevailing of malignants, so doeth he now tray them by the

prevailing of sectaries, and wee trust they will thinke it ther

deutie and commendatione to prove staidfast against them als weill

as the other.

“3. Nather wold men be lesse cairfull and active to opposse the

enimey, then they have beine in opposeing malignants heirtofor, our

religione, lives, liberties and estaits, are als muche in hazard now

as ever, all the ordinances of Jesus Christ in the land are in

danger, and the foundatione lyke to be overturnid by thesse men quho

are oblidged, by the band of the covenant, to mantiene all thesse

and it wer a grate guiltines to ly doune and complay, and crutche

under the burden of the strange impositions that they will lay upon

us, and as men without head, to suffer our land to be brought in

bondage and ourselves to be robbed of all thesse things quhilk are

most precious and deire to us. If wee should doe so, the Lord wold

be angrie with us, and our posterity could not bot curss us.

“4. We would not think that all danger from the malignants is now

gone, seeing that ther is a grate maney suche in the land, quho

still retein ther former principales, therfor we wolde, with als

muche watchfullnes and tendernes now as ever, avoyde ther snars, and

beware of complayance and conjunctione with them, and take head,

that under a pretence of doing for the king and kingdome they gett

not power and strenth unto ther handes, for advanceing and

promoveing ther old malignant desseinges. Doubtles our saftie is in

holding fast our former principales, and keeping a straighte faithe,

without declyning to the right hand ore to the lefte.

“5. It concernes all the inhabitants of the land to bewarre of

murmuring and complaning against God’s dispensations, and

questioning the treuthe and goodnes of our causse or quarreling with

God, or blaming or casting off the covenant, becausse of aney thing

that hath befallin them, that wer a grate iniquitie not to be

pardoned. Lett us beare the indignatione of the Lord patientlie,

becausse wee have sinned against him, untill he plead our causse and

execut judgment for us, he will bring us fourthe to the light, and

we shall behold his righteousnes.”—Sir James Balfour’s Annales, vol.

iv. pp. 98-102.—_Ed._]

328 [“Causes of a soleme publicke humiliatione upone the defait of the

army, to be keepit throughout all the congregations of the Kirk of

Scotland.

“Albeit soleme publicke humiliations hes beine muche slighted, and

gone about in a formall way by maney in this land, so that it is not

one of the least of our provocations that we have drawn neire to God

with our mouthes and keepit our heartes fare from him, for wich the

Lord hath turned the wisdome of the wysse unto foollishnes, and the

strenthe of the strong men unto weaknes, yet seing it is a dutie

that hath oftin provin comfortable to uswards, God doeth new call us

in a speciall way by a singular peice of dispensatione, and knowing

that all quho are acquainted with God in the land will make

conscience of it, wee conceave it expedient that the quhole land be

humbled for the causses following.

“1. The continued ignorance and profanitie of the bodie of the land,

and the obstinacey and incorrigiblenes of maney, notwithstanding of

all the caires that God hath takin upon us by his word, and by his

workes of mercy and judgement, to teache us in the knowledge of his

name, and to refraine us from the eivell of our wayes.

“2. The manifest provocations of the kinges housse wiche we feare

are not throughlie repented off, nor forsaken by him to this day,

togidder with the crooked and precipitant wayes that wer takin by

sundrie of our statesmen for caring the trettey with the king.

“3. The bringing home with the king a grate maney malignants, and

indevoring to keepe some of them about him, and maney of them in the

kingdome, notwithstanding of publicke resolutions to the contrarey.

“4. The not purging of the kinges familie from malignant and profane

men, and the constituting of the samen of weill affected and godlie

persons, albeit it hathe beine oftin pressed upone the parliament

and comittee of Estaits, undertaking and promessed to be performed

by them.

“5. The leveing of a most malignant and profaine guard of horsse to

be aboute the king, quho having beine sent for to be purgit aboute 2

dayes before the defaite, were suffred to be and feight in our

armey.

“6. The exceiding grate slaknes of maney and aversnes and

untowardnes of some in the cheiffe judicatories of the kingdome and

in the armey, in guid motione and publick deuties, especially in

thesse thinges that concerne the purging of judicatories and the

armey from malignant and scandalous persons, and filling all places

of powre and trust with men of knowen integritie and trust, and of a

blamles and Christiane conversatione, togider with grate

inclinations to keepe and bring in malignants to the judicatories

and to the armey, as if the land could not be gydit and defendit

without thesse, and grate repyning and craying out against all that

is done to the contrarie, and studding to make the same ineffectual.

“7. The exceiding grate diffidence of some of the cheiffe leaders of

our armey, and others amongest us quho thought wee could not be

saved bot by ane numerous armey, who quhen wee have gottin many

thousands togider, wold not hazard to acte aney thing,

notwithstanding that God offred faire opportunities and advantages,

and fitted the spiritts of the souldiers for ther deutie, for

carnall confidence that was in maney of the armey, to the dispysing

of the enimey and promising victorie to themselves without eying of

God.

“8. The lousnes, insolencie and oppressione, of maney in the armey,

and the litle or no caire that was taken by maney to preserve the

corne, by wich it hath come to passe that verey much of the food of

the poore people of the land have beine neidlesly destroyed, and

quhile wee even remember this, we wishe that the prophanitie and

oppressione of sundrie of oure officers and souldiers in Ingland,

quhen we were fighting for the assistance of the parliament of that

kingdome, may not be forgottin, because it was matter of stumbling

in that land, so it is lyke it is ane of the causses of the sore

indignatione now manifested against us by the hands of thesse men.

“9. Our grate unthankfullnes for former mercies and deliverances,

and even for maney tokins of the Lords favor and goodness towards

our present armey quhile they wer togider, and the grate impatience

of spirit that was to be seine in maney thesse weekes past, quhilk

made them limitt the Lord, and to compleine and weerie of his

delaying of ane deliverance.

“10. The enving and eyeing of the kings intrest and quarrell by

maney, without subordinatione to religione and the liberties and

saveties of this kingdomes.

“11. The carnall selve seiking and crooked way of sundrie in our

judicatories and armies, quho make ther employments and places

rather ane matter of intrest and gain and preferment to themselves

then of advancing religione and righteousness in the land.

“12. The not putting difference betwix thesse that fear God, and

thesse that fear him not, for our services, our companie, our

employments, bot acompting all men alike, maney times preferring

thesse quho have nothing of God in them.

“13. The exceiding grate negligence that is in grate ones, and maney

others, in performing the deuties in ther families notwithstanding

of our former soleme acknowledgment of the samen; as also, our

neglecte of the deuties of mutuall edificatione, and grate

unfruitfullness and barrennes that is to be seene amongest all sorts

of persons; togider with the following of deutie with a grate deall

of mixture of carnall affections and fleschly wisdome wich grives

the Spirit of God, and takes away muche of the beutie of the Lords

image from our judicatories.

“As we wold be humbled for thesse thinges, so wold wee also intreat

the Lord that he wold sanctifie this affliction to his people that

they nather dispysse his chestisings, nor faint quhen they are

rebukit of him, bot that they may beare his indignatione patiently,

and cleive steadfestly to the treuthe, and the covenants, and the

causse of God without yeilding to the power of the enimey, or

receaving ther errors, or complaying ather with them on the one

hand, ore malignants on the other, and that the Lord wold poure out

of his Spirit upon the people, that ther spiritts may be raissed

unto ther deutie, and that they may be filled and furnished of God

with wisdome and resolutione to acte against their enimies for the

honor of God, ther awen preservatione; and that the Lord wold not

suffer them to be tempted above that whiche they are able to beare,

bot that he wold break the yoke of ther oppressors from off ther

neckes, and give them salvatione and deliverance; earnestly to

intreat the Lord in private and in publicke that he wold preserve

with us the ordinances of Jesus Christe, the kingdom, the kings

maties persone, the ministrie, from the power of ther enimies, quho

seekes the destruction of all.”—Id. pp. 102-107.—_Ed._]

329 [See the Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, Anno 1650, xxx

Novembris, vol. vi. p. 544.—_Ed._]

330 [“About this time the king’s head was filled by some unhappy men

about him, especially Dr. Fraser [who was the king’s physician] and

Henry Seymour, with many extreme fears. After the affront at Leith,

they had raised suspicions in his mind, which, upon the defeat at

Dunbar, were increased, but by the separate rising in the west

brought near to the head of a design to break the treaty with him,

and agree upon his expences with Cromwell. Upon these motions the

malignants in the north stept in, and by the forenamed persons began

a correspondence for the raising of the north for his present

service, under the conduct of Middleton. So many noblemen were on

this unhappy enterprise. Crawford was given out for its head and

contriver, albeit be professed to me his opposition to it.

