Colonel Clapham was convinced that the garrison at Fort Halifax should

never be less than 100 men, so that proper communication between the

inhabitants and Fort Augusta could be maintained.

There are no positive records of an attack upon Fort Halifax. U. J.

Jones, in his “Story of Simon Girty, the Outlaw,” writes of an Indian

attack, led by this notorious Tory, which was successfully repulsed,

with heavy loss among the besiegers. However, this is more a story of

fiction than history.

In July, 1757, after the completion of Fort Augusta, a petition was

presented to the Governor, praying the removal of the garrison from Fort

Halifax to Hunter’s, the defense of the former being considered of

little importance to the inhabitants south of the mountains. This

removal was soon thereafter effected, and Fort Halifax passed into

history.

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Earliest Court Removed from Upland to

Kingsesse June 8, 1680

At a court held at Upland, now Chester, “on ye 2d Tuesday, being ye 8th

day of ye month of June in ye 32 yeare of his Majesty’s Raigne Anno Dom.

1680,” with Otto Ernest Cock, Israel Helm, Henry Jones and Laurens Cock,

as justices, there was a busy session and much business of importance

transacted.

James Sandelands sued Hanna Salter for the account due him of two

hundred and seven gilders, and the Court ordered judgment to be entered

with costs, with stay of execution until the defendant could get in her

wheat.

Gunla Andries brought suit against Jonas Nielsen for unlawful possession

of some land at Kingsesse. “The debates of both parties being heard, &

ye Pattent & former orders of Court examined: The Court Doe confirme the

former orders of this Court in that Case made and doe order the Sheriffe

to Put the Plt. in Possession of ye Land according to Pattent & ye sd

former orders of this Court.”

The Court granted William Clark liberty to take up two hundred acres in

Nieshambenies Creek; Peter Cock, Neeles Jonassen, Thomas Fairman, and

Henry Jacobs, were granted each a like amount of land.

Moens Staecket, who had been in trouble, was bound over so that in

future he would behave himself.

The Court took into consideration the raising of their own salaries,

when they ordered each person should “pay yearly one Scipple of wheat or

5 gilders.” According to a former order, they also decreed that those in

arrears should be brought before Justice Otto Ernest at Tinicum Island,

and those who failed to report there should “be fetched by ye Constable

by way of restraynt.”

Richard Noble, the surveyor for Upland County, made a return of surveys

having been made for Andrew Boen, William Clayton, Christian Claess,

Andrew Homman, William Woodmancy, Peter Nealson and William Orian. Which

surveys were approved by the Court and returned to the office in New

York, for confirmation by the Governor.

Then came the most important event of the day’s business. It seems that

there was complaint about the location of Upland, as it was “att ye

Lower End of ye County. The Court therefore for ye most ease of ye

people have thought fitt for ye future to sit & meet att ye Town of

Kingsesse in ye Schuylkills.”

The site of Kingsesse was probably in the immediate vicinity of the

Swedish mill erected by Governor Printz, near the Blue Bell tavern on

the Darby road.

Then followed the last action brought before the Court at Upland, it was

the case of Gunla Andries and her husband, in a land dispute with the

heirs of Peter Andries and Jonas Neelson.

The Court then moved to Kingsesse and its next session was held October

13. The same justices with the addition of George Browne, who qualified

at the opening of the court.

Slander suits were the order of the day. That between Claes Cram and

Hans Peters is interesting. Cram claimed Peters called him a thief, and

two witnesses swore that they heard Peters say that Cram had stolen

aboard a ship and in the same manner stole all his riches. The verdict

was that since the defendant was not able to prove “what he hath said or

any part thereof the Court ordered that ye defendant openly shall

declare himself a liar and that he shall further declare ye plaintiff to

be an honest man and pay twenty gilders to ye plaintiff for his loss of

time, together with the cost of ye suite.”

Hans Jurian declared that Moens Staecket, during September, assaulted

and beat him at his own door, followed him into his house, calling him a

rogue and a dog and a thousand more names, and moreover threatened to

kill Jurian whenever he met him.

