CHAPTER VIII.

George Townshend’s Circular Letter--Admiral Byng publishes

a Defence--The public mind prejudiced against him--Loss of

Oswego--Affair of the Hanoverian Soldier at Maidstone--The

King admits Lord Bute into the Prince’s Establishment--Fox

discontented with Newcastle--Offers to resign--Applies to the

Author--His audience with the King--Pitt’s demands--Prince of

Wales’s new Household--Pitt visits Lady Yarmouth--State of

Parties--Duke of Newcastle determines to resign--Pitt declines

acting with Fox--Negotiations for the formation of a new

Ministry--The designs of Fox to obstruct the formation of a new

Ministry defeated--Changes--Pitt becomes Prime Minister--Meeting

of Parliament.

Affairs at home wore the same troubled aspect. As addresses and

petitions were in vogue, and the approaching session likely to be

warm, George Townshend took the opportunity of writing a circular

letter to great boroughs and corporations, instructing them to

instruct their representatives to stickle for another Militia Bill.

Besides its being drawn in a wretched style, the impropriety of a

private man assuming to himself such dictatorial authority, and the

indecency of a man who had the last year so severely censured Mr.

Fox’s circular letter, were notorious. Townshend’s epistle met the

contempt it deserved.

Mr. Byng having notice to prepare for his trial, had demanded his

witnesses; and now added a list of thirty more, but they were

refused. Among those he summoned was Captain Young, who had been

one of his loudest censurers. If the step was injudicious, at least

it did not indicate any consciousness of guilt. Yet the people and

the Ministry continued to treat him as a criminal; and the former

reporting that he had endeavoured to escape, the latter increased

the strictness of his confinement. He complained to the Secretary

of the Admiralty of the rigorous treatment he received from Admiral

Townshend, the Governor of Greenwich. A creature of office was not

likely to feel more tenderness than his superiors; Cleland returned

the most insulting answers. Mr. Byng at last thought it time to

make representations as well as to adhere to his innocence. He

published his case. Of the engagement I shall not say a word, till

I come to give an account of his trial. Of the arts used to blacken

him, the pamphlet gave the strongest evidence, and had very great

effect in opening the eyes of mankind.

It appeared, that the Admiral’s own letter, which had served as the

great engine of his condemnation, had been mangled and altered in a

manner most unworthy of honest men, of gentlemen. Some parts were

omitted, by which others were rendered nonsense; other periods,

which gave the reasons of his behaviour, as obedient to his orders,

were perverted to speak the very language of cowardice,--for

instance, _making the best of my way to Gibraltar_ was substituted

to the genuine passage, _making my way to cover Gibraltar_. And

thus the Ministry sunk their own positive (and, by their neglect

of Minorca, grown necessary) orders, that he might appear to

have retired to save himself, not Gibraltar. Other preceding

dispatches the Admiral published in the same pamphlet, in which he

had represented the bad condition of the Fleet committed to him;

and with much reason concluded, those expostulations had been the

first causes of his ruin; they who had been guilty of the neglect

determining that the first discoverer should bear the punishment.

Pity and indignation took place. Mr. Byng was everywhere mentioned

with moderation, the Ministers with abhorrence. But three months

were to come before his trial. He was a prisoner, his adversaries

powerful. His pamphlet was forgotten; new slanders replaced the

old. I shall defer the prosecution of Mr. Byng’s story till the

following year, for though his trial began the end of December, no

material progress could be made in it.

But though the fate of Mr. Byng remained in suspense, the crisis

for the Ministers drew to a quicker termination, being hurried on

by several circumstances that heightened public discontent, and

which could not be imputed to the unhappy Admiral. Among these

incidents was the loss of the important fort of Oswego, which the

French seized and demolished before a design upon it was suspected.

Another was of Hanoverian growth, and happening under the eye of

the people, threatened very alarming consequences. There were

at this time five camps in England: one at Chatham, under Lord

George Sackville; another in Dorsetshire; the artillery at Byfleet

in Surrey, commanded by the Duke of Marlborough, Master of the

Ordnance; the Hessians at Winchester; the Hanoverians at Coxheath,

near Maidstone. The sobriety and devotion of the foreigners had

been remarkable, and amid such a scene of uneasiness and faction,

they had even reconciled the public voice to German mercenaries.

The imprudence of their superiors, up to their very chief, had like

to have widened the breach for ever. A Hanoverian soldier buying

four handkerchiefs at Maidstone, took by mistake the whole piece,

which contained six. All parties have allowed that the fellow did

it in ignorance; yet a robbery was sworn against him, and he was

committed to jail. Count Kilmansegge, the commanding officer,

demanded him, with threats of violence; but the Mayor, no whit

intimidated out of his duty, refused to deliver him. Kilmansegge

dispatched an express to Kensington. The Chancellor, Newcastle, and

Fox were all out of the way; Murray, the Attorney-General, was so

rashly complaisant as to draw a warrant, which Lord Holderness was

ordered to copy, for the release of the man. This in a few days

occasioned such a flame, being mixed, as might have been expected,

even in the tumultuous addresses of the time, that it was thought

proper to transfer the crime, according to the politics of the

year, to the subordinate agents. Kilmansegge was ordered to retire

without taking leave; and the poor soldier (as a warning to Mr.