Lauderdale knew of it; but he has said so far to me, that I believe

him he opposed it to his power. However, the thing was so foolishly

laid, and the king, by the counsels of those about him, was so

various in giving order for that rising, sometimes commanding and

then countermanding to rise, that all the party was put in a

confusion; yet, by the information of these foresaid fools, the king

being put in fear, that Lorn, going timely to bury a soldier, was

drawing together his regiment to lay hands on him, contrary to his

former resolutions, he took horse with some two or three, as if it

had been to go a hawking, but crossed Tay, and stayed not till he

came to Clowe in Angus. By the way he repented of the journey, and

meeting with Lauderdale at Diddup, and Balcarras coming from Dundee

by accident, was almost persuaded by them to return, yet by Diddup

and Buchan he was kept in Clowe. But when he came to that

miserably-accommodated house, and in place of the great promised

forces, he saw nothing but a small company of Highlanders, he

presently sent for Robert Montgomery, who was near with his

regiment, and without more ado, did willingly return, exceedingly

confounded and dejected for that ill-advised start. When it was

first blazed abroad, it filled all good men with great grief, and to

my own heart it brought one of the most sensible sorrows that in all

nay life I had felt. Yet his quick return of his own accord, and his

readiness to give all satisfaction for that failure, and his kind

receiving by the committee of states, among whom he ever sat after

his return (though never before) turned our grief suddenly into joy,

his absence not lasting above two full days. Yet all men were not so

soon satisfied.

“Sundry of them who had been on the plot, fearing a discovery and

punishment, flew to arms; Lewis Gordon, Ogilvie, Athol, and others,

under Middleton’s command, putting out a number of fair pretexts for

their rising. This might have destroyed all; yet, by God’s mercy,

all was quickly quieted. D. Leslie, with all his horse, marched

towards them; the king wrote earnestly to them to lay down. The

committee of estates sent a fair act of indemnity, and so without

more ado they went home.”—Baillie’s Letters, vol. ii. p. 356.

Middleton, like the Marquis of Montrose, had been at one time a

covenanter. After the Restoration, he was appointed to open the

Scottish parliament, as his Majesty’s commissioner. But this did not

prevent him from taking part in the debate, when the Act Rescissory,

by which the presbyterian form of church polity was completely

destroyed, was under consideration. Mr. David Dickson, along with

some others, was delegated by the presbytery of Edinburgh to present

to the Earl of Middleton a petition upon this subject. Middleton

told Mr. Dickson “he was mistaken if he thought to terrify him with

papers,—he was no coward.” Mr. Dickson dryly replied, “They knew

well he was no coward ever since the bridge of Dee.” This was a

skirmish which took place on the 19th of June, 1638, in which

Middleton had displayed great zeal for the covenant, in opposition

to Charles I. He took no notice of Mr. Dickson’s sarcastic

remark.—Kirkton’s “History of the Church of Scotland,” p.

118.—_Ed._]

331 [This was the “Acte of Pardon and Indemnitie, granted by the King

and Comittee of Estaites to the Northerne Rebells, 26 October, 1650,

and proclaimed at the mercat crosse of Perth, the 29th ditto, by

Rosse Heraulde, A.L.” See Balfour’s Annales, vol. iv. p. 132.—_Ed._]

332 [He refers to “The Northerne Band and Othe of Engagement sent by

Mideltone to L. Generall David Lesley, 26th of October, 1650.”

Middleton and the other subscribers of the Bond promise and swear

that they “shall manteine the trew religione, as it is established

in Scotland; the covenant, league and covenant, the Kings Majesties

persone, prerogative, gratnes and authoritie; the previllidges of

parliament and freedome of the subjects.”—Id. p. 129.—_Ed._]

333 [See the Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, ut supra.—_Ed._]

334 [The reader will find a very interesting account of the negociations

at Breda, in “A Brief Historical Relation of the Life of Mr. John

Livingston, Minister at Ancrum in Scotland, and last at Rotterdam in

Holland,” who was one of the commissioners sent from Scotland to

Breda (pp. 39-52. Glasgow, 1754). Dr. Cook, who quotes from the MS.,

does not seem to have been aware that the Life of Livingston was

ever printed. See his “History of the Church of Scotland,” vol. iii.

p. 177, _note_.—_Ed._]

335 [“Immediately after the Scots army had marched in to England to the

parliament’s assistance, did the King commissionate Montrose to

raise a war in Scotland, by which he made account either to oblige

the covenanters to recall their army out of England, or at least to

make that nation smart for their boldness. And this indeed he did

effectually, for landing in the West Highlands, with a party of

bloody Irish papists, who had been but a little before clashed in

the cruel massacre of the innocent protestants he overran the whole

country and beat the covenanters forces in six bloody conflicts. His

war, I believe, was the most cruel in the world.” (Kirkton’s

History, p. 43) “Montrose’s History is written in good Latin

(supposed to be by Bishop Wishart), but with as little truth as most

in the world.” Id. p. 122.—_Ed._]

336 [Sir James Turner and Colonel Urrey were sent to the west of

Scotland with their respective regiments, in 1648 to overawe and

reduce to obedience, those who were averse to Hamilton’s Engagement.

(Guthry’s Memoirs, p. 272 second edition). This service seems to

have been perfectly congenial to the habits and taste of Sir James

Turner, who appears, says Sir Walter Scott, (“Tales of a

Grandfather,” vol. ii. p. 211. Edin. 1829), by the account he gives

of himself in his Memoirs to have been an unscrupulous plunderer,

and other authorities describe him as a fierce and dissolute

character. On coming to Glasgow, the way he took, as he himself

tells us with considerable _gusto_, “to make the hardest headed

Covenanter in the toune to forsake the kirk and side with the

Parliament,” was to quarter on suspected persons “two or three

troopers and halfe a dozen musketeers.” In the same heartless strain

he proceeds to say—“Finding my Glasgow men groune prettie tame, I

tenderd them a short paper, which whoever signed I promisd, sould be

presentlie easd of all quartering.” It was nothing but a submission

to all orders of Parliament, agreeable to the Covenant. This paper

was afterward, by some merrie men christend Turner’s Covenant.

(Memoirs of his own Life and Times by Sir James Turner, pp. 53, 54

printed at Edinburgh, by the Bannatyne Club, in 1829). As he was

deprived of his rank by the Act of Classes in 1649, Sir James Turner

was one of those pretended penitents, of whom according to Bishop

Burnet, “all churches were full” after the passing of the Public

Resolutions. (Memoires of the Duke of Hamilton, p. 425.) “Martii 12,

1651. The qlk day was given in ane lettre from the comission of the

kirk, the tenour whereof follows,—Reverende and loving brethrene,

having received a petition how general adjutant James Turner,

acknowledgeing verie humblie his sin, in ye great accession he had

to that unlawful engadgement against England, and partcularlie his

impious carriage in your citie by perturbing divine service, he

seems to be verie sensible of his former miscarriage. We however

still continue him under conference wt presbyteries hear. Bot if we

shall find him in a condition to mak publik satisfaction, we desire

to know of you, if he can com and staye there wt safetie, and

without danger from the enemie, that he may satisfie in ye kirk of

Glasgow, which we thinke the most convenient place for removing the

scandal, that if he can be secur, he may be appoynted to com to you,

and if not, we may tak such other course as shall be thought most

convenient. We have no more to say, bot commending you in all

thingis to ye Lordis direction, we remain your loving brethrene the

comissioners of ye generall assemblie. Perth, 13 Feb 1651. Sic

subscribitur, Mr. Robert Douglas, Moderator.” (Records of the

Presbytery of Glasgow.)

What Principal Baillie says of the oppressive conduct of Sir James

Turner at Glasgow, during the time of the Engagement, is this—“Some

regiments of horse and foot were sent to our town, with orders to

quarter on no other but the magistrates, council, session, and their

lovers. These orders were executed with rigour. On the most

religious people of our town, huge burdens did fall. On some 10, on

some 20, on others 30 soldiers and more, did quarter, who, beside

meat and drink, wine, and good cheer, and whatever they called for,

did exact cruelly their daily pay, and much more. In ten days, they

cost a few honest but mean people, 40,000 lb., besides plundering of

those whom necessity forced to flee from their houses.” Letters and

Journals, vol. ii. p. 294.—_Ed._]

337 [“Stirling, 27 Sept, 1650: The comittee of Estaits considering the

necessarey devine lying upone them in prosecutione of the acte of

parliament and according to the frequent and serious remonstrances

of the commissione of the churche for purging of the kings familey

of all profaine, scandalous, malignant, and disaffected persons, and

that it be constituted of such as are pious, and well affected to

the cause and covenant qwho have not opposed the same by ther

counsells and actions. And lykewayes considering the grate offence

hes beine taken that the persons after nominated have not removed

from courte nor departed out of the kingdome respectively, and

having taken also into consideratione the report of the sub

comittee, appoynted to think on the purging of the kings familey

doth heirby therfor ordaine and command, The French Marques of

Villaneuffe, The Earle of Cleveland, Lord Wentworthe his son,

Viscount Grandeson, Lord Volmett, Lord Withringtone, Robert Long,

Secretarey, Sr Edward Walker, Garter, Mr. Progers, Groome of His

Maties Bed chamber, Master Lane, Master Marche, Colonell Darcey, Mr.

