For a quarter of a century the county of Cumberland thus constituted,

remained intact, when the wants of the southwestern part, known as the

Conocheague settlement, led them to petition the General Assembly of

1784 that their territory might be set apart as a new county, with

concomitant privileges setting forth in glowing terms the hardships they

were compelled to endure traveling the long distance from their homes to

the seat of justice at Carlisle, etc.

The General Assembly complied therewith and September 9, 1784, erected

the new county to be named “Franklin,” in honor of the great

Pennsylvanian, Benjamin Franklin.

By 1790 some doubts arose as to the correct boundary, and March 29, in

that year, a re-adjustment of the lines was made by running a new line

so as to leave the entire tract of land owned by Edward Shippen, of

Lancaster, and upon which Shippensburg now stands, in Cumberland County.

On March 29, 1798, a portion of the then county of Bedford, known as the

“Little Cove” was detached from that county and annexed to Franklin, and

the county thus erected is the Franklin County of today.

By the terms of the act establishing the county of Franklin, James

Maxwell, James McCalmont, Josiah Crawford, David Stoner, and John

Johnson were appointed trustees on behalf of the county, and were

directed to procure two lots of ground in the town of Chambersburg or

Chamberstown, for seats of a court house and of a county gaol.

The original court house was a brick building of two stories, surmounted

by a tall conical cupola and a spire. In the belfry was suspended a bell

of Spanish make, which had rendered service in an old convent.

The first court in Franklin County was held September 15, 1784. As the

court house was not yet completed this first session was convened in the

stone house on the corner of the “square,” which was built by John Jack

in 1770. This historic building stood until July 30, 1864, when the

rebel horde burned the town during the Civil War.

The first court was held before Judges Humphrey Fullerton Thomas

Johnston and James Findley. Edward Crawford, Jr., was prothonotary.

Jeremiah Talbot was commissioned sheriff October 20, 1784.

The following named persons sat as the first grand jury: James Poe,

Henry Pawling, William Allison, William McDowell, Robert Wilkins, John

McConnell, John McCarny, John Ray, John Jack, Jr., John Dickson, D.

McClintock, Joseph Chambers, and Joseph Long.

As late as 1748 there were many Indians within the present limits of

Franklin County. The first settlers of Franklin County were

Scotch-Irish, many of whose descendants yet remain, but the larger

proportion migrated west or south, giving way before the German element

coming from the eastern counties of the state.

It is believed that Joseph and Benjamin Chambers located at the Falling

Spring earlier than 1730. They had previously built at Fort Hunter,

above Harrisburg, on the Susquehanna, but an accidental fire consumed

their mill on the Fishing Creek, and they wandered westward, finally

located at Falling Spring, where they erected a log house, and

eventually a saw and grist mill.

Benjamin Chambers maintained a friendly intercourse with the Indians in

his vicinity. They became attached to him; with them he traded, and had

so much of their confidence and respect that they did not injure him or

offer to molest him.

After Braddock’s defeat July, 1755, the Western Indians became so

troublesome, and made so many incursions east of the mountains, that

Colonel Chambers, for the security of his family and his neighbors,

erected a large stone dwelling house, where Chambersburg now is. This

house was surrounded by water from Falling Spring, and, to prevent the

Indians from setting it on fire, the roof was made of lead. The

dwelling, buildings and mill were surrounded with a stockade.

This fort was provided with a blunderbluss and swivel, and the garrison

had an ample supply of smaller firearms. The Indians seldom assaulted

this fort and none of its defenders was killed or carried off.

Benjamin Chambers reported the terrible massacre at Great Cove, Sunday

morning, November 2, 1755. He wrote: “If you intend to go to the

assistance of your neighbors, you need wait no longer for the certainty

of the news. The Great Cove is destroyed.”

The Great Cove was burned by the Indians and fifty-seven persons out of

ninety-three settlers were killed or taken captive.

A record of the persons killed or taken captive by the Indians during

this period until the close of the Revolution reveals a long list of

savage cruelty.

In the war of 1812–14, Franklin County played an important part. Eight

companies were mustered in the county; Chambersburg furnished four,

Greencastle, Mercersburg, Waynesboro and Path Valley, each one.