Byng) received three hundred lashes. The ignorant Secretary of

State was menaced by the Opposition; the real criminal, Murray,

with no ignorance to plead, found such an outrageous violation of

law no impediment to his succeeding as Chief Justice.

The disturbances flowing from these blunders, neglects, and

illegalities, alarmed Newcastle. He found it was no longer a season

for wantoning with the resentment of the successor and his mother:

he determined to gratify them. The Chancellor, who was with great

difficulty drawn to make a sacrifice of his revenge, was sent to

the King, to prevail on him to yield that Lord Bute might be at

the head of the Prince’s family. The old man could not but observe

to the Chancellor how contradictory this advice was to the refusal

himself had suggested, pressed. “Sir,” replied the Judge, with

sanctimonious chicane, “your Majesty has said, that you would not

make the Earl of Bute Groom of the Stole, and undoubtedly your

Majesty cannot make the Earl of Bute Groom of the Stole; but your

Majesty has never said that you would not make the Earl of Bute

Treasurer, or place him in some other great post.” However, this

sophistry was too gross; and the King thought it less dishonourable

flatly to break his declared resolution, than palliate it to

himself by so mean an evasion.

Newcastle, not to lag behind in the race of untruths, told Fox

that nothing more would be said in Council of the Prince’s family;

he believed nothing more would be done in it. In the meantime,

he regulated the whole establishment, though it hung awhile in

suspense, as they wished to extract from the Princess a promise of

giving no further trouble.

Fox now found it was time to consult his own security. He saw

Newcastle flinging up works all round himself; and suspected that

Pitt would be invited to defend them. He saw how little power he

had obtained by his last treaty with the Duke. He saw himself

involved in the bad success of measures on which he had not been

consulted, scarce suffered to give an opinion; and he knew that if

Newcastle and Pitt united, he must be sacrificed as the cement of

their union. Indeed, his Grace, so far from keeping terms, had

not observed common decency with him: a few instances, which Fox

selected to justify to the King the step he was reduced to take,

shall suffice. Early in the summer, Newcastle complaining of want

of support, Fox told him, that if it would facilitate his Grace’s

measures, he would resign Secretary of State to Mr. Pitt, and take

an inferior place. This, at the beginning of October, the Duke

recollected, and told Lord Barrington, that if Fox would not take

it ill, he would offer his place to Pitt the next day. So far from

_not_ taking it ill, Fox made it matter of complaint that his Grace

had dared to think he was sincere in the offer.

In the list for the Prince’s family, Fox saw the names of eight or

ten members of Parliament, of whom he had not heard a word, till

the Duke of Newcastle told him all was settled with the King; and,

which though meant to soften, was an aggravation by the manner,

at the same time acquainted him that the King would let Lord

Digby (Fox’s nephew) be a Lord of the Bedchamber to the Prince,

preferably to the other competitors: “But it was at my desire,”

said the Duke; “for his Majesty was very averse to do anything

for you.”--Fox replied, coldly, “Lord Digby is not likely to

live.”--“Oh!” said Newcastle, with a brutality which the hurry of

folly could not excuse, “then _that_ will settle it.” Fox made no

reply; but the next day wrote him a letter to notify that he would

go on no longer. Newcastle, thunderstruck with having accomplished

what he had projected, reached the letter (he received it at the

Board of Treasury,) to Nugent, and cried, “What shall I do?”--and

then hurried to Lord Granville, and told him he would resign his

place to him. “I thought,” said Granville, “I had cured you of

such offers last year: I will be hanged a little before I take

your place, rather than a little after.” Fox, too, went to vent

his woes on Lord Granville, and prefacing them with a declaration

of his unambitious temper, that shrewd jolly man interrupted him,

and said, “Fox, I don’t love to have you say things that will not

be believed--if you was of my age, very well; I have put on my

night-cap; there is no more daylight for me--but you _should_ be

ambitious: I want to instil a nobler ambition into you; to make

you knock the heads of the Kings of Europe together, and jumble

something out of it that may be of service to this country.”

However, he had too much experience of Newcastle to think it

possible for Fox to go on with him, or to expect that Newcastle

would let him. In my own opinion, Fox hoped to terrify, and to

obtain an increase of sway. He went to Lady Yarmouth, and uttered

his grievances, and appealed to her whether he had not formerly

told her, that, if on the death of Mr. Pelham the Duke of Newcastle

had taken him sincerely, he would have acted as faithfully under

him as he had under Sir Robert Walpole:--“_Ah! Monsieur Fox_,”

cried Lady Yarmouth, “_il y avoit bien de la difference entre ces

deux hommes là!_” She entreated him, for the sake of the King,

for the sake of the country, not to quit. Not prevailing, she

begged that Lord Granville might carry the message instead of her.