Antoney Jacksone, Major Jacksone, Colonell Loes, Master Oder, Under

Secretary Lord St. Paule, Sr Philipe Musgrave, Sr Faithful Fortskew,

Sr Timothey Featherstons, L Coll Meutis, Collonell Carbraithe, to

depart the courte within 24 houres, and to remove out of the

kingdome within 20 dayes after intunatione, and Doctor Fraser and Sr

George Melveill to withdraw from the court within 24 houres.” (Sir

James Balfour’s Annales of Scotland, vol. iv. pp. 109, 110). Sir

Edward Walker, whose name is included in the above list, says,

“Money being ordered for my transportation, which I never got I was

connived at for about three months, and therein had the opportunity

to collect and write my observations of the Affairs as they then

stood. Yet upon Friday the 4th of October, I was, by Sir James

Balfour, lion king of arms, commanded from court, which I presently

obeyed, and about a month after imbarqued for Holland, where I

resided several years after.” (Historical Discourses. Contents

folio. Lond. 1705.) The circumstances in which this zealous royalist

was placed, together with his national prejudices, may account for

his extreme credulity, in believing that the clergy of Scotland,

after the battle of Dunbar, offered up such impious prayers as he

has ascribed to them. (Id. p. 182) It was not to be expected that

Mr. Hume would neglect the opportunity which was thus afforded him

of covering with ridicule the Scottish covenanters. (See Hume’s

Account of the Battle of Dunbar.) Rapin vindicates the conduct of

the Estates, in inquiring the removal from about the person of the

king, of some of his friends and attendants’ men he says, “whose

principles and maxims were directly opposite to the interests of

Scotland and who were the kingdoms reputed enemies.” Hist. of Eng.

vol. ii. p. 581. Lond. 1833—_Ed._]

338 [“At the nod of a prince.”—_Ed._]

339 [That is, “He says, I say, he denies, I deny.” It is the parasite

Gnatho that is referred to. Terence makes the shameless sycophant

proclaim his own infamy—

Quicquid dicunt, laudo, id rursum si negant, laudo id quoque

Negat quis? Nego. Ait? Aio.—_Eunuchi_ Act ii. Sc. ii.

“Whatever they say, I applaud. If again they deny that, I applaud

that too. Does any one deny a thing? I deny it. Does he affirm it? I

affirm it.”—_Ed._]

340 [That is, the characteristics.—_Ed._]

341 [For an account of the origin, progress, and unsuccessful issue of

Hamilton’s Engagement or the Unlawful Engagement, as it was also

called, the reader may consult Stevenson’s History of the Church and

State of Scotland, book iv. chapter x., Cook’s History of the Church

of Scotland, vol. iii. p. 149.—_Ed._]

342 [Old MS.—_Ed._]

343 [“Pearth Novemb. 29, 1650—The Comrs. of the Gen. Assemb. considering

the great sin and offence these men are guilty of, who have had

accessione to the late Rebellione in ye north, therefore they doe

appoint that all these persons that were actually in arms at the

late rebellione, and all such as subscribed the Bond and

Declaratione emited by them to be suspended from the communione till

the nixt Gen. Assemb. to which there are hereby refered for further

censure, and for all others that had any accessione by counsel or

otherwise, to that rebellione, or to the King’s withdrawing from his

Counsell, refers to Presbytries to try diligently in their severall

bounds these persons and the degree of their guiltiness and to

report the same, with the evidences and proofs thereof, to the nixt

meeting of this Commissione.” A. Ker.—“The Waters of Sihor.” Wodrow

MSS., vol. xvii. pp. 44-45.—_Ed._]

344 [James, Marquis of Montrose. After his forfeiture by the Scottish

parliament he was usually styled in their Act and proclamations

_James Graham_, and sometimes _James Graham, late Earl of Montrose_.

Bishop Guthry says (Memoirs, p. 175) that it was considered a proof

of malignancy to distinguish him and the Earl of Auly by their

titles. In a letter to Principal Baillie, 19th March 1649, Mr. Spang

mentions that he was admitted to an audience by the Prince of Orange

at the Hague. Something was said by the Prince, which led Mr. Spang

to suspect he alluded to Montrose. “I hoped,” says Mr. Spang, “his

Highness did not mean of that man, whose apostasy, perjuries, and

unheard of cruelty, had made him so odious, in all our country, that

they could not hear of his name.” He presently gave me to understand

he meant not him or any such, for by the comportment of our Scottish

noblemen at court now, he perceives how odious _James Graham_ must

be at home, for they will not salute or speak to him, nay, not look

where they think he is, and this I have observed with my own eyes.

Baillie’s Letters and Journals, vol. ii. p. 323.—_Ed._]

345 [On the 14th of December 1650, an answer was returned to Parliament,

“be the commissioners of the general assemblie to the quære, given

in to thame be the estattis of parliament, anent the persones to be

admitted to ryse in armes, and joyne with the forces of the

kingdome, and in what capacitie, for defence thereoff aganes the

armie of sectaries, &c.” (Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, vol.

vi. p. 554.) The Answer of the Commission, after a declaration that

it is the duty of parliament to use all necessary and lawful means

for the defence of the land, and a description of the enfeebled

state of the kingdom, contains the following exposition of their

views. “In this case of so great and evident necessity, we cannot be

against the raising of all fencible persons in the land, and

permitting them to fight against this enemy for defence of the

kingdom, excepting such as are excommunicate, forfaulted,

notoriously profane or flagitious, and such as have been from the

beginning, and continue still, or are at this time, obstinate and

professed enemies, and opposers of the Covenant and cause of God;

and for the capacity of acting, that the Estates of Parliament ought

to have, as we hope they will have special care, that in this so

general concurrence of all the people of the kingdom, none be put in

such trust or power as may be prejudicial to the cause of God, and

that such Officers as are of known integrity and affection to the

cause, and particularly such as have suffered in our former armies

may be taken special notice of.”—“A True Representation of the Rise,

&c. of the Present Division in the Church of Scotland,” pp. 10, 11.

London, 1657. “The Answer of the Commission of the General Assemblie

to the Quæree Propounded to them from the Parliament,” pp. 2, 3.

Aberdeen, Printed by James Brown, 1651.—_Ed._]

346 [“_Act of Leavie_: At Perth, the twentie third day of December, one

thousand six hundred and fiftie yeiris, the Kingis Majestie and

Estaits of parliament, being verie sensibill of the dangerous and

distressed conditione of this kingdome, and most desyrious,

according to the law of God and nature, in discharge of there public

trust, to use all lawful and necessarie means for the saiftie and

defence of religione, his Majesties persone and royal authoritie,

laws and liberties of the kingdome, aganis an armie of sectaries,

who most unjustlie and perfidiouslie, contrarie to the solemne

league and covenant and treaties, have invaded, and are by all actis

of hostilitie destroying the same, Thairfore hes statute and

ordained that all fensible men, within the sherrefdomes of Fyiff,

and Kinross, Clakmanan, Stirling, Dumbartane, Argyll, Boott, Perth,

Forfar, Kincardine, Aberdeine, Bamff, Murray, Nairne, Inverness,

Ross, Sutherland, Cromartie, Caitnes, and Orknay, cum to an

randevouze in the severall divisions of ilk schyre respective, to be

set doun and appoyntit be the comitties of war in ilk schyre,

according to the number of the regimentis efter specifit. The haill

hertofore noblemen, gentlemen, and utheris to burt and landwartly

frenteris, woodsetteris, and all other fensible men, betwixt

thriescore and sixteine, with all there horses fitt for service, and

their haill armes for horsemen and footmen (except such as are

excommunicate, forfeited, notoriouslie profane or flagitious, and

such as have beene from the beginning, and continew still, or are at

this tyme, obstinat and professed enemies and opposeris of the

covenant and caus of God). Out of the quhilk haill number of

fensible persones, in ilk division, all such as are vigorous and

able men for war are heirby appoynted to be drawin out, and put in

Regimentis, as is efter specifit, with there best horses and arms,

so many as are serviceable horses, and the rest on foot, with their

best armes, twa part musquettis and third part pickis, and all with

swords. The horsemen to be armed with pistollis, hulsteris or

syidpistollis, and launces,” &c., &c.—“Acts of the Parliaments of

Scotland,” vol. vi, pp. 560-562.—_Ed._]

347 [This disastrous attack was made by the forces in the west, from

whom had proceeded, what was called the Western Remonstrance, which

had been condemned both by the Committee of Estates, and the

Commission of the church. (“Causes of the Lord’s Wrath in Scotland,”

p. 60, printed in the year 1660). “Befoir this feight at Hammilton,

Collonell Ker inquyred the judgement of his inferior officers the

night befoir, quhat thai thocht of the caice of effaires, as they

then stood, and schewed thame that he wold joyne with nane quho wes

not for the Remonstrance, nor yit with those quho wold not declyne

the Stait,—I meane the committee of Estait as it then stood.”