One witness swore that he saw the defendant all bloody and he told him

Jurian did it, that Staecket later appeared “on horseback and called for

his sword, his gun, powder and shot and then rode before Hans Jurian’s

door and, calling him, saying you dog, you rogue, come out, I will shoot

you a bullet through your head.”

The Court bound both over to keep the peace for one year and six weeks,

under penalty of £40 of lawful money of England, to be paid by him that

shall first break ye peace. Staecket was also fined 200 gilders; the

costs of the case were divided between the litigants.

Later in the same day the same Staecket was defendant in another action

brought by the presiding justice, Otto Ernest Cock, complaining that

Staecket maliciously defamed and slandered him by calling him a hog

thief. The defendant protested that he never knew, heard or saw the

plaintiff steal a hog, and that he to his knowledge never said any such

thing but that he hath said it, as the witness doth affirm, that it must

have been, when he was in his drink, and he humbly desired forgiveness,

since he finds himself in a great fault. Staecket was ordered to openly

declare that Justice Cock was not a hog thief, and he was fined 1000

gilders.

There were eleven cases tried this day, one, at least, before a jury.

Nine petitions were disposed of and the Court issued a written direction

for the overseers of the highways. Certainly a busy day in court.

The Court adjourned until second Tuesday of ye month of March next

ensuing.

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Last Purchase from Indians Caused by

Boundary Dispute, June 9, 1769

One important feature of the last treaty made with the Indians at Fort

Stanwix, October, 1784, was the settlement of the difficulties which had

existed for sixteen years among the white settlers over the disputed

boundary line embraced by Tiadaghton.

It was contended by some that Lycoming Creek was this line, and by

others that it was Pine Creek. The territory between these streams is

that which lies between the present City of Williamsport and Jersey

Shore, and includes nearly half of the present Lycoming County and all

of Tioga.

Previous to the purchase of November 5, 1768, this part of the West

Branch Valley was occupied by tribes of Shawnee and Munsee, and the way

for its settlement by whites was not opened until the “New Purchase” was

made at Fort Stanwix.

On June 9, 1769, a serious difference arose between the Provincial

Government and the settlers whether the stream called Tiadaghton,

mentioned in the treaty was Lycoming or Pine Creek when translated into

English. This question remained in dispute until the last treaty,

October, 1784.

This early settlement is made clear by the reference to Smith’s Laws,

where is the following:

“There existed a great number of locations on the 3d of April, 1769, for

the choicest lands on the West Branch of Susquehanna, between the mouths

of Lycoming and Pine Creeks; but the Proprietaries from extreme caution,

the result of that experience which had also produced the very penal

laws of 1768 and 1769, and the proclamation already stated, had

prohibited any surveys being made beyond the Lycoming. In the meantime,

in violation of all laws, a set of hardy adventurers had from time to

time seated themselves on this doubtful territory. They made

improvements, and formed a very considerable population.

“It is true, so far as regarded the rights to real property, they were

not under the protection of the laws of the country, and were we to

adopt the visionary theories of some philosophers, who have drawn their

arguments from a supposed state of nature, we might be led to believe

that the state of these people would have been a state of continual

warfare; and that in contests for property the weakest must give way to

the strongest.

“To prevent the consequences, real or supposed, of this state of things,

they formed a mutual compact among themselves. They annually elected a

tribunal, in rotation, of three of their settlers, whom they called

_fair-play men_, who were to decide all controversies, and settle

disputed boundaries. From their decision there was no appeal. There

could be no resistance. The decree was enforced by the whole body, who

started up in mass, at the mandate of the court, and execution and

eviction were as sudden and irresistible as the judgment. Every new

comer was obliged to apply to this powerful tribunal, and upon his

solemn engagement to submit in all respects to the law of the land he

was permitted to take possession of some vacant spot. Their decrees

were, however, just; and when their settlements were recognized by law,

and fair play had ceased, their decisions were received in evidence, and

confirmed by judgment of courts.”

In those early days, as later, the white man was pushing the Indian

back, in spite of the proclamation of Governor Penn, which warned all

persons not to settle on lands not purchased of the Indians and

unsurveyed, and advised those that had settled to make haste and leave.