After recapitulating his subjects of complaint, the substance of

the message was, that concluding Mr. Pitt was to come into the

King’s service, and finding his own credit decrease daily, and

how impossible it was for him to act any longer with the Duke of

Newcastle, he was willing to serve his Majesty to the best of his

abilities in any post, not of the Cabinet.

When Granville arrived with this letter at Kensington, he said,

“I suppose your Majesty knows what I am bringing?” “Yes,” replied

the King; “and I dare say you disapproved and dissuaded it.” “Yes,

indeed, Sir,” said he, (as he repeated the dialogue himself to

Fox: “And why did you say so?” asked Fox. “Oh!” said he, shuffling

it off with a laugh, “you know one must--one must.”) The King,

whom Newcastle had just left, seemed much irritated against Fox,

talked of his ingratitude and ambition, quoted the friends of Fox

that he had preferred, and particularly of his having raised so

young a Peer as Lord Ilchester above so many ancient Barons; and

when he had vented his anger against Fox, he abruptly asked Lord

Granville, “Would you advise me to take Pitt?” “Sir,” said he,

“you must take somebody.” “What!” cried the King, “would you bear

Pitt over you?” “While I am your Majesty’s President,” replied

the Earl, “nobody will be over me.” The King then abused Lord

Temple much; and at last broke forth the secret of his heart--“I

am sure,” said he, “_Pitt will not do my business_.” “You know,”

said Lord Granville to Fox, “what _my business_ meant;--Hanover.”

The supposition did honour to Pitt; but, it seems, the King did not

know him. The conversation ended with the King’s saying, he would

leave it to Fox’s honour whether he would desert him now.

Fox was by no means hard-hearted on this occasion. He began to say,

that he would serve for the next session, but would positively

resign in the spring. In the meantime, he was casting about for

means of union with Pitt. His resentment to Newcastle prescribed

this; and his friend, the Duke of Bedford, who, from the moment he

had lost his Turnpike Bill, saw that this country would be ruined

by the Duke of Newcastle and the Chancellor, loudly dictated it.

Fox applied to Horace Walpole, and told him, that as soon as he

should be _ready_ to break with Newcastle, he would desire him to

acquaint Mr. Pitt that he should be willing to unite with him.

Walpole, who by no means approved the adoption of such Pelham

politics, as acting with a man only till an opportunity offered of

undermining him; and who had for some time withdrawn himself from

all participation of measures which he thought neither fair nor

wise, replied, “That it was true, he admired Mr. Pitt, though he

had not the honour of his friendship; that he earnestly wished to

see them united; but before he carried any such message, he must be

convinced it was for Mr. Fox’s honour and service.”

Walpole had uniformly persisted in detaching himself from Fox, from

the moment the latter had entered into engagements with Newcastle,

with whom the other had determined never to have the most minute

connexion. Yet, I fear, passions of more mortal complexion had

co-operated a little to his disunion (I cannot call it breach,

as he never had the least quarrel) with Fox. Rigby, who had

vast obligations to him, was, however, grown weary of Walpole’s

ardour for factious intrigues, and wished a little to realize his

politics. He had not only abandoned his friend for the Duke of

Bedford, but thought it time to turn his new friendship to account;

and had drawn the Duke out of that opposition to the Court, in

which, by Walpole’s arts, as has been shown, he had involved him.

In short, Rigby, by no means in affluence, and with too much

common sense to amuse himself any longer with politics that had no

solid views, sacrificed the Duke of Bedford to Fox and fortune,

when Walpole wished to have him sacrificed to his humour. This

had made a breach between them; and Walpole, whose resentments

were impetuous, and by no means of an accommodating mould, was

little desirous of serving that league, and of breaking Fox’s

fall, especially by dishonourable means. It was enough to do wrong

to gratify his own passions--he was not at all disposed to err,

only in contradiction to them. This detail would be impertinent,

if a crisis, which Fox reckoned decisive, had not turned (as

will be seen) on these secret springs; and if the author did not

think it his duty to avow his own failings and blemishes with the

same frankness which he has used on other characters. The only

difference is, that in others he would probably have treated the

same faults with greater asperity, which the justice of the reader

will supply.

Lady Yarmouth entreated Fox to see the King as soon as possible:

she wished to prevent the rupture; for all the Hanoverians had

contracted strange notions of the truculence of Pitt’s virtue.

October 18th, Fox had an audience. The Monarch was sour; but

endeavoured to keep his temper: yet made no concessions, no

request to the _retiring_ Minister to stay. At last he let slip

the true cause of his indignation: “_You_” said he, “have made me

make that puppy Bute Groom of the Stole;” for so the junto had

persuaded him, when they were reduced to bend to Bute themselves.

Fox protested that he had never named it in Council; he had only

suggested it as a prudent measure to Newcastle. Still the King

dropped suspicions of his having connexions with the Princess.

