Rose,” which was accepted by “The Knights of the Burning Mountain,” led
by Captain Watson, of the Black Knights, whose particular lady was Miss
Rebecca Franks. These knights and their ladies were Lieutenant Underwood
and Miss Sarah Shippen, Lieutenant Winyard and Miss Peggy Shippen,
Lieutenant Delaval and Miss Becky Bond, Monsier Montluissant and Miss
Rebecca Redman, Lieutenant Hobart and Miss Sophia Chew and Major
Tarleton and Miss Wilhelmina Smith.
These ladies wore costumes uniformly similar to that adopted by their
knights. The ladies of the Blended Rose each wore white silk, pink sash
and spangled shoes and stockings. The ladies of the Burning Mountain
wore white silk gowns trimmed with black and white sashes edged with
black.
The Black Knights threw down the gauntlet to the White Knights. It was
picked up. Then the knights fixed their lances and shields and,
galloping at full speed, encountered several times. The third such
charge was ended by the firing of pistols, then the sword of combat, and
at last the two chiefs engaged in single combat, till the marshal, Major
Gwynne, rushed between them and declared that the fair damsels of the
Blended Rose and the Burning Mountain were satisfied with the feats of
valor of their respective knights, and favors were then distributed, and
the knights rode off the field.
They then reappeared riding through the triumphal arch and presented
themselves to Lord Howe, which was followed by a grand procession. The
entertainment then continued in the mansion, which had been transformed
for the occasion into an Egyptian palace. The ballroom contained
eighty-five large mirrors, and was lighted with thirty-four branches of
wax-lights.
The four drawing rooms where the refreshments were served were decorated
and lighted in the same style and taste as the ballroom.
The ball by the knights and their ladies, and the dancing continued
until 10 o’clock when the windows were thrown open and a magnificent
bouquet of rockets began the fireworks.
This part of the elaborate entertainment was designed by Captain
Montressor, the chief engineer, and consisted of twenty different
exhibitions, displayed under his direction and to the delight and
satisfaction of all present. The conclusion was the illumination of the
triumphal arch, with a display of all the trophies.
At midnight supper was announced, and large folding-doors, suddenly
thrown open, disclosed a magnificent salon 210 feet by 40. Here again
many mirrors, artificial flowers and clusters of lights were made to
produce a wonderful effect. Covers were laid for 430 guests.
Toward the end of the supper the herald of the Blended Rose attended,
entered the saloon and proclaimed the King’s health, the Queen, royal
family, army, navy, their commanders, the knights and their ladies and
the ladies in general, each of these toasts being accompanied by a
flourish of music. Dancing was then continued until 4 o’clock.
While this revelry was at its height the sound of cannon was heard in
the North. The English officers explained to their frightened partners
in the dance that it was part of the ceremony. But it was not. Captain
McLane, a dashing officer, hearing of the Meschianza, at the head of 100
infantry and Clow’s dragoons, reached the line of redoubts between the
Delaware and Schuylkill, painted everything within reach with tar and,
at a given signal, set it on fire. The sudden blaze took the British by
surprise, the long roll was beaten, every cannon in the redoubts was
fired. The British cavalry dashed out into the night, but the daring
Americans were nowhere to be found.
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Colonel Pluck Parades His Celebrated
“Bloody Eighty-Fourth” Regiment,
May 19, 1825
An amusing sensation started in 1824 continued to attract attention in
Philadelphia during the following year.
There had been more or less laxity in the various militia organizations
in the election of their officers and this was much more evident in
Philadelphia than elsewhere in the State.
John Pluck, an ignorant hostler, was elected colonel of the
Eighty-fourth Regiment as a joke and to ridicule the militia system,
which at that moment was very unpopular with the members.
This election had been resisted by many who were disinclined to treat so
serious a matter jocularly, and the board of officers set aside the
election as illegal, and ordered a new election.
At the next election John Pluck received 447 votes; Benjamin Harter, 64;
and John Ferdey, commonly called “Whistling Johnny,” 15.
The successful candidate treated the matter seriously and issued an
order for a parade of the First Battalion on May 1, on Callowhill
Street, the right resting on Sixth Street; and the Second Battalion was
ordered to parade at the same place on May 19.
The order further directed that Lieutenant-Colonel Joseph Norbury was to
command the training of the First Battalion. The colonel himself was to
take charge of the Second Battalion.
The papers of that day do not notice the parade of the First Battalion,
which was scheduled for May 1, but they have much to say about the big
parade of May 19.
It seems that by this time most of the militiamen in the regiment fully
sensed the ridiculous position they were in with such an ignorant
commander, and on the occasion of this much heralded parade the members
appeared in fantastic costumes.
Many of the militiamen were armed with ponderous imitations of weapons,
and a large number of the populace turned out in the parade, dressed in
every imaginable sort of costume, such as would even cause a ripple of
laughter at Hallowe’en; these were armed with brooms, rakes, hoes and
every conception of weapon.
Philadelphia had never before witnessed such a “military” parade, and
was quite unaccustomed to such a display, and this regimental review of
“horribles” attracted much attention.