(Nicol’s “Diary of Transactions in Scotland,” p. 37) The following

letter from Cromwell describing the defeat at Hamilton, is

interesting in itself as well as on account of the writer. “Sir, I

have now sent you the results of some treaties amongst the enemy,

which came to my hand this day. The Major General, and

Commissary-Generall Whaley marched a few days ago towards Glasgow,

and the enemy attempted his quarters in Hamilton, and entred the

town, but by the blessing of God, by a very gracious hand of

Providence, without the losse of 6 men, as I hear of, he beat them

out, kild about 100, took also about the same number, amongst which

are some prisoners of quality, and near 100 horse (as I am

informed), the Major Gen. being in the chase of them, to whom also I

have since sent the addition of a fresh party. Col. Kerre (as my

messenger this night tells me) is taken, his Lieutenant-Col. and one

that was sometimes Major to Collonel Straughan, and Keires Captain

Lieutenant. The whole party is shattered, and give me leave to say

it, if God had not brought them upon us, we might have marched 3000

horse to death, and not have lighted on them, and truly it was a

strange Providence brought them upon him. For I marched from

Edenburgh on the north side of Cloid, appointed the Major-General to

march from Peebles to Hamilton, on the south side of Cloid. I came

thither by the time expected, tarried the remainder of the day, and

untill neer 7 o’clock the next morning, apprehending the Major-Gen.

would not come by reason of the waters. I being retreated, the enemy

took encouragement, marched all that night, and came upon the

Major-General’s quarters about two houres before day, where it

pleased the Lord to order as you have heard.

“The Major-Gen. and Commissary Gen. (as he sent me word) were still

gone on in the prosecution of them, and saith, that except 150 horse

in one body, he heares they are fled by 16 or 18 in a company, all

the country over. Robin Montgomery was come out of Sterling, with 4

or 5 regiments of horse and dragoons, but was put to a stand when he

heard of the issue of this businesse. Straughan and some other

officers had quitted some 3 weeks or a month before this businesse,

so that Ker commanded this whole party in chief.

“It is given out that the malignants will be all (almost) received

and rise unanimously and expeditiously. I can assure you, that those

that serve you here, find more satisfaction in having to deale with

men of this stamp, then others, and it is our comfort that the Lord

hath hitherto made it the matter of our prayers, and of our

endeavours (if it might have been the will of God), to have had a

Christian understanding between those that feare God in this land,

and ourselves, and yet we hope it hath not been carryed on with a

willing failing of our duty to those that trust us, and I am

persuaded the Lord hath looked favourably upon our sincerity herein,

and will still doo so, and upon you also whilst you make the

interest of God’s people yours. Those religious people of Scotland,

that fall in this cause, we cannot but pitty and mourne for them,

and we pray that all good men may do so too. Indeed there is at this

time a very great distraction, and mighty workings of God upon the

hearts of divers, both ministers and people, much of it tending to

the justification of your cause. And although some are as bitter and

as bad as ever, making it their businesse to shuffle hypocritically

with their consciences and the covenant, to make it lawfull to joyne

with malignants, which now they do (as well as they might long

before) having taken in the head of them, yet truly others are

startled at it, and some have been constrained by the work of God

upon their consciences, to make sad and solemn accusations of

themselves, and lamentations in the face of their supream authority,

charging themselves as guilty of the blood shed in this warre, by

having a hand in the treaty at Breda, and by bringing the king in

amongst them. This lately did a Lord of the Session, and withdrew,

and lately Mr. James Leviston, a man as highly esteemed as any for

piety and learning, who was a Commissioner for the Kirk at the said

treaty, charged himselfe with the guilt of the blood of this war,

before their assembly, and withdrew from them, and is retired to his

own house. It will be very necessary to encourage victuallers to

come to us, that you take off customes and excise from all things

brought hither for the use of the army. I beg your prayers, and rest

your humble servant, _O. Cromwell_. Edinburgh, 4 Dec. 1660.”—Sev.

Proc. in Parl. Dec. 12 to 19, apud Cromwelliana, pp. 94, 95.—_Ed._]

348 [That is, “How much changed from that assembly which was formerly!”

(Quantum mutatus ab illo Hectore, qui, &c. _Virg. Æneid_, lib. ii.

ver. 274.)—_Ed._]

349 [“Ult. July, 1648. Post Meridian Sep. xxi. _A Declaration of the

General Assembly concerning the present dangers of Religion and

especially the unlawful engagement in War, against the kingdom of

England_. Together with many necessary exhortations and directions

to all the Members of the Kirk of Scotland.” Records of the Kirk of

Scotland, pp. 498-505. Edited by A. Peterkin.—_Ed._]

350 [At a meeting of the Committee of Estates, on the 6th of January,

1651,—“Rege Presente. The letter from the Presbytery of Stirling to

the Commission of the Generall Assembly, still disclaiming the kings

intereste, and the unity of all the subjects of the land to assist

their countrey against the comon enimey, redd, with the Commission

of the Generall Assemblies ansuer therto, redd lykwayes approvin and

ordained to be published and printed.” (Balfour’s Annales, vol. iv.

p. 235). The Commission of the Assembly complained, that the letter

of the Ministers of the Presbytery of Stirling, which was printed at

Edinburgh 165l, had prefixed to it “the false and odious title of _A

Remonstrance of the Presbtytery of Stirling against the present

conjunction with the malignant partie_.” (“Answer of the

Commission,” &c. dated Perth, 6 Jan. 1651 p. 19. Printed at

Aberdeen, 1651). What Binning now advances is in vindication of the

Letter of the Presbytery of Stirling and in reply to the Answer of

the Commission. Mr. James Guthrie, and Mr. David Bennet, Ministers

at Stirling, were charged by the committee of Estates with training

this Letter, and summoned to appear before them, at Perth, on the

19th of February, 1651, to answer for their conduct.—“Acts of Parl.,

vol. vi. p. 578.”—_Ed._]

351 [“And first, we shall desyre every one seriously to consider the

case and condition wherein the kingdome is engaged and standeth at

this tyme, that now we are not upon an engagement of invasive warre

but upon necessary defence against a forraign enemy, who hath not

only injustly invaded us, but also (through the holy permissive

providence of God) slaine many of our brethren with the sword,

subdued a great part of the land, is oppressing the people of God

therein, and following his injust designes and intentions against

the rest of the kingdome, that in this case, in the ordinary way of

providence, according to which men must act, unlesse they would be

guilty of tempting God, there is need of, and ought to be employed

against the enemy, such a competency of power as is required in

right and warrantable prudencie, and may be had, not being of itself

sinful. This certainly is mans duety, whatever God, out of his

soveraignity, hath done, or may doe in the case of want, or

disproportion of meanes.”—Answer of the Commission, ut supra, p.

6.—_Ed._]

352 [“In such parts of the kingdome, as are yet free from the oppression

of the enemy, and so out of which any men can be raised, there is

not a possibility to get such a competencie of power, unlesse there

be a more generall calling foorth of the body of the people than

hath been before, this as it is most certain in itselfe, so it is

most apparent, and evident unto all, that doe understand these parts

of the kingdome. And whereas faithfull and honest men in the State,

well acquainted with the severall shares of that part of the

kingdome, have publickly declared that when all shall be brought

together, that can be called foorth of these parts, according to

publick resolution, there will scarce be a competent power against

the power of the enemy, we cannot but much wonder, if any, not so

acquainted therewith, shall hold the contrary, and not give credit

to the declaration of honest and faithfull men, especially in

authority, the matter being such, as in the immediate knowledge

thereof dependeth on sense, and, as to those that have not that

knowledge, pertaineth to humane faith, which giveth credit to the

testimony _testium idoneorum_ of competent witnesses such as these

are whom we have designed.”—Id. pp. 6, 7.—_Ed._]

353 [“We need say no more unlesse there were some show of proofe to the

contrary. Yet we shall say somewhat particularly to one place that

which is said in the case of Amaziah’s associating with and taking

to him the Israelits for help in his just defence, (2 Chron. xxv. 7:

‘O king let not the army of Israel goe with thee for the Lord is not

with Israel even with all the house of Ephraim,’) as being mainly

urged and as it seems most to stick with some in the present

businesse to which sundry things may be answered, which clear the

present businesse from the force thereof. 1. The Israelits were

idolaters, and forreiners not so in our case, in either respect. But

it is alledged that the reason why Amaziah is disswaded from taking

their assistance is because God was not with them, and therefore the

same reason having place in manie of these, whom the present

resolution comprehendeth, the disswasion hath the same force against

them. Therefore 2. God’s not being with them may be either conceived

and understood, in regard of the estate of grace and reconciliation

with God but how-so ever that with many of them God was not in this

regard, yet the reason cannot be alledged in this sense because then

it would follow by the argument, that we might not take the help of

any man out of the estate of grace, for our just and necessary

defence, which none will admit, or it may be understood of God’s

assistance and prospering providence simply. But neither can it be

taken thus, because it is certain and clear that God was often with

them in this sense in their own cause and quarrells. Therefore it

must needs be conceived, in regard of their profession, and

religion, which was corrupt and idolatrous. Now the reason thus

understood hath not place in our businesse. 3. Yet doe we not find

that Amaziah is commanded to exclude any of the subjects of his own

kingdom, from acting in that defence, or reproved for not doing of

it notwithstanding many of them no doubt were naughty and corrupt in

their way, 2 Kings xiv.”—Answer of the Commission, p. 12.—_Ed._]