“Sir,” replied Fox, “what I am so happy in, my attachment to your

son,[68] might have assured you against that.” On his side, the

Monarch disavowed having made any offers to Pitt. Yet so little

condescension appeared, that Fox determined to quit directly; and

took his leave with saying, that his intention was so much known,

that now he could not avoid resigning. The King, during the whole

conversation, seemed to leave open his dominion of saying, or

unsaying, hereafter, as the negotiations on the anvil should have

a prosperous or unfortunate issue. The Chancellor was treating

with Pitt; that is, had sent to desire to see him, and plied him

on the 19th and 20th with large offers. Pitt refused all in direct

terms, alleging, that the Duke of Newcastle had engrossed the

King’s whole confidence--and it was understood, that he meaned to

put an exclusive negative on that Duke. Yet he deigned to name the

price at which that diamond, his virtue, might be purchased for

the Crown. Ireland he demanded for Lord Temple; for Legge, the

Chancellorship of the Exchequer; for George Grenville, Paymaster;

for James Grenville, Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant; for

Charles Townshend, Treasurer of the Chambers, or some such thing;

for himself, Secretary of State;--for his country, the Militia,

and some other rattles. He named the Duke of Devonshire to the

Treasury, and without consulting, answered for him.

In the meantime the Prince’s new family kissed hands. Lord Bute,

as Groom of the Stole; Lord Huntingdon, Master of the Horse;

Lord Euston, Lord Pembroke, Lord Digby, Lords of the Bedchamber;

Mr. Monson and Mr. Ingram, Grooms; Mr. Stone, Secretary; Lord

Bathurst, Treasurer; Mr. Masham, Auditor; Mr. Brudenel, Master of

the Robes; besides Equerries and Clerks of the Green-cloth. Mr.

Cadogan was appointed Privy-Purse to Prince Edward, who had also

Grooms and Equerries. The late Governor, Lord Waldegrave, was

offered a pension on Ireland, and refused it: they then gave him

the reversion of a Teller’s place; and one cannot tell which was

most rejoiced at the separation, he or the Princess, who had been

suspicious enough to take for a spy, a man, who would even have

scorned to employ one. The fate of one man was singular: the Prince

of Wales himself condescended to desire Mr. Stone to prevent Scott,

his Sub-Preceptor, from being continued in any employment about

him--and it was granted. Scott has been mentioned in the civil wars

of the tutorhood as attached to Stone: the reason given for his

exclusion was, his having talked with contempt of the Prince’s

understanding,[69] and with freedom of the Princess’s conduct. The

truth was, Scott was a frank man, of no courtly depth, and had

indiscreetly disputed with Lord Bute, who affected a character of

learning. The King, who loved to mark his empire in the loss of it,

refused to give the Golden Key himself to Lord Bute, as was usual,

but sent it by the Duke of Grafton, who slipped it into his pocket,

and advised him to take no notice of the manner. The Earl, on being

wished joy, was said to reply, he felt none, while the Duke of

Newcastle was Minister.

On the 21st, in the morning, the palace--not at all the scene of

action, had its solitude alarmed. The Pages of the Back-stairs were

seen hurrying about, and crying, “Mr. Pitt wants my Lady Yarmouth.”

That great stranger made her an abrupt visit--said he was come

to explain himself, lest it should be thought he had not been

sufficiently explicit. He repeated his exclusion of Newcastle--and

gave some civil, though obscure hints, as if, in losing his grace,

Hanover might not lose _all_ its friends. The visit itself seemed

to indicate that. The mistress of the King and the friend of

the Minister was not the first person to whom one should have

expected a patriot would have addressed himself, who proscribed the

Minister, as he had long attacked the Electorate. And, indeed, it

looked as if Mr. Pitt was afraid of having been too explicit, not

too little so.

However, the difficulty was increased. The question seemed at first

to be, whether Cæsar or Pompey should have the honour of supporting

Crassus--when neither would, Crassus made a show of venturing to

stand alone: and it seemed almost as easy for him, as for either

of the others. For Fox could neither trust to a Parliament devoted

to Newcastle; nor dared, in his own unpopular situation, to call

a new one. Pitt had no party at all: a new Parliament would have

suited him best, for he could not have fewer adherents than in

the old one; and, considering the temper of the nation on the

late miscarriages, in which he had no hand, might acquire some

clamorous voices; but that very dissatisfaction made the expedient

too dangerous. How each was counselled by his friends may be seen

in a moment. Stone, cold and never sanguine, advised Newcastle to

give up a desperate game: Murray threw in censures on his conduct

to Fox: the Duke of Grafton, though hating Fox, wisely suggested

a reconciliation with him: the Chancellor, sullen and mortified,

protested he would follow his Grace, but endeavoured to encourage

him to stand alone, affirming they could carry everything by their

numbers; and having ever been ready to torture the law to annoy

his enemies, he could not help expecting to find the same support

from it for himself and his friends. Sir George Lyttelton concurred

with him--and if that was encouragement, offered to accept any

employment. Nugent and Lord Duplin, on the contrary, dissuaded such

rash measures; the latter said, sensibly, “Fox and Pitt shall not

need but sit still and laugh, and we must walk out of the House.”

