The Commander of the 9th Army Corps of Paris has issued a notice,

stating that the surrender of arms has been slow, and the last delay has

expired. The military authorities will, therefore, treat the offenders

with severity. Active searches have been made in the Rue St. Honoré

to-day.

The Courts-martial at Versailles will try the prisoners exclusively for

offences against the common law, and will not consider them as political

offenders.

JUNE 11th.

The close inspection which has been made of the sewers in Paris has

already led to the discovery of large quantities of weapons and

ammunition, and also of many ex-Federalist combatants, who, despairing

of escape from the regular troops, sought refuge in the subterranean

passages with whatever provisions they could secure. The greater part of

these miserable creatures are in a most deplorable condition from hunger

and the poisonous atmosphere of their hiding places. On Friday, at the

angle of the Rue Vavin and the outer Boulevard, the scavengers found

five bodies in the sewer, one that of an officer, and all mutilated by

rats. The bodies were brought out by means of ropes, and after search

for papers and documents, were interred in the Mont Parnasse Cemetery.

JUNE 12th.

On Wednesday the Commissary of Police for the Quartier Saint Victor

received information that the ex-General of the Commune, Rossel, was in

concealment at the Hôtel Montebello, upon the Boulevard St. Germain. The

Commissary proceeded to the hotel, and upon searching the place found in

a room on the third floor a person dressed in the uniform of the Eastern

Railway service. Upon being questioned this person stated that his name

was Tirobois, that he was an engineer living at Metz, but had been

summoned to Paris by the railway managers on account of the pressure of

traffic on the line. 'Are you sure of that?' asked the Commissary.

'Parbleu.' 'Well, in the name of the law I arrest you. You are Rossel.'

'I? not at all.' The prisoner was taken to the Prefecture de Police

established at the Barracks of the Cité, and thence in a boat to the

Ministry of Foreign Affairs, where the head-quarters of the municipal

police are established. During the whole of the journey thither, being

closely pressed with questions by the Commissary, the pretended Tirobois

continued his denials. Upon being further interrogated at the Ministry

of Foreign Affairs, he replied, 'I have told you all I know about

myself. Do not ask me any more.' Tirobois was then conveyed to the

Ministry of War, where he was confronted with a number of persons who

were detained in custody. Some of these declared that he was Rossel, but

others, the majority, denied that he was the Communist ex-General. About

10 o'clock at night the prisoner was formally questioned as to his

history. When the customary question, 'What is the name of your mother?'

was put, he became confused, turned red, and, suddenly springing up,

exclaimed, 'Why carry on this pretence any longer. Of what good is this

acting and these lies. Yes, I am Colonel Rossel.' After this avowal the

prisoner was removed under escort to the dépôt of the Prefecture. Upon

being searched there was found 225f. in notes, a political article, and

a longitudinal section of the different public monuments in Paris. The

next day he was taken to Versailles and lodged at the Grandes Écuries.

His real description is Louis Nathaniel Rossel, born at St. Brieuc

(Côtes du Nord), September 9, 1844, of Louis and of Sarah Campbell. The

_Figaro_ states that the artist Courbet was captured at the house of one

of his friends, a pianoforte maker in the Rue St. Gilles. He was

concealed behind a bedstead, and, upon being threatened with a revolver,

gave himself up without attempting resistance.

The destruction at the Gobelins has not been so extensive as had been

apprehended. Only a small portion of the buildings has been burnt, and

work has already been resumed in the parts which have been spared. Even

in those rooms which have been destroyed not all the works of art have

been lost, and especially the "Dead Christ" after Philippes de

Champagne, and the portrait of Louis XIV, after Rigault, have been

saved. The collection of ancient patterns has also been preserved.

JUNE 13th

Some disquieting rumours about the condition of La Villette have caused

the troops quartered there to be strongly reinforced; nevertheless,

perfect tranquility so far prevails.

Business is greatly improving, orders for _articles de Paris_ coming in

pretty freely, and the fine weather bringing increasing crowds of

visitors.

Some further important arrests have been made, including Urbain, alleged

to have been the principal instigator of the massacre of the hostages.

JUNE 14th.

Paris is rapidly resuming its old appearance. The Cafés and Concerts in

the Champs Élysées recommence to-morrow, and various theatres are

re-opening.

JUNE 15th.