But they did not vacate, and in the enforcement of their “fair-play”

code, it became necessary to adopt rigid measures. Any person resisting

the decrees was placed in a canoe, rowed to the mouth of Lycoming Creek,

and there sent adrift. Subsequently a law was passed, allowing the

settlers from Lycoming and Pine Creeks a preemption right to not over

three hundred acres of land each, upon satisfactory proof being

presented that they were actual settlers previous to 1780.

For seven years after the purchase of 1768, the pioneers swung the axe,

felled the giant trees, builded their cabins, and tilled their fields

unmolested; but just when they began to enjoy the comforts of their

cabin homes, and reap the rewards of their industry, the cry of the

Revolution was heard, and the hardy backwoodsmen trained to the

vicissitudes of war during the frontier campaigns of 1755 to 1763, with

true patriotism, seized their rifles and went forth to battle for

liberty, leaving their families scantily provided for and exposed to the

raids of the Indians.

All along the West Branch, wherever there was a white settlement,

stockade forts were built, garrisoned by settlers or Provincial troops.

At the treaty of October 23, 1784, the Pennsylvania Commissioners were

specially instructed to inquire of the Indians which stream was really

Tiadaghton, and, also the Indian name of Burnetts’ Hills, left blank in

deed of 1768. The Indians informed them Tiadaghton was what the whites

call Pine Creek, being the largest stream flowing into the Otzinachson,

or West Branch. They did not know the name of the hills. The authorities

apprehended difficulty in settling disputes among the actual settlers.

The Commissioners at this treaty secured title from the Indians for the

residue of the lands within the limits of Pennsylvania. This purchase

was confirmed by the Wyandotte and Delaware nations at Fort McIntosh,

January 21, 1785.

Thus in a period of 102 years was the whole right of the Indians to the

soil of Pennsylvania extinguished.

The land office was opened for the new purchase in 1785 and settlers

rapidly flocked to the West Branch Valley.

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Massacre at Lycoming Creek, Present

Williamsport, June 10, 1778

As early as 1773 settlers had made improvements at the mouth of Lycoming

Creek, where the city of Williamsport now stands. For the next three or

four years there was no protection for settlers between there and Antes

Fort, about thirteen miles west.

Some brave spirits, among whom were William King, Robert Covenhoven, and

James Armstrong, built a stockade inclosure at the mouth of the

Lycoming. This was located near what is now Fourth and Cemetery Streets,

Williamsport.

The rumors of a descent by the Tories and Indians on the North Branch

had reached the settlement at Northumberland, where William King, wife

and two daughters lived. They thought the new stockade on the Lycoming

would be safe and a hurried trip was made up the West Branch.

The driver of the team remarked, as they approached Loyalsock Creek:

“Here is the last stream we will cross before reaching the fort, and we

will stop for water.” The horses had no sooner halted than rifles

cracked and the utmost confusion at once ensued.

A description of the terrible massacre that followed is given in a long

letter by Colonel Hosterman to Colonel Winter from Fort Muncy, under

date June 10, 1778.

Colonel Hosterman began his letter with the statement that nothing

material had happened since he was stationed at Fort Muncy until that

day. He was in command of a party, consisting of Captain Reynolds and

thirteen men which set out for Antes Fort, carrying a supply of

ammunition for the garrisons stationed there and at the Big Island.

The same day, remarks the Colonel, Peter Smith and his wife and six

children; William King’s wife and two daughters, Ruth and Sarah; Michael

Smith, Michael Campbell and David Chambers, the latter a member of

Captain Reynolds’ company, and two men named Snodgrass and Hammond, a

total of six men, two women and eight children, were going in wagons to

Lycoming. When they arrived at Loyalsock Creek, John Harris (son of

Samuel Harris) met them and told them that he had heard firing up the

creek and advised that they return to Fort Muncy, that to advance

farther was dangerous.

Peter Smith said that firing would not stop him. Harris proceeded to

Fort Muncy, and the other party continued up the river. Soon as Harris

reached the fort and told his story, a detail of fifteen soldiers

started from the fort in the direction of where the firing had been

heard.