354 [That is, “chiefly.” The strict signification of _ut plurimum_ is,

_as much as possible_.—_Ed._]

355 [“At the bar of conscience.”—_Ed._]

356 [“Doeth our mentioning onlie the kingdome in that resolution, import

a separation of the kingdome, and the cause in the quarrell against

our enemie? Or what logick can draw out such a consequence out of

it? Wee do think that the kingdome being in danger by this enemie,

the cause also is in danger, and the defending of the kingdome will

be the defending of the cause also. And we trust no instruments

shall bee employed for the defence of the kingdom to the prejudice

of the cause.”—Answer of the Commission, ut supra, p. 19.—_Ed._]

357 [“In point of fact.”—_Ed._]

358 [“On that very account.”—_Ed._]

359 [Bishop Hall quaintly remarks, that “No devil is so dangerous as the

religious devil.” “Suppose the ends of this Engagement to be good,

(which they are not,) yet the meanes and ways of prosecution are

unlawful, because there is not an equall avoiding of rocks on both

hands, but a joyning with malignants to suppresse sectaries, a

joyning hands with a black devill to beat a white devill. They are

bad physicians who would so cure one disease as to breed another as

evil or worse.” (“A Declaration of the Gen. Assembly concerning the

present dangers of Religion.” Rec. of the Kirk of Scotland, p. 501.)

In the year 1649 the Scottish parliament passed an “Act against

Consulters with Devils and Familiar Spirits,” &c. (Acts of the Parl.

of Scot. vol. vi. p. 359.) It was supposed that the power of some of

these was employed in particular instances for the benefit of

mankind. They were therefore distinguished from the others in the

same way that white witches or persons who used charms and

incantations for curing diseases, &c. were distinguished, but not in

the eye of the law, from black witches, or those who practised their

art for the purposes of mischief. (Whitelock’s “Memorials,” p. 550.

See also Sir Walter Scott’s “Tales of a Grandfather,” vol. ii. p.

117.) If we look to the strange confessions of many of the

unfortunate creatures who were condemned to suffer death for

witchcraft in those days, without adverting to the cruel means that

were often resorted to with a view to extort from them such

confessions, the credulity of the age will not appear to have been

so extraordinary as it has been represented. It is impossible not to

admire the singular discretion of Dr. Grey, Rector of Houghton

Conquest when speaking on this subject: “Nothing,” says he, “more

plainly discovers the iniquity of those times than the great numbers

of people executed in England and Scotland for witches, _if they

were guilty_, or the barbarous superstition of the times, _if they

were innocent_, which is the more probable.”—“Impartial Examination

of the Fourth Volume of Mr. Daniel Neal’s History of the Puritans,”

p. 96, Lond. 1739.—_Ed._]

360 [That is, openly persisting. See “The Answer of the Commission to

the Presbytery of Stirling,” p. 11.—_Ed._]

361 [See “The Nullity of the Pretended Assembly at Saint Andrews and

Dundee,” &c., p. 312. Printed in the year 1652. As many had been

under age when the Solemn League and Covenant was first sworn the

Commission of the General Assembly ordained it to be renewed by

their Act, October 6, 1648, joining to it the “Solemn Acknowledgment

of Public sins and Breaches of the Covenant, and a Solemn Engagement

to all the Duties contained therein.”—_Ed._]

362 [“We desire it may be remembered that in the beginning of these

troubles, anno 1638, when as there were then standing laws in this

kingdom, which are not yet repealed to this day, discharging all

subjects from rysing in armes, without the kings expresse warrant

and command, yet the subjects of this kingdome perceiving themselves

in danger to be destroyed by forraign invasion, did fynd these lawes

no wayes to bynd up their hands from taking armes, for their just

defence and selfe preservation,—these lawes, in the intention of the

lawgiver, being made for the preservation of the kingdom and not for

the destruction of it.—” Answer of the Commission, pp. 13,

14.—_Ed._]

363 [See “The Waters of Sihor, or the Lands Defectione,” Wodrow MSS.

vol. xvii. pp. 39-41, in Bib. Ad. Peterkin’s “Rec. of the Kirk of

Scotland,” pp. 619-620.—_Ed._]

364 [See Note, page 96.—_Ed._]

365 [That is, “every where and at all times like himself and the

same.”—_Ed._]

366 [We learn from Principal Baillie, (“Letters and Journals,” vol. ii.

p. 363,) that Binning had identified himself with the Association of

the West, which was required to dissolve itself, by an Act of the

Scottish parliament, passed 28th Decem., 1650.—_Ed._]

367 [Or, general officers.—_Ed._]

368 [The _first_ or _principal proposition_ in the preceding

syllogism.—_Ed._]

369 [(Minor probatur,) that is, _the second proposition_ in the

preceding syllogism. It will be perceived that the arguments of the

author are constructed according to the rules of the Aristotelian

logic. A familiar acquaintance with this mode of reasoning

continued to be cultivated, at this time, by all who wished to excel

in public disputations (Professor Jardine’s “Outlines of

Philosophical Education in the University of Glasgow,” p. 12. Glas.

1825). In the Westminster Assembly, the different speakers often

presented their opinions under the form of syllogisms, which were

impugned and defended by employing the usual terms and technical

formalities of the dialectic art.—See Lightfoot’s “Journal of the

Proceedings of the Assembly of Divines.” Works, vol. xiii. pp. 123,

157, 203-205, &c.—_Ed._]

370 [Aiming at.—_Ed._]

371 [Mr. Robert Ramsay, Principal of the University, reminded the

Presbytery of Glasgow at their first meeting in June, 1651, “that

Mr. Hew Binnen had expresslie protested that it was not lawfull for

us to pray for ye succeese of the armie, as it was constitute, and

becaus of those who now have power in the same. And farther, the

said Mr. Hew Binnen, when notice was taken of these words repeated

them over and over agane, and avowed, he wold pray for a blessing to

them, yt is, that yet might be converted, but, that he could not

pray for success to them as yet are now constitute.”—“Records of the

Presbytery of Glasgow.”—_Ed._]

372 [Or shudder.—_Ed._]

373 [For the Instructions given by the Scottish parliament to the

Commissioners who went to Breda see “Acts of the Parliament of

Scotland,” vol. vi. pp. 513, 514. A copy of the Treaty itself agreed

upon by his Majesty Charles II and the Scottish Commissioners and

afterwards ratified by parliament, will be found in Thurloe’s State

Papers, vol. i. pp. 147, 148.—_Ed._]

374 [That is, “who, because they are wise, are ignorant of that which

they know.” (Tu pol, si sapis quod scis, nescis. Terent Eun. iv. 4,

54.)—_Ed._]

375 [That is, _lively_ or _distinct_ characters.—_Ed._]

376 [“A fisherman is made wise by a bite.” A Greek proverb, the original

of this (ὁ ἁλσευς πληγες νους φυσες) has been preserved in a

fragment of Sophocles, Erasmi Adagiorum Chil. Quat. p. 41. Coloniæ

1612. Scholiastes Græci In Sophoc. Tom. iii. p. 602. Argentorati

1788.—_Ed._]

377 [“Another consequence of this defeat [at Dunbar] was, that every one

blamed the other, the one side for purging out too many who might

have been of service against the enemy, and these again blamed their

opposites for being too remiss, and not well enough purged.”—Memoirs

of the Life of the Rev. Robert Blair, p. 113. Edin. 1755.—_Ed._]

378 [Answer of the Commission, _ut supra_, p. 8.—_Ed._]

379 [P. 178 Edin. 1649.—_Ed._]

380 [Or as a general principle.—_Ed._]

381 [In opposition to what is here affirmed it is stated in the pamphlet

entitled, “A True Representation of the Present Division in the

Church of Scotland,” (p. 15.) that the Scottish Reformers did not

look upon their conjunction with the Duke of Chatelherault and his

followers, “as a cause of that sad stroak, as some would make the

world believe, from Mr. Knoxes Sermon at Sterlin. For in the heads

of that Sermon, printed in the History of the Church of Scotland, p.