During the Civil War Franklin County suffered as did no other border

county of Pennsylvania.

First came the great Confederate raid in October, 1862, led by Generals

J. E. B. Stuart and Wade Hampton; then during General Lee’s invasion,

June, 1863; and finally General McCausland’s invasion when the town of

Chambersburg was sacked and burned July 30, 1864. The scenes presented

on the latter terrible occasion beggar description.

Wilson College is situated in Chambersburg, and Mercersburg Academy is

in the borough of Mercersburg, which was also the home of Marshall

College, now a part of Franklin and Marshall College, of Lancaster. The

Soldiers’ Orphans’ Industrial School of the state is located at

Scotland, and the Pennsylvania State Sanitarium for Tuberculosis, No. 1,

is beautifully located at Mont Alto.

Green Castle and Waynesboro are the other towns of importance in old

Franklin County. James Buchanan, President of the United States, and

William Findlay, Governor of Pennsylvania, were both born in

Mercersburg.

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Commodore Perry Defeats British Squadron

on Lake Erie, September 10, 1813

Foreign nations, who still smiled incredulously at the pretensions of

the United States in carrying on an ocean warfare with the proud

“Mistress of the Seas,” as England was everywhere acknowledged to be,

were not prepared to receive, in addition to the splendid victory of the

United States frigate Constitution over the Guerriere, fresh and

decisive proof of the naval supremacy of the youthful Republic, in the

magnificent triumph achieved by Commodore Oliver H. Perry on the waters

of Lake Erie September 10, 1813.

It was here for the first time in the history of the Western World the

flag of a British squadron was struck, humiliatingly, to the Americans.

Great Britain had already been signally defeated in single naval combats

during the War of 1812; she was now beaten in squadron; every one of her

ships striking their colors to the Stars and Stripes.

The unexpected and disgraceful surrender of the Northern Army under

General Hull to the British rendered a superior force on Lake Erie

necessary for the defense of the American territory bordering on the

lake, as well as for offensive operations in Canada.

Under those circumstances, Oliver H. Perry, a brave and capable young

officer, was designated to the command on Lake Erie. But at this time

the United States possessed no naval force on the lake; the only vessels

belonging to the Government had been captured at Detroit.

Commodore Perry was directed to locate at Presque Isle, where a

peninsula extended a considerable distance into the lake, encircling

a harbor, on the borders of which was the port of Erie. He was to

build ships, and the only materials at hand were the vast

forests—shipbuilders, sailors, naval stores, guns and ammunition

were all transported overland by wagons over 400 miles of bad roads

from Albany, Buffalo and Philadelphia via Pittsburgh.

In spite of those embarrassments, by August 1, 1813, Perry had provided

a flotilla, consisting of the ships Lawrence and Niagara, of twenty guns

each, and seven smaller vessels, to wit: One of four guns, one of three,

two of two and three of one.

The enemy appeared off the harbor while this navy was being built, but

the shallowness of the water prevented their approach where the

construction work could be destroyed.

After Perry succeeded in getting his navy into the deep waters of the

lake, he proceeded to Put-in Bay, near where the British fleet lay under

the guns of the fort. Here he watched the movements of the enemy and

awaited a chance to offer battle.

On the morning of September 10, 1813, the enemy was discovered bearing

down upon the American force, which immediately prepared to meet them.

Perry had nine vessels with fifty-three guns and two swivels. The

British fleet consisted of six vessels, carrying sixty-three guns, four

howitzers and two swivels.

Perry advised his officers he proposed to bring the enemy to close

quarters. As soon, therefore, as the approach of the enemy warranted the

display of the signal, every vessel was under sail beating out against

the wind with the boats ahead towing the others.

Perry endeavored to beat to the windward of the islands, which

interposed between them and the two approaching squadrons, hoping thus

to be able to bear down upon the enemy with the wind, but that proved to

be too light and baffling, and so much time was lost by tacking that

Perry suddenly changed his plans and ordered his ships to run to the

leeward of the islands, when his sailing master replied: “Then we’ll

have to engage the enemy from the leeward.” “I don’t care,” replied

Perry; “to windward or leeward, they will fight today.”