When Smith and his party arrived within a half mile of Lycoming Creek,

the Indians, lying in ambush, fired upon them, and at the first fire

Snodgrass fell dead with a bullet through his forehead. The Indians gave

a halloo and rushed toward the wagon. The men hurried toward trees and

with these as a shelter returned the fire. A small lad and a girl

escaped into the woods.

The Indians closed in on the party in an endeavor to surround them. This

movement was discovered by the men, who fled as rapidly as possible,

leaving only Campbell, who was fighting at too close quarters to join

his companions in their flight. He was killed and scalped on the spot.

Before the men were out of sight of the wagon they saw the Indians

attacking the women and children with their tomahawks. Chambers stated

that he believed there were about twenty Indians in the party.

This bloody affair occurred just before sundown. The lad who escaped

pushed on to the stockade on Lycoming Creek and informed the men there

what had happened. They started immediately, but mistaking the

intelligence the boy gave, hastened to the river to the place where they

lived, thinking it was the canoe that was attacked instead of a wagon.

In the meantime Captain William Hepburn, with the detail which started

from Fort Muncy, arrived at the scene of the massacre, and found the

bodies of Snodgrass and Campbell. It was too dark to pursue the savages,

but they pressed on toward Lycoming and met the party going out from

there. They waited until the next day.

On the morning of June 11 they returned to the scene and found the

bodies of Peter Smith’s wife shot through, stabbed, scalped and a knife

by her side.

A little girl and a boy were killed and scalped. Snodgrass was found

shot through the head and scalped, and a knife left sticking in his

body. The rifles had been taken by the Indians, but nothing of value was

removed from the wagon.

The lad who made his escape insisted that Mrs. King must be somewhere in

the thicket, as he heard her scream and say she would not go along with

the Indians when they were dragging her away. They made another search

and found her near the stream where she had dragged herself and rested

with her hand under her bleeding head. She had been tomahawked and

scalped, but not dead. She was sitting up and greeted her husband when

he approached her, but she expired almost instantly. She did not live

long enough to speak of the affair.

William King was the picture of despair. He soon returned to

Northumberland, and later moved up to Vincents Island. Many years later

he learned that his daughter was still alive, and he started on foot

with knapsack on his back, accompanied by an old Indian, for Niagara. He

soon found Sarah, but had to travel far and suffered severe hardships

before he succeeded in finding Ruth.

They reached their home on the island at Milton. They afterward lived at

Jaysburg, the present Williamsport. Descendants of the sturdy people are

now residents of that city.

Among those taken captive were Peter Wyckoff and son, Cornelius; Thomas

Covenhoven and a Negro. The latter was burned in the presence of the

other prisoners. Peter Wyckoff was fifty-four years old, and lived with

the Indians two years before he and his son were given their freedom.

This affair occurred in the present city of Williamsport, where West

Fourth Street crosses the stream which flows down Cemetery Street. There

is a boulder erected near the spot which bears a bronze tablet telling

of the event.

At the time this was a natural thicket of wild plum trees, which yielded

fruit of remarkable size and flavor for nearly a century after the

massacre. The road leading to this spot was the old Indian trail and

formed a safe place for the concealment of lurking savages.

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Colonel William Crawford Captured by

Indians June 11, 1782

During the spring of 1782 the Indians, who had removed the seat of their

depredations and war to the western frontiers of Pennsylvania, and

Eastern Ohio, assembled in large numbers at Upper Sandusky, Ohio, which

they used as place of general rendezvous and from which they went out to

the places they decided in council should be attacked and destroyed.

The principal places to which they made incursions were along the Ohio

River, especially in Western Pennsylvania. So serious was the situation

along the frontier, and so bold had the savages become that Congress

directed a regiment of volunteers to be raised to subdue them.

General Washington commissioned Colonel William Crawford, of

Westmoreland County, Pa., to command the regiment and David Williamson,

Lieutenant Colonel. These men were seasoned soldiers and unusually well

qualified to lead troops against the Indians.

In May, 1782, the command marched from Fort Pitt, well armed and

provided with sufficient quantity of provisions. The command consisted

of 462 officers and men. Each volunteer furnished his own horse, gun and

a month’s provision. They were to be exempt from two tours of military

duty, and in the event they captured any Indian towns, such plunder as

fell into their hands should be returned to its former owner, if he

could identify and prove his property, and all horses lost during the

expedition by unavoidable accident were to be replaced by horses taken

from the Indians.