217 _Edit. Edinburgh_, 1644, in 4to, there is no mention of any such

thing but only of their carnal confidence, that possibly they had

not sincerely repented of their former opposition, and that they who

were late come in were made to feel in their own hearts, how bitter

a cup they had made others to drink before them. Nor doth he (as our

Brethren’s tenets now lead them) presse them to purge out such as

were lately admitted, but doth only presse repentance upon all of

them.”—Dr. M’Crie presents his readers with an analysis of this

sermon of the “great Apostle of the Scots,” as he was called by

Beza.—See “Life of Knox,” pp. 192, 193, sixth edit.—_Ed._]

382 [See page 495 of this edition.—_Ed._]

383 [“The safety of the people” is “the highest law.”—_Ed._]

384 [“The very heathens had a notion of the unlawfulnesse of

confederacies with wicked men. For as Victorinus Strigelius on 2

Chron. 25, noteth out of Æschylus his tragedy, intituled _Seven to

Thebe_, Amphiaraus a wise vertuous man was therefore swallowed up in

the earth, with seven men, and seven horses, because he had associat

himself with Tydeus, Capaneus and other impious commanders marching

to the siege of Thebe.” (“Gillespie’s Miscel. Quest.,” p. 178.)

Æschylus makes Eteocles give the following description of the

character of Amphiaraus, and foretell his destiny.—(“Septem cont

Thebas,” ver. 597.)

“Nothing worse

In whate’er cause than impious fellowship,

Nothing of good is reap’d for when the field

Is sown with wrong the ripened fruit is death

So this seer

Of temper’d wisdom, of unsullied honour,

Just, good, and pious, and a mighty prophet,

In despite to his better judgment join’d

With men of impious daring, bent to tread

The long, irremeable way, with them

Shall, if high Jove assist us, be dragg’d down

To joint perdition.”—_Potter_.

Regarded simply as a poetical fiction, the account which Statius has

given of the fate of Amphiaraus is particularly striking and

beautiful—(Thebald. lib. vii. ver. 815-823)—_Ed._]

385 [“A Hypothetical Proposition is one which asserts not absolutely,

but under an hypothesis indicated by a conjunction. An hypothetical

syllogism is one on which the reasoning depends on such a

proposition.”—Whately’s “Elements of Logic,” p. 388.—_Ed._]

386 [“For he who gives life gives the things which are necessary to

life.”—Cic. De Offic. lib. cap. 4.—_Ed._]

387 [The MS. in my possession which will be afterwards described has no

part of this third answer. In place of it I find the following

passage: “And though there had been disproportion of numbers betwixt

us and the enemy, yet we cannot but still say, it had been a way

much better beseeming the people of God, and in which there should

have been much more peace and consort, to have had to do our duty

with such a disproportion, than to have taken in the malignant party

for making it up.”—_Ed._]

388 [Than with.—_Ed._]

389 [Dirge, or some such word is wanting here.—_Ed._]

390 [That is, put them in mind.—_Ed._]

391 [The remaining part of the Section is not contained in either of the

two preceding editions of the “Case of Conscience,” but is taken

from a MS. in the handwriting of the period with the use of which I

have been favoured by my friend David Laing, Esq., Secretary to the

Bannatyne Club. This MS. terminates with Section IV.—_Ed._]

392 [Mr. George Gillespie, who was the son of Mr. John Gillespie,

Minister of Kirkaldy, was at this time one of the Ministers of

Edinburgh, but he had gone to Kirkaldy for the benefit of his

health. He was one of the Commissioners from the Church of Scotland,

to the Westminster Assembly. In his letters from London, Principal

Baillie, who was also one of the Scottish Commissioners, speaks of

his youthful colleague in terms of high admiration. “Of a truth,” he

says, respecting him, in a letter dated March 26, 1644, “there is no

man whose parts in a public dispute I do so admire. He has studied

so accurately all the points ever yet came to our assembly, he has

gotten so ready, so assured, so solid a way of public debating,

that, however there be in the assembly divers very excellent men,

yet in my poor judgment, there is not one who speaks more rationally

and to the point, than that brave youth has done ever.” (“Letters

and Journals,” vol. l. p. 451. See also, pp. 407, 419, 431.)

Gillespie’s “Treatise of Miscellany Questions,” which was published

after his death, in 1649, contains a chapter entitled, “Another most

useful Case of Conscience discussed and resolved, concerning

associations and confederacies with idolaters, infidels, heretics,

or any other known enemies of truth and godliness” (pp. 169-193.)

This, it will be observed is, with very little variation, the title

of the Tractate of Binning. It is probable, that they who first

undertook the publication of Binning’s MS. were led to adopt this

title from the similarity of the views, as well as the identity of

the subjects of the two authors. When the Commission of the church

met at Perth, in December, 1650, for the purpose of considering the

_query_ of the parliament as to the persons who ought, or ought not,

in present circumstances to be employed, in the defence of the

country,—it was not likely that the published opinions of Gillespie

upon such a subject would be overlooked. But says Baillie, when

giving an account of this meeting, “The question was alleged to be

altered from that which Mr. Gillespie writes of.”—“Letters and

Journals,” vol. ii. p. 365.—_Ed._]

393 [The name of “M. F. Carmichael” is attached to a warrant, which is

dated Sept. 1, 1651, and bears to be subscribed by certain

commissioners of the church, authorizing George Ogilvy of Harras, to

deliver up to Lord Balcarres, the Registers of the Kirk that were in

his house (Reg. of Deeds, 6 March, 1701. Dr. M’Crie’s Mem. of Veitch

and Brysson, Append. p. 525.) There can be little doubt that these

were the original records of the church, which were produced and

identified at the meeting of the General Assembly at Glasgow, in the

year 1638. (Id. p. 497. “Rec. of the Kirk,” vol. l. pp. 22-24,

Edited by A. Peterkin.) It is boldly asserted by Gordon, parson of

Rothiemay, that the old authentic records of the Assemblies were at

that time in the hands of Archbishop Spottiswood, who had carried

them with him, he says, to London, though he more cautiously adds,

in a _nota_, “It is _very uncertaine_ if the registers presented wer

the principalls, or if only copyes.” (“History of Scots Affairs,”

vol. i. pp. 146, 147. Aberdeen. Printed for the Spalding Club,

1841.) Keith tells us in what way these records afterwards came into

the possession of Mr. Archibald Campbell, a Scottish non-juring

clergyman residing in London, by whom they were most unjustifiably

detained from the Church after the Revolution, and subsequently

gifted to Sion College, the governors of which being expressly

restricted from permitting them to pass out of their custody.

(“Hist. of the Aff. of Church and State in Scot.,” p. 497.) After

some delay on the part of the governors, the long concealed records,

bound up in three volumes, and embracing the whole period between

1560 and 1616, were given up by them for inspection, in the year

1834, to the Select Committee of the House of Commons on Church

Patronage. (“Minutes of Evidence,” pp. 126, 355, 374.) Dr. Lee, one

of the witnesses before the Committee, declared, after examining

them, he was quite certain that they were “authentic records.” (Id.

p. 450). The loss of such invaluable archives, soon after this,

which now appears to be placed beyond all doubt, in consequence of

the destruction of the House of Commons by fire, is much to be

deplored.—_Ed._]

394 [At the Restoration, Mr. Moncrieff was ejected from his parish, for

the part he had acted in framing or sanctioning the “Remonstrance,”

and the “Causes of the Lord’s wrath,” which was engenuously

confessed by him (“Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland,” vol. vii.

p. 367.) Wodrow has collected various particulars regarding the

life, character, and subsequent sufferings, for conscience’ sake, of

this pious and useful minister. (“Hist. of the Suff. of the Ch. of

Scot.”, vol. i. pp. 197-200.) As he was persecuted, during the

Usurpation, for persisting in praying publicly for the king, he had

thus the singular misfortune of being punished both for his loyalty

and his supposed disloyalty. Mr. Moncrieff has had a niche assigned

to him by Howie among the _Scots Worthies_. (pp. 411-415. Dumfries,

1835.) Mr. James Guthrie, Minister at Stirling, who was imprisoned

at the same time with his friend, Mr. Moncrieff, and afterwards

executed, was accused at his trial of compiling “the Remonstrance.”

This he denied, affirming he could prove, by hundreds of witnesses,

that he was at Stirling at the time, many miles distant.—See his

Defences, “Acts of the Parl. of Scot.,” vol. vii. Append. p.