Perry formed his line of battle and the two squadrons slowly approached

each other. Realizing they would be in battle by the noon hour, grog and

bread were served in advance, and in a moment every man was at quarters.

Perry made a round of the deck, from gun to gun, carefully examining

each and exchanging cheering words with the men.

At fifteen minutes after 11 a bugle was sounded on board the enemy’s

flagship, the Detroit. Loud cheers burst from all their crews, and a

tremendous fire opened upon the Lawrence from the British long guns,

which on account of the range of the guns on the Lawrence the fire could

not be returned for nearly forty minutes.

The Lawrence kept her course in gallant and determined style, but was

badly cut up by the big guns of the Detroit. The enemy’s fire was

clearly directed toward the Lawrence. She was hit in every direction and

narrowly escaped several explosions.

Perry realized the seriousness of his situation and made full sail,

directing the other vessels to follow, for the purpose of closing with

the enemy. The terrible fire, however, to which he was exposed soon cut

away every brace and bowline of the Lawrence, and the boat became

unmanageable. The other vessels could not close up, and in this

disastrous situation the Lawrence continued to sustain the main force of

the enemy’s fire.

Throughout the ordeal order prevailed. There was no sign of fear, and as

rapidly as the men at the guns were wounded they were quietly carried

below, and others bravely stepped to their places. The dead remained

where they fell until after the action.

At this juncture the enemy believed the battle won. The Lawrence was

reduced to a mere wreck; her deck was streaming with blood and covered

with mangled limbs and bodies of the slain; nearly the whole crew were

either killed or wounded; her guns, too, were dismounted, Commodore

Perry and his officers working the very last one capable of firing a

shot.

At 2 o’clock Captain Elliott was enabled to bring the Niagara into

closer action; and Commodore Perry, finding he could get no further use

from the Lawrence, suddenly shifted his flag to the Niagara and boarded

her, leaving the gallant Lieutenant Yarnell in command of the Lawrence.

The transfer of Perry was made in the face of a terrible fire from the

enemy ships, with the commodore standing erect in the small boat and

directing his oarsmen.

The entire squadron was soon in action and Perry alongside the British

Commodore Barclay, in the Lady Prevost. Approaching within half pistol

shot, Perry’s fire was so deadly that the enemy’s men were compelled to

run below.

The Caledonia opened a destructive fire upon the British, and she was

closely followed by the other American vessels, and the enemy was soon

enclosed between the Niagara and the American fleet, and in that

position the British ships suffered a terrible fire on both quarters.

Thus, after a contest of three hours, a naval victory was achieved by

the Americans, in which every vessel of the enemy fleet was captured. If

anything could enhance its brilliancy it was the modest and laconic

manner in which it was announced by the gallant victor—“We have met the

enemy and they are ours!”

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Lord Cornwallis Defeats American Forces

on the Brandywine, September 11, 1777

The objective of the British forces, early in the Revolution, was to

occupy Philadelphia, which was then the largest city in the revolting

provinces. It was the seat of the Continental Congress, and the center

of the colonies. Although commanding easy access to the sea, it was

capable of being readily protected from the approach of a hostile fleet,

and it lay in the heart of an open, extended country, rich, populous and

so far but little disturbed by war.

Philadelphia was, in a sense, regarded as the capital of the new-born

Nation, and the moral influence resulting from its occupation by

Congress was great, so that it was deemed an important point would be

gained by its conquest. There was much criticism hurled at an army which

could not penetrate to the headquarters of the infant Nation.

Sir William Howe directed the campaign of 1777, and disposed the troops

under his command to that purpose. The British fleet under Lord Howe,

bearing a land force of 18,000, left New York in July, 1777, with the

intention of approaching Philadelphia by way of the Delaware River.

When about to enter it, however, the British commander was informed that

the Americans had placed obstructions in the channel, and he, therefore,

proceeded to the Chesapeake, and on August 25, landed his forces at

Turkey Point.

When the departure of the British fleet from New York was made known to

General Washington, he was uncertain as to its objects, but directed the

concentration of his army in Bucks County, so as to meet the enemy

should he attempt to approach Philadelphia.