Fox’s court (except Doddington, who was too shrewd not to think ill

of their cause, and who accordingly acted disgust on not having

been more consulted) talked as if triumphant, the moment they heard

the reconciliation of Newcastle and Pitt was desperate. The Duke of

Marlborough said, Newcastle must be sent to Sussex; Claremont was

too near. The Duke of Bedford would have permitted him to retire

thither with a pension, and eagerly drove Fox to unite with Pitt.

The party of the latter, that is, Lord Temple, was indecently

forward to come into place, and having always hated by the scale of

his ambition, he had only passions to sacrifice, not principles,

when the terms of his advancement were to be adjusted.

Newcastle sinking, catched at feathers: his Grace proposed to

Lord Egmont to be Secretary of State; but he demanded an English

Peerage for his son, as the price of his own acceptance of one of

the first posts in England. Ministers were become such precarious

tenures, that scarce any man would list in them under places for

life. The foreign Ministers, a nation not apt to joke, complained

bitterly of our frequent revolutions; and D’Abreu, the Spanish

Resident, said, before they ventured to negotiate, they were

obliged to ask who would be Minister next Session?

At last the important point was decided, and Perfidy, after thirty

years, _had_ an intermission. The Duke of Newcastle (with all the

satisfaction which must have attended the discovery that not one

man of sense would trust him any longer) declared his resolution of

resigning.

Oct. 27th.--The King sent for Fox, acquainted him that Newcastle

would retire, and asked him if Pitt would join with him; bad him

try. Fox the next day went to the Prince’s Levée, and taking Pitt

apart at the head of the stairs, said to him, “Are you going

to Stowe? I ask, because I believe you will have a message of

consequence by persons of consequence.” “You surprise me,” said

Pitt; “are you to be of the number?” Fox: “I don’t know.” Pitt:

“One likes to say things to men of sense, and of your great sense,

rather than to others; and yet it is difficult even to you.” Fox:

“What! you mean you will not act with me as a Minister?” Pitt: “I

do.” And then, to soften the abruptness of the declaration, left

Fox with saying, he hoped Fox would take an active part, which his

health would not permit him to do.

The next day the Duke of Devonshire was ordered by the King to

try to compose some Ministry; and by the same authority sent for

Mr. Pitt; at the same time endeavouring to make him accommodate

with Fox. But they had given too much weight to Pitt by these

submissions, for such a negotiator to be able to recover the

balance. Pitt, knowing both his own strength and the weakness

of the mediator, behaved with haughty warmth; complained of the

indignity offered to him by sending Fox, whom he proscribed from

the Cabinet; softened a little in general, yet said, he must

promote the inquiries; excused himself for having named his Grace

to the Treasury, but as it was necessary to place some great Lord

there to whom the Whigs would look up, his partiality had made him

presume to propose his Grace: professed not only duty to the King,

but obligation for the person now commissioned to treat with him.

The Duke took up spirit, and told him, if he refused, the King

would be supported without him--Pitt did not mean to drive them to

that extremity. The negotiations took up many days, all parties

raising difficulties, none bringing facilities. Pitt, who wanted

friends for places, more than places for his friends, seemed to

think that he must figure by the greatness, since he could not by

the number of his demands. Yet of his small squadron, he seemed

solicitous to provide only for his allies the Granvilles, as if

what filled his own little administration would suffice for the

nation’s. He even affected to have forgot Charles Townshend, and,

as if recollecting himself, cried, “Oh! there is one that will not

like to be at the bottom of the list.” The mediator-Duke took care

this neglect should not be a secret. On one point Pitt affected

decency: being asked whom he wished to have Secretary at War, he

replied, he did not pretend to meddle there. He relaxed on the

article of sending away the Hanoverians; softened towards a war on

the continent; owned the King of Prussia was a great object, but

would not determine on foreign affairs till he had received more

lights from the King’s servants. With regard to the inquiries, he

said at last, he would neither hinder nor move them; he was not

vindictive. Addresses all the while were repeated with violence.

The city of London, always governed by the absurdest heads in it,

demanded to have the supplies stopped, till grievances should be

redressed. Indeed it was much easier to delay than to raise them:

and yet nothing but the wickedness of the intention could justify

the folly of the injunction.

If Mr. Pitt had no occasion to dismiss many, Newcastle and Fox

were not careless of saving all they could; in which they found

great facility, as Mr. Pitt had not cousins enough to fill the

whole Administration. Neither of the former gave up their views on

the power they quitted. Fox particularly laboured to throw every

difficulty in Pitt’s way; and with some cause: at once excluded

from Government, and menaced with a censure, it behoved him not

to make over too much strength to his antagonist: and if he did

not succeed in recovering his own fall, at least he left so narrow

a seat to Mr. Pitt, that it required another convulsion, before

the latter could fix himself with any firmness. Fox hoped first

to divide Pitt and Legge: the Duke of Devonshire, who thought he

had influence on the latter, tried it, but in vain. Fox too had

fruitlessly endeavoured to gain Legge; and on his first thought of

breaking with Newcastle, had writ a confidential letter to Legge,

begging him to come to town, and concert measures with him on the

deplorable situation of affairs. Legge made no answer. Fox in wrath

sent for his letter back: Legge returned it at once without a word;

and depending on his favour with Lord Bute, now thought himself so

considerable a part of the new accession, that he hoped to engross

the Treasury himself; and actually proposed Lord Hertford for First

Lord. Fox laboured to engage the Duke of Devonshire to accept

the Treasury, and the Duke of Bedford to go to Ireland, at once

to fix another ally in the Cabinet, and to disappoint both Legge

and Temple. Bedford was refractory; but luckily the Throne of

Ireland was heaven itself in the eyes of the Duchess: and the vast

emoluments of Secretary were full as vehement temptations to their

secretary Mr. Rigby.