37.—_Ed._]

395 [The parliament of Scotland passed the _Act of Classes_ on the 23d

of January, 1649. It was entitled an Act “for purging the

Judicatories, and other places of Public trust.” Those whom it

declared to be incapable of sitting in parliament, or of holding any

civil or military appointment, were divided into four classes. The

disqualification of such as, on account of their supposed greater

criminality, were placed in the first class, was to continue for

life, that of the second class for ten years; that of the third

class for five years; and that of the fourth class for one year

only, provided they gave previously sufficient evidence of their

penitence.—“Acts of the Parl. of Scots,” vol. vi. p. 352.—_Ed._]

396 [“After the woful rout at Dunbar, in the first meeting at Stirling,

it was openly and vehemently pressed to have David Lesly laid aside,

as long before was designed, but covertly by the chief purgers of

the times. The man himself did as much press as any to have liberty

to demit his charge, being covered with shame and discouragement for

his late unhappiness, and irritated with Mr. James Guthrie’s publick

invectives against him from the pulpit. The most of the committee of

estates, and commission of the kirk, would have been content to let

him go; but finding no man tolerably able to supply his place, and

the greatest part of the remaining officers of horse and foot

peremptory to lay down, if he continued not; and after all trials

finding no maladministration on him to count of, but the removal of

the army from the hill the night before the rout, which yet was a

consequence of the committee’s order, contrary to his mind, to stop

the enemy’s retreat, and for that end to storm Broxmouth house as

soon as possible. On these considerations the state, unanimously did

with all earnestness entreat him to keep still his charge against

this order, my Lord Wariston, and, as I suppose Sir John Cheesly,

did enter their dissent. I am sure Mr. James Guthrie did his, at

which, as a great impertinency, many were offended. Col. Strachan

offered to lay down his charge, being unwilling more to be commanded

by D. Lesly. Some more inclined to do so, but all were quieted by

this expedient.”—Baillie’s Letters, vol. ii. p. 350.—_Ed._]

397 [The religious zeal of Binning, his patriotism, and his dread of

arbitrary power were, it is clear, stronger than his loyalty. Sir

Edward Walker, however, vouches for the loyalty, at this period, of

the Scottish nation in general. “For the disposition of the people,”

he says, (Hist. Disc. p. 194) “they are generally for the king and

his government, being most under the notion of Malignants and

Engagers, about 100 of 120 noblemen being in that condition. Most of

the Gentry are very loyal, and in a manner all the common people.”

Binning’s language respecting Charles II. at the time of passing the

Public Resolutions, appears to have startled his co-presbyter,

Principal Baillie, who writes thus in a letter which was first

designed for his friend Mr. Dickson, but afterwards sent to Mr.

Spang at Campvere.—“Mr. Patrick [Gillespie] and Mr. James Guthrie,

wherever they came, uttered their passion. I heard one who had

married Mr. Patrick’s sister’s daughter report to Mr. Douglas, that

Mr. Hugh Binning, with Mr. Patrick, in Kirkaldy, had spoke like a

distracted man, saying to Mr. Douglas’s own wife, and the young man

himself, and his mother-in-law, Mr. Patrick’s sister, ‘that the

commission of the kirk would approve nothing that was right; that a

hypocrite ought not to reign over us; that we ought to treat with

Cromwell and give him security not to trouble England with a king;

and whoever marred this treaty, the blood of the slain in this

quarrel should be on their heads.’ Strange words if true.”—Letters,

vol. ii. p. 363. The ungrateful, impolitic, and barbarous treatment

which his Scottish subjects received from Charles II. after the

Restoration, must be held to be a proof of the sagacity at least of

Binning, and a justification of the suspicion with which he and some

of the other Protesters regarded him. It is not unlikely that, in

their case, the strong appeal to the fears of the English and

Scottish presbyterians, as the supposed friends of monarchy,

contained in Milton’s “Tenure of Kings and Magistrates,” which was

published but two years before this, had not failed altogether of

its effect.—_Ed._]

398 [I have not been able to discover to what “old translation” the

author alludes. But Wilcox puts the same interpretation, that he

does, upon the ninth verse of this chapter. “_Sinne_, (viz. which

the wicked and ungodly men commit, and they know one of them by

another,) _maketh fools to agree_, (viz. one of them with another:

q.d. their partaking in wickednesse joineth the wicked’s minds, one

of them towards another;) _but among the righteous_, (i.e. good and

holy people,) _that which is acceptable_ (viz. before God and good

men) _maketh agreement_ (viz. among themselves: q.d. good things

onlie tie good men’s minds together).” _A Short yet Sound

Commentarie Written on that Worthie Work called the Proverbs of

Salomon._ London, 1624.—_Ed._]

399 [The Estates, or parliament.—_Ed._]

400 [That is, notorious or manifest.—_Ed._]

401 [In the margin of the authorized version the verse is translated

thus “A great man grieveth all and he hireth the fool, he hireth

also transgressors.”—_Ed._]

402 [That is, violent blowing. _Cairding_ however, is not unlikely the

proper word, a _caird_ being in Scotland the name of a

tinker.—_Ed._]

403 [“Although you expel nature by violence, she will still

return.”—_Per. Epist._ lib. i. ep. 10. ver. 24.—_Ed._]

404 [Having burst, as it were, its floodgates.—_Ed._]

405 [That is, more.—_Ed._]

406 [That is, a deficiency.—_Ed._]

407 [Gen. xxx. 11.—_Ed._]

408 [Vide Cic. de Offic. lib. iii. cap. 33.—_Ed._]

409 [Or mines.—_Ed._]

410 [Or, unsuitable.—_Ed._]

411 [“Charity does not inflict punishment because an offence has been

committed, but lest an offence should be committed.”—_Ed._]

412 [“He that is not inclined to-day will be more inclined to-morrow.”

This is reversing the saying of the poet—

Qui non est hodie, cras minus aptus erit

Ovid, Remed. Amor. ver. 94.—_Ed._]

413 [“She does not see what is in the bag behind her.”

Sed non videmus manticæ quod in tergo est.

Catul. Carm. xxii. ver. 21.

There is an allusion here to one of the fables of Æsop. Jupiter,

says Aesop, placed two bags upon men. The one, which contained their

own faults, he put upon their back, and the other, which was filled

with the faults of others, he suspended from their neck, upon their

breast. In this way, we cannot see our own misdeeds, but, perceiving

those of others, we censure them freely. Phæd. Fab. Æsop, lib. iv.

fab. 10.—_Ed._]

414 [These are terms (locus inventionis _the place or topic of

invention_, and medium, _the argument or middle term of a

syllogism_) which, belonging to the dialectic art, were employed by

the school-men. All the arts and sciences have certain general

subjects connected with them which presuppose particular facts,

axioms, and rules. These general subjects, being used in the

_invention_ of arguments, were called topics or common places. “They

were so called by Aristotle, as if they were the seats from which

arguments were to be brought forth.” (Sic appellatæ ab Aristotele

sunt hæ quasi sedes e quibus argumenta promuntur). Cic. Top. cap.

ii.—_Ed._]

415 [We grant and solicit in our turn this indulgence. Hor. De Art.

poet. ver. 11.—_Ed._]

416 [Or, condescendence.—_Ed._]

417 [Or, without its begetting love.—_Ed._]

418 [Overlook it.—_Ed._]

419 [Most.—_Ed._]

420 [The word _homo_ (man) has been supposed to be derived from _humus_

(the ground) because man sprang from the earth. Quintillian’s

objection to this derivation of the word is that all other animals

have the same origin. (quasi vero non omnibus animal bus eadem

origo. Instit. Orator lib. i, cap. 6) Such an objection however has

but little force. For though, according to the account which Moses

gives of the creation, the earth at the command of God, not only

brought forth man, but other creatures, (Gen. i. 24) man alone was

called _Adam_ מדא because he was formed of the dust of the _ground_,

(המדא) Gen. ii. 7.—Joseph, Antiq. lib. i, cap. 1.—_Ed._]

421 [That is, “humble beings.”—_Ed._]

422 [See note page 168.—_Ed._]

423 [Humility is “the seasoning of the virtues,” as well as “the garb.”

Cicero represents suavity of speech and manners to be the seasoning

of friendship (condimentum amicitiæ). De Amicitia, cap. 18.—_Ed._]

424 [That is, “an ornament and covering.”—_Ed._]

425 [Crede mihi, bene qui latuit, bene vixit; et intra

Fortunam debet quisque manere suam.

“Believe me, he who has not attracted the notice of the world has

lived well, and every one ought to keep within his own proper

sphere.” Ovid Trist. lib. iii. eleg. iv, ver. 25.—_Ed._]

426 [“He who falls on a smooth surface, (yet this rarely happens,) falls

in such a way that he can rise again from the ground he has

touched.” Ovid, ut supra, ver. 17.—_Ed._]

427 [A relation of the principal circumstances in Binning’s life

follows.—_Ed._]

428 [That is, he will not refuse.—_Ed._]

429 [Parcel.—_Ed._]

430 [Such a disburdening of former offences.—_Ed._]

431 [Inclination.—_Ed._]

432 [De Agricola filios suos docente. Æsop. Fab. p. 98. Oxon.

1653.—_Ed._]

433 [Subdue.—_Ed._]

434 [Such a wonder.—_Ed._]

435 [Violent inclination.—_Ed._]

436 [That is, truths of little value.—_Ed._]

437 [In the Scottish universities, they were said to have _laureated_,

who had a decree conferred upon them, as they were “crowned with

laurel leaves.” Ev. Un. Com. vol. i. p. 153. Lond. 1837.—_Ed._]

438 [These are the generous sentiments of an enlightened Christian. They

would lead us to infer that the author’s views, as a Protester, had

been modified somewhat before he died or that he had never taken

such high ground, as some others on this score.—_Ed._]

439 [Or, _while we, on the other hand_.—_Ed._]

440 [See note, page 168.—_Ed._]

441 [Perhaps it should be _at least, less_.—_Ed._]

442 [The word _mystery_ seems to be used here in the sense of _energy_.