People, in France, are discussing the causes of the late insurrection,

and measuring the consideration to which the Insurgents, whether as

rebels or refugees, are justly entitled. That the tendency of opinion

should be strongly against the Communists is natural, for the

justification of their revolt appears difficult, while their last acts

have excited universal abhorrence. It is, indeed, perfectly true that

they had no grievance against the Government which they defied, for

though, perhaps, the National Assembly might not have voted for a

Republic, no Republic which could have been voted by any Assembly of

Frenchmen would have satisfied the Insurgents of Paris. The political

leanings of the Assembly may be put out of the question in searching for

the origin of the Civil War. That war was hatched in the brooding minds

of Parisian workmen, intent on one single object, and it became

practicable when the Revolution of September last put arms in their

hands and the capitulation of February left them there still.

The one fixed idea of the workmen of Paris was that work entitled them

to something more than wages. They had so long and so intently

contemplated the relations between labour and capital that they knew

nothing of any other elements of human society, or of any other classes

beyond employers and employed. They saw that a hundred workmen got their

five francs a day each, and that the single person who hired them got

his thousands a year. We are not aware that, as a rule, they were

ill-paid or overworked, or in any way oppressed. We should infer rather

that they were in the receipt of good wages, that they possessed

education as well as skill, and that they had leisure enough and to

spare for discussion and thought. The misfortune was that they thought

of one subject only, until at last their conceptions grew actually

monstrous. It was not all at once that they reached the doctrines

recently declared. There is a wide difference between the ideas of 1871

and those of 1848. At the latter period the labourer was held simply to

be worthy of his hire, and nothing was proposed beyond such an

organization of labour as would insure a constant supply of work for all

who wanted it, at wages determined rather by considerate adjustment than

unrestricted competition. But the men of the Commune had advanced far

ahead of such old Tories of Socialism and Democracy as LEDRU ROLLIN and

LOUIS BLANC. Still occupied with the one single prospect of their daily

life, and regarding the relations between capital and labour as the

be-all and end-all of existence, they had reached the conclusion that

all capital should be transferred bodily to themselves; that they alone

ought to constitute society, that all other classes should be

dispossessed as worthless, and all established institutions abolished as

effete. They began their demolition with the nation itself. They would

have no nation, no France, no French Government. They renounced not

only all Kings and Emperors, but all Presidents, all Conventions, and

all Parliaments, the latter especially. In the place of such authorities

they proposed to substitute Committees of working men, and to cut up the

country into such areas as Trade Unions might conveniently govern. For

their own particular Union they thought Paris might serve well enough,

and so they stipulated for their own sovereignty within these limits

under the title of the Commune. On those terms--every other species of

authority and power being excluded--they believed they could put into

practice their one idea of turning their own little world upside down

and making the working class everything and other classes nothing. As

they never looked beyond their own workshops, they considered that none

but working people had ever done any duties or suffered any wrongs, and

that no others, therefore, were entitled to any rights. The one object

of their hatred, envy, and antagonism was capital, and they resolved to

take capital into their own hands. For the future they would lead easy

lives, and be the lords instead of the slaves of their old and detested

enemy.

In those pretensions and those desires originated the Revolution just

suppressed. The war thus undertaken was a Civil War, conducted without

the least respect to any laws of war at all. The flight of the

Government left the entire Capital not only with all its resources, but

with all its treasures and all its inhabitants, in the hands of the

insurgents. With these advantages they preferred their demands. They

asked for the Capital of France to be delivered over to them as an

estate or province within which they might proscribe the worship of GOD,

appropriate every form of capital, and depose all authority and all

ranks in favour of their own. Failing this, and in the event of their

being defeated in the actual war, they asked for amnesty and liberty to

depart. At first they reckoned on victory, for the Assembly appeared

disorganized and its armies wavering; the support of other great towns

was anticipated, and the outlaws of every country in Europe--the

veterans of the universal Revolution--had carried their swords to the

service of its latest and ripest expression--the Parisian Commune.