Fox in the mean time endeavoured to buoy up the spirits of the

King, telling him he neither wanted expedients nor courage;

intreated him to have patience; that Pitt would rise in his

demands; that at last and at worst he would take the Treasury

himself and go to the Tower, rather than they should shave his

Majesty’s head--“Ah!” cried the King, sensibly, “if you go to the

Tower I shall not be long behind you!” The Duke of Bedford was as

courageous as Fox, and proposed warm opposition, or to support Fox

in the Administration. And thus far Fox had judged right; Pitt’s

demands no longer abated. He required the dismission of Lord

Holderness on the affair of the Hanoverian soldier; and proposed to

take Sir Thomas Robinson for coadjutor, only exchanging provinces;

himself would take the northern; that was, the Hanoverian; and it

is worthy remark, that formerly in a dialogue with Fox, when the

Duke of Newcastle had pretended to govern the House of Commons by

Sir Thomas Robinson, Pitt, with utter contempt, had said, “He may

as well send his jack-boot to govern us.”

Lord Holderness wrote to Mr. Pitt, that he was willing to resign as

the other great persons were to do; but if it was to be inflicted

as a punishment, he would insist on having his crime proved, nor

till then _would_ resign. This comforted the King; he abhorred the

thought of seeing Pitt, and complained of the hardship of being

forced to tell the only secrets he had to a man whom he never

would let into his closet. His expostulations on these occasions

were always pathetic and sensible: “What a strange country,” said

he to Fox, “is this! I have never known but two or three men in

it who understood foreign affairs: you do not study them--and

yet here comes one man (Pitt), and says he has not so much as

read Wicquefort, has all to learn, and demands to be Secretary of

State! Indeed, he has proposed Sir Thomas Robinson too, who does

understand foreign affairs, but then Mr. Pitt insists on taking the

province which Sir Thomas understands.” In the same conversation

the King said, “The Duke of Newcastle is an honest man and loves

the Duke of Devonshire, but he will be jealous of him to-morrow, if

the latter takes the Treasury.”

In this situation, with no Ministry, no plan for supplies, no

communication for the foreign Ministers, all Government at a stand,

it was necessary to defer the meeting of the Parliament. Pitt at

last condescended to acquaint the Duke of Devonshire that Lord

Temple would be content to take the business of the Navy on him.

Yet the more they acquiesced the more Fox laboured to defeat all

accommodation by which he was to be excluded. His last effort, and

a rash one it was, concluded to have the great Lords and Commoners

summoned to a meeting at Lord Granville’s, where the indignities

offered to the King, and the exorbitances of Mr. Pitt’s demands,

were to be laid before them. They were to be entreated to stand by

the King in lopping Mr. Pitt’s list; and, with their approbation,

a message was to be sent to him in the name of the Council, that

his Majesty would not endure the readmission of Mr. Legge; that

Mr. Pitt should in other things be contented, except that Mr.

Fox must be Chancellor of the Exchequer. On this foot, and on no

other, the Duke of Devonshire consented to take the Treasury. Fox

wished him to retain Ireland, that so, if they could weather the

approaching session, the Duke might be ready to resign the Treasury

into his hands, which seemed to be the drift of his intrigues:--if

Devonshire could not keep Ireland, then Bedford was designed to

it. The secret was kept till the very day it was to be disclosed;

when the Duke of Grafton, having learnt it either from the King or

Devonshire, was amazed at the wildness of mischief with which it

was big, and went to lament with his son-in-law, Lord Hertford.

It happened that Mr. Conway and Horace Walpole were at dinner

with the Earl, and to them, as soon as the Duke was gone, he

communicated what he had heard. They were no less astonished than

the others had been, and saw plainly that Fox was precipitating the

King and the chief persons in England upon a measure, from which it

would be impossible for them to recede, to which it was impossible

Pitt should submit, and that in consequence of such a rupture at

such a crisis, heated as the passions of men were, even a Civil War

might ensue. To crush such a plan in its embryo was, in reality,

serving Fox, and certainly the nation:--these were sufficient

inducements; and yet, as I have said, Walpole had the additional

satisfaction of disappointing the views of that cabal, when he

persuaded Mr. Conway to go directly to the Duke of Devonshire, and

alarm him with the true picture of the measure in which he had

been drawn to concur. His timid nature easily caught the panic: he

made the intended meeting be laid aside, the message put off; and

the next day, without acquainting Fox with his determination of

accepting without conditions, went to Kensington, and consented to

take the Treasury. Fox and the Duke of Bedford, who were waiting

in the outward room, were thunder-struck--the latter expostulated

warmly with Devonshire--the other, who had found Mr. Conway at

Devonshire-house the night before, did not want to be told who

shot the arrow; still less, when Devonshire officiously assured

him it was not Mr. Conway. Fox has said to the real author of

his miscarriage, that from that hour he dated all the events in

the subsequent revolutions. This happened on the 2nd and 3rd of

November.