After a fatiguing march of eleven days through the wilderness the

command reached the site of Sandusky, but the inhabitants had moved

eighteen miles farther down the stream. The officers decided there were

no Indian towns nearer than forty miles, and while refreshing their

horses the scouts advanced to search for Indian settlements. They had

not gone far when the savages were discovered in great numbers and

advancing toward them.

Colonel Crawford and his brave band advanced to meet the attack June 11,

1782, and when they had reached a point only a short distance from the

town they were met by a white man bearing a flag of truce from the

Indians, who proposed to Colonel Crawford that if he would surrender

himself and his men to the Indians, who were of overwhelming force,

their lives would be spared, but if they persisted further in their

expedition and attacked the town they should all be massacred to the

last man.

Crawford, while listening to the proposition, thought he recognized the

bearer of it as one whose features were those of a former schoolmate and

companion, one he knew by the name of Simon Girty, and with whom he had

only recently served in the same regiment in the Continental Army.

Crawford sternly inquired of the traitor if his name was not Simon

Girty. Answered in the affirmative, the colonel informed him that he

despised the offer he had made; that he would not surrender his army

unless he was compelled to do so by a superior force.

Girty returned and Colonel Crawford immediately commenced an engagement

which lasted till darkness, without advantage to either side, when

firing ceased. The troops encamped in the woods a half mile from the

town. After refreshments they slept on their arms, so that they should

not be caught unprepared in a surprise attack.

The sentinels reported during the night that they were surrounded by

Indians upon every side, except a narrow space between them and the

town. The officers consulted upon the best way of escape, for they

realized to fight was useless and to surrender meant death.

Colonel Crawford proposed to retreat through the ranks of the enemy in

an opposite direction from the town. Lieutenant Colonel Williamson

thought the better plan would be to march directly through the town,

where there appeared to be no Indians. It was no time for debate.

Colonel Crawford with sixty followers retreated on the route he had

proposed by attempting to rush the enemy, but every man was killed or

captured, the colonel and his surgeon, Dr. Knight, being among the

prisoners. Lieutenant Colonel Williamson, with the remainder of the

command and the wounded of the day’s battle, set out the same moment

Colonel Crawford did, went through the town without losing a man, and by

the aid of experienced guides arrived at their homes in safety.

The next day the Indians paraded their prisoners and disposed of all of

them among the different tribes except Colonel Crawford and Surgeon

Knight, who were reserved for a more cruel fate.

At the Indian council they were brought forward and seated in the center

of the circle. The chiefs questioned Crawford on subjects relative to

war. They inquired who conducted the operations of the American Army on

the Ohio and Susquehanna Rivers the previous year; also who had led that

army against them with so much skill and such uniform success.

Crawford very honestly and without suspecting any harm from his reply

promptly stated that he was the man. Upon learning this, Chief Pipe, who

had lost a son in battle where Colonel Crawford commanded, left his

station in the council ring, stepped up to Crawford, blackened his face

and at the same time told him he should be burned the next day.

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Death of Colonel Crawford and Escape of

Dr. Knight June 12, 1782

The terrible disaster which occurred to the Pennsylvania militiamen

under command of Colonel William Crawford, June 10, 1782, was one of the

most unfortunate which is recorded in annals of border warfare.

The Indians under Captain Pipe and Chief Wyngenim, Delaware chieftains,

and that white savage Simon Girty, the renegade, had surrounded the

militiamen and captured or killed the entire command, except a small

detachment under Lieutenant Colonel David Williamson, which made a

miraculous escape through the Indian town during the progress of the

battle.

The following day Colonel Crawford, his son, Captain John Crawford;

son-in-law, Major Harrison; nephews, Major Rose and William Crawford,

Dr. Knight and many other militiamen, who had been recruited in

Westmoreland County, were being marched to the Indian towns, where they

were tortured according to Indian savagery.

Daily stories of Pennsylvania · 第 43 / 104 段