Moreover, they had tremendous means of extortion in their hands. They

held possession of all that was precious and admirable in the Capital of

France, and they declared that, if they were neither allowed to prevail

nor permitted to escape, they would spare nothing in their vengeance. In

preparation for the worst they stored combustibles in the noblest

edifices of the city, and then, laying their hands on some of the most

eminent and venerated of its inhabitants, they penned them in a body for

the contingency of prospective slaughter. They had no more personal

animosity against Monseigneur DARBOY than against any statue in the

Tuileries or the Louvre. Animate and inanimate objects were marked for

destruction on precisely the same grounds--the necessity of putting

stress upon the enemy; and the threat was actually executed because its

execution might improve the effect of terrorism another day. Of laws or

of rules of war these men took not the slightest account. The military

leaders of the insurrection had been trained in combats where every

imaginable expedient had been held lawful, and the Committee of the

International thought no price too high for the realization of their

fixed idea. Soldiers and workmen alike were prepared for any extremity

of outrage either in pursuit of victory or prosecution of revenge.

Such was the cause and such the conduct of this two months' war; but a

war, nevertheless, it was, waged by a political insurrection on behalf

of a political object. It is very true that the Insurgents aimed at no

form of polity known to the world, and that it would have been

impossible to content them by any measure of civil freedom or political

rights. Their chief and most peremptory demand was, not for any rights

of their own, but for the suppression of the rights of others. They

denounced the extension of the suffrage to the rural population, and, as

they were in a very small minority themselves, they protested against

the right of any majority to outvote them, though they were preparing

all the while to impose their own will on a constituency of ten times

their number.

Such are my summary reflections concerning that gigantic insurrection.

Now, my Dear, that I have brought my daily correspondence to an end,

happy shall I be, if such as may happen to read my small volume can find

the perusal of it as interesting as you told it was to you.

I don't expect to stay much longer abroad: I shall soon return to

England but quite heart-rent at what my eyes have witnessed, and

notwithstanding my admiration for the noble qualities of the french

nation, more than once, I fear, I shall not be able to refrain

exclaiming: _Poor France!_

THE END.

HISTORICAL INFORMATIONS ABOUT THE PRINCIPAL BUILDINGS BURNT

The Palais Royal, built on the site of Cardinal Richelieu's Palace,

faces the Louvre, and adjoins the Place des Victoires. Given by Louis

XIV, to his brother the Duke of Orleans, it passed from him to the

Regent Duke. Here, but not in the existing edifice, the Regent and his

daughter held their incredible orgies; here lived his grandson Egalité,

who rebuilt the palace after a fire, and relieved his embarrassments by

erecting the ranges of shops. The Palais Royal Gardens were the nursery

of the First Revolution; they were the favourite resort of Camille

Desmoulins and the other mob orators not yet sitting in Convention; and

in them was unfurled, on the 13th of July, 1789, that tricolour flag

which was to prove even a deadlier symbol than the red and white roses

plucked once for England's woe in our own Temple-gardens. At the Palais

Royal Egalité hatched the plots which ended in his execution, when it

was disposed of by lottery, to be bought back, repaired, and beautified

by the Orleans family after the Restoration, and inhabited by them till

the second death of the Monarchy, in 1830, removed them to the

Tuileries. In 1848 the palace was plundered and the interior destroyed

by the mob, who at the same time burnt Louis Philippe's fine library.

The Palais was turned into a barrack, but when the new Republic

developed into an Empire, it naturally changed back again into a palace.

The Emperor made it over to his uncle Jerome, who left it to Prince

Napoleon, by whom it was fitted up in sumptuous style. The great

staircase and its balustrades and the Galerie des Fêtes were fine in art

and in general effect, but nothing that may have been destroyed can be

half so great a loss as the Library which went in 1848, or as the Hôtel

de Ville, a magnificent structure, dating in part from 1628. The

additions of 1842 to this municipal palace cost 640,000_l_., and some of

the saloons were the most gorgeous in Paris, perhaps in the world. Here

in the days gone by, the Prefect of the Seine was wont to entertain his

7,000 guests in the great gallery, with its gilt Corinthian columns and

3,000 wax lights, the whole suite of rooms measuring more than 1,000

yards in length. In and about the building were some 500 statues of

French celebrities, from Charlemagne to Louis XIV, in a full-bottomed

wig. Painting, gilding, carving, glass, and velvet here had done their

utmost, and as a specimen of magnificence in the modern French taste

the furniture and decorations of the Hôtel de Ville were unrivalled. The

building, however, was far from depending altogether on its sumptuous

upholstery. Not only was the architecture worthy of all praise and the

art of much of the decoration as intrinsic as its gold, but here had

been enacted many famous and infamous scenes in the history of Paris.