The Duke of Devonshire having yielded, the new system began to

range itself. Legge professed acquiescence--artfully; if Pitt

acceded, he must of course: if Pitt did not, Legge would have all

the merit of his own moderation. But that conqueror grew still

more tractable: he first yielded to take the southern province;

next, even to bear with Lord Holderness, if his Majesty insisted

on it; yet hoped it would be waved, as he [otherwise] might set

out with doing something disagreeable to his Majesty, [he] having

engaged his honour, if a question should be moved on that Lord,

not to oppose it. Some parting rays of popular virtue were still

made to glimmer: the party even ordered one Evans, a lawyer, to

draw up articles of impeachment against Lord Anson; and transports

were ordered for the Hanoverians, as the country magistrates urged

that they were not obliged by law to billet them. The nation all

the while expected great services from Pitt--but even the Duke

of Newcastle had talked reformation, and once had gone so far as

to cashier the pensions of three old widows. Pitt’s was a nobler

style; and, as Addison said of Virgil, if he did contaminate

himself, _he at least tossed about his dirt with an air of

majesty_.

[Illustration: DUKE OF BEDFORD.

London, Henry Colburn, 1846.]

With more sincerity the little band of patriots disposed themselves

to fill the conquered provinces: yet so few of them were in

Parliament, and so many had difficulties of being re-chosen, that

it almost promised to be an Administration out of Parliament. Fox

even skirmished his borough from Dr. Hay, one of the new Admiralty;

and had others been as desperate, would have opposed most of them

on their re-elections. Pitt himself was distressed; and he, who

had lately so warmly attacked the Duke of Newcastle from the seat

which he held by one of that Duke’s boroughs, could not propose to

his Grace to re-elect him, when rising on his ruins. But a little

parliamentary craft of shifting boroughs, adjusted this: though

Newcastle vaunted that he would show both Pitt and Fox that the

Parliament was his.

The Duke of Bedford for some time impeded the entire arrangement,

by warmly refusing to take Ireland. Yet he too at last was

mollified, after having, as was his way, declared himself with

violence enough to show, that if he changed afterwards, it was

by the influence of others. Fox had gone to Woburn to persuade

him;--in vain: yet, returning, and indeed, knowing what advocates

he left behind, ventured (lest that kingdom should be given up

before Bedford was brought to a proper temper) to assure the Duke

of Devonshire that Bedford would accept the Lord-Lieutenancy.

When all was adjusted, the Duke of Newcastle resigned, Nov. 11th.

As he retired _without terrors_ and _with parade_, it was easy

to penetrate his hopes of returning to Court. It was assiduously

propagated in all the public papers, that he departed without place

or pension; and his enormous estate, which he had sunk from thirty

to thirteen thousand pounds a year, by every ostentatious vanity,

and on every womanish panic, between cooks, mobs, and apothecaries,

was now represented by his tools as wasted in the cause of the

Government. To show how _unrewarded_ he chose to relinquish the

Administration, this was the catalogue of his disinterestedness.

His Dukedom was entailed on his nephew, Lord Lincoln; the only

one[70] conferred by George the Second. Another nephew, Mr.

Shelley, had the reversion of the Pipe Office. His cousin, young T.

Pelham, already of the Board of Trade, got another reversion in the

Custom House. His creature, Sir George Lyttelton, was indemnified

with a Peerage. His secretary, Mr. West, was rewarded with a

reversion for himself and son. Jones, a favourite clerk, and nephew

of the Chancellor, had another reversion. An Irish Earldom was

given to Mr. O’Brien.

All this being granted, his Grace retired to Claremont, where,

for about a fortnight, he played at being a country gentleman.

Guns and green frocks were bought, and at past sixty, he affected

to turn sportsman; but getting wet in his feet, he hurried back to

London in a fright, and his country was once more blessed with his

assistance.

Newcastle’s resignation was on the 19th followed by that of the

Chancellor. Great endeavours had been used to retain him, or to

engage Murray to succeed him; but what terrified or disgusted the

former could have no temptation to the latter, who was equally a

friend to Newcastle, was by no means equally ambitious, was more

timorous, and still less disposed to serve with Pitt alone. Fatigue

determined the scale with Lord Hardwicke, which power and profit

would have kept suspended. The Great Seal was given in Commission

to Lord Chief Justice Willes, Judge Wilmot, and Baron Smyth. Wilmot

was much attached to Legge, and a man of great vivacity of parts.