Washington soon learned that the fleet was off the Capes of the

Chesapeake, and turned his attention in that direction. The very day the

British landed the Americans marched to Wilmington with a force of about

eleven thousand men.

Washington made immediate preparations to oppose the enemy. A severe

though brief encounter occurred September 3 at Iron Hill, Delaware.

On the 8th the American Army took its position behind the Red Clay

Creek, where a battle was anticipated. Washington saw that the object

was to turn his right, cross the Brandywine, and cut off his

communication with Philadelphia.

After reconnoitering the enemy, Washington withdrew to Chadd’s Ford, on

the Brandywine, where he arrived on the 9th of September, and entrenched

himself.

Maxwell’s Light Infantry occupied the advance posts, and during the

night of the 10th threw up defenses on the west side at the approaches

to the ford. Here Washington determined to take his stand.

On the evening of the 9th the British Army entered Chester County in two

divisions, one of which, under General Knyphausen, encamped at New

Garden and Kennet Square, and the other, under Lord Cornwallis, a short

distance below Hockesson Meeting House.

Early on the morning of the 10th they united at Kennet Square, whence in

the evening the forces under Knyphausen advanced toward Welsh’s Tavern,

later known as the Anvil, and those under Cornwallis remained encamped

on the hills north and west of Kennet Square.

Early on the morning of the 11th the army divided into two columns—one

division, under Knyphausen, marched to Chadd’s Ford, by the Philadelphia

road; the other, under Cornwallis and accompanied by Sir William Howe,

took a circuitous route and crossed the west branch of the Brandywine at

Trimble’s Ford, and approached the Birmingham Meeting House. The object

of these movements was to hem in the Americans between the two British

forces and thus make them easy prey.

Both British columns had moved early and through a dense fog which did

not lift until a later hour. The column under Knyphausen skirmished with

the advance parties of the American Army sent forward to harass their

march.

Maxwell’s corps, which occupied the hills west of the Brandywine, was

driven across the stream after a severe engagement, and joined the main

body of the American Army, which was already ranged in battle order,

awaiting the attack of the enemy.

Several detachments of the Continental troops subsequently recrossed the

creek and assailed the British, who were busy throwing up intrenchments

and planting batteries. A footing having thus been gained on the western

bank, General Maxwell returned in force, and a hot conflict ensued, the

Americans driving the enemy from the ground.

The spirit of this action soon drew upon them overwhelming numbers, and

the Americans were again repulsed.

Lord Cornwallis, with a larger division, under cover of the hills and

forests and aided by the fog, proceeded in a circuitous route a

considerable distance unobserved, and reached the hills south of

Trimble’s Ford about the time Knyphausen moved from his position east of

Kennet Square.

General John Sullivan, who commanded the right wing of the American

Army, had received instructions to guard the fords as far up the stream

as Buffingtons.

About 9 o’clock intelligence was brought that the British left wing was

about crossing the Brandywine above its forks. Colonel Bland sent word

to General Washington that a large force of the enemy was seen advancing

up the road toward Trimble’s Ford.

That was confirmed by a note from Colonel Ross, who was in their rear,

and who advised their strength was 5000. Those reports were in

contradiction to one that Squire Thomas Cheney gave when he rode up to

General Sullivan and advised him that the main body of the British had

crossed the Brandywine and was already near at hand, approaching from

the north.

The squire was not believed, and demanded to be led to General

Washington, who doubted his information, but was at length convinced of

its truth and immediately disposed of his troops to meet the emergency.

General Sullivan attacked the Hessians, who were the advance guard, who

returned the fire, and soon the action became general. The artillery of

both sides opened with terrible effect, and while the Americans held

their position, the carnage was great.

The right wing of the American army under General Debarre gave way

first, and the left under General Sullivan, soon followed. The latter

tried to rally his troops, but fled over the fields toward the main army

at Chadd’s Ford.

Sterling’s division in the center remained firm. General Sullivan

attached himself to this division, and with Lafayette he engaged

personally in the hottest of the battle. Cornwallis used his artillery

with telling effect. Two of Sullivan’s aides were killed and Lafayette

fell with a wounded leg. The troops fled into the woods, but were again

rallied and after a sharp conflict again retreated.