Here the first Commune held its bloody sittings; here Robespierre took

refuge with his partisans, and was found by the soldiers with his broken

jaw; the "Citizen King" was presented here to the people by Lafayette

from a central window; here the soldiers were quartered in 1848; and

here in 1871 was the stronghold of the last Commune, less bloody in its

life but more desperate in its death than the first.

The Palais de Justice is a vast pile, which includes the Sainte

Chapelle, numerous courts of law, and the Prison of the Conciergerie.

Anciently the site of palaces inhabited by the Kings down to Francis I.,

afterwards the meeting place of the Parliaments of Paris, it has been

repaired and rebuilt since 1831 at a cost of nearly 1,000,000_l_. The

courts of law open from the vast but inelegant Salle des Pas Perdus,

which answers to our Westminster-hall. One of these courts was the

Chamber of the Tribunal Revolutionnaire, and communicated by a small

door with the Conciergerie Prison. In the precincts of the Palais

stands, or stood, the Sainte Chapelle, an exquisite specimen on a small

scale of the best style of Gothic architecture. The Chapelle was

finished in 1248, having been built by Pierre de Montereau to enshrine

the thorns of our Lord's crown and the wood of the Cross, relics bought

for an immense sum from the Emperor Baldwin by St. Louis, and carried

through the streets of Paris by the King barefoot. In 1791 the Sainte

Chapelle became a club, then a corn store, then a record office; Louis

Philippe commenced its restoration, and up to the fall of the Empire

about 2,000,000f. had been spent upon it. It is in two stories,

corresponding with the floors of the ancient palace; the lower chapel,

or crypt, was intended for the servants, the upper, on a level with the

Royal apartments, for the Royal family. The glass is exquisite, and the

statues of the twelve Apostles date from the 13th century, and are

admirable specimens of the art of their age. A small square hole to the

south of the nave communicates with a room in which Louis XI was wont to

sit and hear mass without fear of assassination.

GRAND-HOTEL

_12, Boulevard des Capucines, 12._

* * * * *

REOPENING

=After entire restoration.=

* * * * *

The new direction of the Grand-Hotel has greatly reduced the prices.

The price for service will be no more charged to travellers.

=700 rooms and drawing-rooms=

very comfortably furnished, from

5 francs a day, service included.

* * * * *

=TABLE D'HOTE=

BREAKFASTS--at 4 francs, wine included,

every day from 10 a.m. till 1 p.m.

DINNERS--at 6 francs, wine included,

every day at 6 p.m. precisely.

* * * * *

MEALS BY THE CARD.

* * * * *

SPECIAL SERVICE AT MED PRICE.

Including the lodging, fuel, light, service and food, with choice to

take the meals in the apartments, in the restaurant, or at the table

d'hôte:

1st class--30 frs. 24 sh. 6 d.

2d d° --25 » 20 » 5 »

3d d° --20 » 16 » 4 »

OPPOSITE THE NEW OPERA GRANDE BRASSERIE.--GRAND BREWERY

ENGLISH ALES,--DUTCH BEER

COFFEE-HOUSE.--EATING-HOUSE

_Breakfasts at 2 Fr. 50 (2 shil.).--Dinners at 4 Fr. 50 and à la carte

(bill of fare)_

31, BOULEVARD HAUSSMAN =The most comfortable in Paris=

* * * * *

CABOURG-DIVES

GRAND HOTEL DE LA PLAGE

Establishment for bathing situated in the most luxuriant and salubrious

country in Normandy

SPLENDID CASINO.--ROOMS FOR THEATRICAL PERFORMANCES

* * * * *

=DIEPPE=

HOTEL ROYAL ON THE PLAGE

THE MOST COMFORTABLE

Kept by Mme LAFOSSE

* * * * *

=CAEN=

HOTEL DE LA VICTOIRE

NEAR THE CATHEDRAL

_Kept by Mr BEUZELIN_

* * * * *

WINE AND SPIRITS

J. CHAIGNEAU AND CO

_31 and 33, rue Doidy_

=BORDEAUX=

Appointed to supply H.M. the king of sweden and norway

* * * * *

CAEN. TYP. F. LE BLAC-HARDEL.

End of Project Gutenberg's The Insurrection in Paris, by An Englishman: Davy

The Insurrection in Paris · 第 8 / 8 段