He loved hunting and wine, and not his profession. He had been an

admired Pleader, before the House of Commons, but being reprimanded

on the contested election for Wareham with great haughtiness by

Pitt, who told him he had brought thither the pertness of his

profession, and being prohibited by the Speaker from making a

reply, he flung down his brief in a passion, and never would return

to plead there any more. Fox procured the place of Attorney-General

for Henley; the Comptroller’s staff for Mr. Edgecombe; the band of

Pensioners and Treasurership of the Household for Lord Berkeley of

Stratton, and Lord Bateman; an English Barony for Lord Hilsborough;

and asked another for his own wife and son--too ambitious a

declaration of the figure he still intended to make in the House of

Commons. But this was with great indignation refused; and the King,

who knew how little he should displease by it, abused him in very

undignified terms to the Duke of Grafton, saying, “He now wants to

set his dirty shoe on my neck.”

Lord Sandys was again shuffled to the top of the wheel, as

Doddington was again to the bottom; the former being raised to

Speaker of the House of Lords, the latter dismissed, with Lord

Darlington, and a few others. Pitt’s list was confined to this

small number: himself, Legge, and Lord Temple have been mentioned.

George Grenville succeeded Doddington as Treasurer of the Navy;

James Grenville, a Lord of the Treasury; Potter, a joint Paymaster

of Ireland; Sir Richard Lyttelton had the Jewel-office; Martin,

Secretary of the Treasury; the Admirals West and Forbes, with Dr.

Hay, Elliot, and Hunter, were put into the Admiralty; John Pitt

was made Surveyor of the Roads, and Charles Townshend, Treasurer

of the Chambers. At the same time, Garters were given to the Duke

of Devonshire, Lord Carlisle, Lord Northumberland, and Lord

Hertford. A Red-Riband and an Irish Peerage to old Blakeney, who

went to Kensington in a hackney-coach, with a foot soldier behind

it. As Blakeney had not only lost his government, but was bed-rid

while it was losing, these honours were a little ridiculed; but

the new Ministers and Admiralty inclining to treat Mr. Byng with

less rigour, this step was taken by the old Court to refresh the

resentment of the populace. Excepting Lord Temple and Pitt himself,

the Cabinet was still engrossed by the adherents of Newcastle and

Fox; and little harmony was to be expected, or was designed, from

a jumble of three such discordant interests. The invention was

Fox’s, who, first of all men, projected to leave his friends in

place, to distress his hostile successors. Formerly the dependents

of a Minister resigned with affected dignity, or were abruptly

dismissed,--pensions and reversions now broke the fall of the few

who were disgraced.

Pitt now appeared as First Minister; yet between his haughtiness on

the one hand, and the little share he assumed, except in foreign

affairs, on the other; with the affected court paid by Fox’s

party to the Duke of Devonshire, and with the King’s disposition

to communicate himself only to his old servants, all application

was made to that Duke, whom the roses of power soon charmed to a

forgetfulness of the thorns. Yet the irresolution of his temper,

and desire of preventing farther dissensions, made him yield so

much to Pitt, that Fox, finding himself no more Minister by his

proxy than he was in person, left the town in discontent; but was

soon recalled by his friends, who assured him that Pitt could not

long maintain his post, both from his ill health and the weakness

of his party. From the first hour of his power he was confined with

the gout, and remained so during greatest part of the winter; and

for accession of strength he had nothing but the partiality[71]

of the Tories, who, taking all opportunities of declaring for

him, gave great offence; and both his gout and his new friends

were topics of unlimited abuse, which was poured on him by Fox’s

direction and dependents. A paper war of the most inveterate kind

was opened. Two weekly papers, called _The Test_ and _Contest_,

besides occasional pamphlets, were the vehicles of satire. Murphy,

a player, wrote the former on behalf of Fox; and Francis, a poetic

clergyman, signalized himself on the same side.

The Parliament met Dec. 2nd. Pitt had prepared a long speech, which

the King would not read, but sent to him to shorten it. The House

of Commons soon adjourned for the re-elections; and during the few

days it sat, harmony so far took place, that there was no division,

scarce a debate;[72] but the seed sown in the preceding occurrences

soon developed themselves in the ensuing year.

FOOTNOTES:

[68] Duke of Cumberland.

[69] He once, before Lord Waldegrave, said to the Prince, who

excused his own inapplication on the foot of idleness, “Sir,

_yours_ is not idleness; your brother Edward _is_ idle, but you

must not call being asleep all day being idle.”

[70] On the removal of Sir Robert Walpole, the King had consented

to make the Earls of Northampton and Ailesbury Dukes, but neither

having a son, they declined that honour.

[71] That partiality was not cordial, but founded on their hatred

to Fox, and probably from secret intimations that the Princess, who

meant to adopt them, was inclined to Pitt, and abhorred Fox for his

connexion with the Duke of Cumberland.

[72] A spurious speech having been vended for the King’s, it was

complained of, I think by Lord Sandwich, in the House of Lords, and

the authors punished; Lord Hardwicke still taking the lead very

dictatorially, but occasionally flattering Pitt on the composition

of the true one.

1757.

Sine cæde et sanguine Pauci.--_Juv._

Memoirs of the Reign of King George the Second, Volume 2 (of 3) · 第 8 / 11 章