It is sometimes spelt by Scottish writers _mister_ and _myster_, and

signifies an art or calling, being derived from the old French word

_mestier_, a trade. When employed to denote something above human

intelligence, it has a different origin (being formed from

μυστηριον, a secret).—_Ed._]

443 [Exonerate, or unburthen.—_Ed._]

444 [Or harness.—_Ed._]

445 [Senec. Ep. 107. See note, page 76.—_Ed._]

446 [We are not, “of our own authority.”—_Ed._]

447 [That is, weight or force.—_Ed._]

448 [That is, _the honour_ not _a load_ or _a load of honour_.—_Ed._]

449 [Confined.—_Ed._]

450 [See note, page 115.—_Ed._]

451 [The friendly salutation which the steward of Joseph addressed to

his master’s brethren, when they went a second time to Egypt to

purchase corn, was (מכל מולש Shalom leikoum) “Peace be to you.”

After the lapse of so many ages, it is interesting to know that this

still continues to be, with little variation, the common salutation

of friends in the East. Salam aleikoum, “Peace be with you,” is

immediately acknowledged by a similar greeting, Aliekoum salam, “To

you be peace.”—_Ed._]

452 [To sit an offer is, not to accept it.—_Ed._]

453 [Reception.—_Ed._]

454 [The heathen mythologists represented the Sirens to be three in

number, and described them as effecting the destruction of mariners,

by luring them from their course with their singing.

—They the hearts

Enchant of all, who on their coast arrive

The wretch, who unforewarn’d approaching, hears

The Sirens’ voice, his wife and little ones

Ne’er fly to gratulate his glad return;

But him the Sirens sitting in the meads

Charm with mellifluous song, although he see

Bones heap’d around them, and the mouldering skins

Of hapless men, whose bodies have decay’d.

_Hom. Od._ lib. xii. v. 39. Cowper’s Translation.]

455 [That is, one tune from another.—_Ed._]

456 [Or gifts of nature.—_Ed._]

457 [See note, page 595.—_Ed._]

458 [In the ancient Scottish dialect as in this instance, _always_ is

frequently synonymous with _although_, _however_,

_notwithstanding_.—_Ed._]

459 [That is, coldly.—_Ed._]

460 [Natural.—_Ed._]

461 [Fallen out or quarrelled.—_Ed._]

462 [Some words are omitted here, which may be supplied thus:—though

_they_ said _this_, they perverted God’s meaning of the law,

&c.—_Ed._]

463 [Serves the purpose.—_Ed._]

464 [Imperfect attempts.—_Ed._]

465 [A Scottish forensic word corresponding to _Surety_.—_Ed._]

466 [Acknowledge this.—_Ed._]

467 [A name formerly given to bankrupts in Scotland.—See Act. James VI.

par. 23, cap. 18.—_Ed._]

468 [Attending the church.—_Ed._]

469 [Aim at.—_Ed._]

470 [Near the command.—_Ed._]

471 [A belief in the prevalence of witchcraft at this time seems to have

pervaded all ranks and classes. An Act of Parliament was passed

against it on the 1st of February, 1649.—_Ed._]

472 [Portal, or gate.—_Ed._]

473 [Exempted.—_Ed._]

474 [The illustration of the second proposition found in the text,

“There is a faith feigned, and a faith unfeigned, a true and a false

faith,” (p. 602) is omitted. We may conclude that this was the

subject of a separate sermon, which has been lost.—_Ed._]

475 [Deposes or testifies.—_Ed._]

476 [That is, foresee or anticipate.—_Ed._]

477 [Charges, or accusations.—_Ed._]

478 [Than.—_Ed._]

479 [Gates.—_Ed._]

480 [Remove.—_Ed._]

481 [Always.—_Ed._]

482 [A proverbial expression signifying food and raiment.—_Ed._]

483 [Much less.—_Ed._]

484 [The sect of _Seekers_ hold that there are not at this time, neither

have been for many ages past any true ministers or ambassadors of

Christ. (Gillespie’s Miscellany Questions, p. 1. Edinburgh, 1649.) A

few years before this, Laurence Clarkson, a _Seeker_, published a

pamphlet entitled “The Pilgrimage of Saints.” Edwards, in his

Gangræna (Part I, p. 24, Part II, p. 6. London, 1646) refers to it

for an account of the opinion of the Seekers. Clarkson declared that

in these days there ought to be no churches built, no sacraments

administered, that the saints as pilgrims, wander here as in a

temple filled with smoke, not being able to find religion, and that,

on this account, waiting for a church and for the coming of the

Spirit as the apostles did, they ought to seek knowledge of any

passenger, of any opinion or tenet whatsoever.—_Ed._]

485 [See note page 607.—_Ed._]

486 [Kindred alliance.—_Ed._]

487 [Or, in the third place.—_Ed._]

488 [Notwithstanding.—_Ed._]

489 [A cold desire.—_Ed._]

490 [That is a glimmering or slight degree of desire.—_Ed._]

491 [This was the exclamation of Archimedes the celebrated geometrician

of Syracuse, (ευρηκα, ευρηκα), after discovering, when in the bath,

a method of detecting the quantity of alloy, which a fraudulent

artisan had mixed with the gold of Hiero’s crown. (Plut. Mor. et

Phil. Op. p. 1094.) An exclamation somewhat similar was uttered by

Cicero, when, searching for the tomb of Archimedes in the

neighbourhood of Syracuse he at length perceived it covered with

thorns and brambles (Cic. Tusc. Quest lib. v. cap 23.) But if they

had cause to be delighted, much more surely had Philip the apostle

reason to be so when addressing Nathanael, he cried out in

ecstasy—We have found him of whom Moses in the law and the prophets

did write, Jesus of Nazareth, the son of Joseph! John i. 45.—_Ed._]

492 [In the present world.—_Ed._]

493 [Specify or enumerate.—_Ed._]

494 [Acknowledging.—_Ed._]

495 [Path or way.—_Ed._]

496 [Than.—_Ed._]

497 [Fix upon.—_Ed._]

498 [That is, no thought of eternity.—_Ed._]

499 [Quid non mortalia pectora cogis

Auri sacra fames?

_Virg. Æneid_, lib. iii. ver. 56.

“O sacred hunger of pernicious gold!

What bands of faith can impious lucre hold?”

_Dryden’s Translation_.

Nihil enim est fam angusti animi, tamque parvi, quam amare divitias

nihil honestius, magnifi entrusque, quam pecuniam contemnere, si non

habeas si habeas, ad beneficentiam liberalitem que conferre. “There

is no surer characteristic of a narrow and little mind than to love

riches, nothing more amiable and noble than to despise money if you

possess it not—if you possess it, to be beneficent and liberal in

the use of it.” Cic. De Offic. lib. i. cap. 20.—_Ed._]

500 [That is, “It is difficult things that are admired.”—_Ed._]

501 [Excites.—_Ed._]

502 [From these, as from mount Pisgah.—_Ed._]

503 [That is, not “by a leap.”—_Ed._]

504 [Intrusted.—_Ed._]

505 [Too little.—_Ed._]

506 [That is, bedecks.—_Ed._]

507 [That is, has no interest in the world.—_Ed._]

508 [That is, _the way in which you will take or receive._—_Ed._]

509 [That is, the duty of sobriety.—_Ed._]

510 [Much more.—_Ed._]

511 [It must be perceived that the reading ought to be “overcome _like_

the Archangel.”—_Ed._]

512 [It is no less obvious that for “the prince Gabriel” we ought to

read, _the prince Michael_. See Dan. x. 13, 21; Jude 9; Rev. xii.

7.—_Ed._]

513 [That is, the prospective glass.—_Ed._]

514 [Or tutelage.—_Ed._]

515 [Declining.—_Ed._]

516 [That is, disposed. The word, though now obsolete, is found in

Hooker.—_Ed._]

517 [That is, that hang _low_, and take a _sweep_ of every thing by the

way.—_Ed._]

518 [A single word appears to have dropped out here, the absence of

which materially changes the meaning of the author, and makes him

contradict himself. The sentence, it is conceived, ought to run

thus:—faith and a good conscience scarce sail _but_ in one bottom,

that is, _in one ship_.—_Ed._]

519 [That is, insipid.—_Ed._]

520 [Upon the earth.—_Ed._]

521 [“It is hard to find many who are not tipplers or common drunkards,

or will _drink drunk_ on occasions and with company.” Causes of the

Lord’s Wrath, p. 17. printed in the year 1653.—_Ed._]

522 [That is, a convenient time or place.—_Ed._]

523 [Or, till the evening.—_Ed._]

524 [That is, _insane_ worldlings.—_Ed._]

525 [Property.—_Ed._]