When Washington learned of the approach of the British, he pushed

forward with Green’s division of Pennsylvanians and Virginians to the

support of Sullivan, leaving Wayne at Chadd’s Ford to oppose Knyphausen.

Green, by a skillful movement, opened his ranks and received the fleeing

troops and closed them again.

Wayne was on the alert, and the moment Knyphausen moved forward he

opened a heavy artillery fire upon him. Soon as he learned of Sullivan’s

defeat he retreated.

The approach of night ended the bloody conflict, but not soon enough to

prevent the American army from a defeat which was most distressing to

the American cause at this critical period.

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Mob Storms Mifflin County Courthouse

September 12, 1791

September, 1791, an incident occurred during a term of court in Mifflin

County, which has since been known as the Lewistown Riot.

The cause of the disturbance centered in the act of Samuel Bryson, then

a resident of what is now the borough of Mifflintown, who for several

years had served as county lieutenant, and while acting in that capacity

refused to commission two colonels who had been elected by their

regiments, which so incensed the members and their friends that when Mr.

Bryson subsequently received the appointment of Associate Justice they

were indignant and determined he should not act in that capacity.

On Monday, September 12, 1791, the Hon. William Brown, Samuel Bryson and

James Armstrong, Esqs., met in the forenoon in order to open the Court

and proceed to business, but Thomas Beale, Esq., one of the Associate

Judges, not having arrived, the others did not attempt to convene the

Court until he appeared, which was 3 o’clock, when he was requested to

proceed with them to the court house. Mr. Beale declined to go, but the

others went into the court room, where the commissions of the Judges

were read, the Court duly opened, the officers sworn in, and Court

adjourned until 10 o’clock next morning.

The following morning, John Clarke, Deputy State’s Attorney, received

the intelligence that a large body of men was assembled below the Long

Narrows, at David Jordan’s tavern, on the Juniata River shore.

They were armed with guns, swords and pistols, with an avowed intention

to proceed to Lewistown and seize Judge Bryson on the bench and drag him

from his seat, and march him off before them, and otherwise ill-treat

him.

That information was immediately communicated to the Judges, who, acting

upon the suggestion of Mr. Clarke, named Samuel Edminston, Esq., the

Prothonotary; Judge Thomas Beale, Mr. Stewart, William Bell, Esq., and

the Sheriff of Mifflin County, a committee to proceed to the place where

the mob had assembled and meet with the rioters.

The Sheriff was commanded to inquire of them their object and intention,

and if hostile, to order them to disperse and tell them the Court was

alarmed at their proceedings.

Two hours after this the Court opened. A fife was heard playing, some

guns were discharged and almost immediately the mob appeared, marching

toward the court house. Three men on horseback were leading the column.

The gentlemen who had been sent to counsel with them were being marched

under a guard in the rear. When the column reached Lewistown all the

committee were permitted to go at large except George Wilson, the

Sheriff, who was held by an armed guard of four men.

The Court ordered Mr. Clarke to go and meet the rioters and remonstrate

against their proceedings and warn them of their danger, which order was

obeyed, but his endeavors were in vain.

The mob cried out, “March on! March on! Draw your sword on him! Ride

over him!”

Mr. Clarke grabbed the reins of the leader’s horse, who refused to be

held, and threatened to proceed to the bench and drag Judge Bryson off,

take him down the Narrows to his own farm and there compel him to sign a

written paper that he would never again sit there as a Judge.

This leader was a brother of Sheriff George Wilson. The mob cried out,

“March on!” He drew his sword and ordered Clarke to let go the reins.

The crowd pressed on him and one of them, a nephew of Judge Beale,

pressed a pistol to his breast, when Clarke let go of the horse, and the

mob reached the stairs on the outside of the court house. Clarke rushed

ahead, and as he mounted the stairs he was met by Judge Armstrong, who

said: “Since nothing else will do, let us defend the stairs.”

At that point several of the attorneys and citizens, who had been in the

court, reached the stairs, where they were met by the rioters, now ably

led by William Wilson, Colonel Walker and Colonel Holt. They cried:

“March on, damn you; proceed and take him!”

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