Colonel Pluck was mounted on a fine steed, and Adjutant Roberts, also
well mounted, were the moving spirits of the parade and did not seem to
fully realize the burlesque features of it.
The regiment marched out to Bush Hill, followed by thousands of people
on foot and hundreds on horseback.
The press was either silent or expressed dissatisfaction. It could not
have done otherwise.
A few days following the parade Colonel Pluck issued new orders. He
said: “Well, I am an honest man, anyhow. And I ain’t afraid to fight,
and that’s more than most of them can say.”
The United States Gazette said, “Pluck is the head groom at the corner
of Third and Callowhill Streets. Some months ago he was chosen
commander-in-chief of the ‘bloody Eighty-fourth;’ but the powers that be
refused to commission him. * * * The Militia system is a farce.
Demagogues have been using commissions in the militia as stepping-stones
to offices of profit and honor. A cure must be found for the evil, which
is to make fun of it.”
The “Pluck Parade” rendered one other good service to Philadelphia. When
the regiment paraded to Bush Hill and wound up the day in disorderly
frivolities, the grand jury in June declared Bush Hill a public
nuisance. This was a large open field on the north side of Callowhill
Street, between Schuylkill Fourth and Schuylkill Fifth.
The presentment of the grand jury states that men and women resorted
there on various days, as well as on the Sabbath, “drinking, tippling,
cursing, swearing, etc.” The grand jury further said that it had
“particular reference to the days on which regiments and battalions of
militia parade, when numerous booths, tents, and gaming tables are there
erected.”
It would be supposed that such a fantastic exhibition, directed against
the militia system, would soon cause a change in the existing law, but
it did no such thing.
The act of Assembly of April 2, 1822, had reorganized the militia of
Pennsylvania, and divided the State into sixteen military divisions.
But the act did not work to the advantage of the militia system. It
developed a lot of merely dress parade organizations, which were usually
equipped with costly and gaudy uniforms, while discipline and military
regulations became at once of secondary importance.
From 1808 to 1844, the laws were principally for designating independent
companies with high-sounding names. Such militiamen were exempted from
drilling with regular militia, and occasionally the Legislature made
appropriations to certain favored companies.
The music on days of general muster was not only made a special feature
of the occasion but its cost was borne by the State.
So it is little wonder that the “Bloody Eighty-fourth,” elected “Colonel
Pluck,” or that the populace and papers of that day demanded a change in
the militia system of the State.
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Lafayette Executes Skillful Retreat at Matson’s
Ford, May 20, 1778
As an appropriate closing to the round of dissipation in which the
British Army had indulged during its occupation of Philadelphia, the
officers gave a magnificent entertainment, called the Meschianza, in
honor of Sir William Howe, as commander-in-chief of the British Army in
America. This stupendous folly was given May 18, 1778, at the Wharton
mansion.
Shortly after the close of the entertainment, on the following day, the
British commander was informed that General Lafayette with 2400 men and
five cannon had crossed the Schuylkill and was then at Barren Hill,
about eleven miles from Philadelphia.
In the hope of capturing this force, and thus signalizing his retirement
from the command by a brilliant stroke, General Howe, on the night of
the 19th, sent General Grant, with Sir William Erskine and General Grey,
at the head of 5300 chosen men, to gain the rear of Lafayette’s position
by a circuitous route. General Howe, accompanied by Sir Henry Clinton,
General Knyphausen and Admiral Howe, set out with 5700 troops on the
following morning, May 20, expecting to intercept the American Army in
retreat at Chestnut Hill.
Lafayette’s position was skillfully chosen. His troops were encamped on
a commanding eminence west of the Wissahickon, flanked by the Schuylkill
and rocky precipices on the right and by woods and several strong stone
houses on the left. His cannon were in front. A few hundred yards in
advance of his left wing, on the Ridge road, were Captain Allen McLane’s
company of about fifty Indians and a company of Morgan’s Riflemen, under
Captain Parr. Videttes and pickets were stationed on the roads leading
to Philadelphia and those toward Whitemarsh he had ordered to be watched
by 600 Pennsylvania militia.
The British plan of surprise was well conceived. Grant, with the
grenadiers and light infantry, undertook to get in Lafayette’s rear by
the Whitemarsh road. Grey, with the Hessians, was to cross the river and
post his men at the fords in order to prevent the Americans from making
their escape.
Early in the morning of the 20th, while Lafayette was conversing with a
girl who was preparing to go into Philadelphia for intelligence under
the pretense of visiting her relations, news came that a body of cavalry
had been seen at Whitemarsh, dressed in red. As Lafayette was expecting
a detachment of dragoons to join him in that direction, he at first
supposed they were his own men and felt no concern.
Lafayette, however, sent out an officer to reconnoiter, who soon
returned with the report that a column of the enemy was in full march
along the road from Whitemarsh to Swede’s Ford, a little more than a
mile from his encampment, and that the front of the column had actually
gained the road which led from Barren Hill to Valley Forge.
This was Grant’s division and as another was approaching on the
Philadelphia road, the situation of Lafayette’s force was alarming and
critical, being nearly surrounded by the enemy.
No time was to be lost. In a few minutes retreat would have been cut off
and the army would have fallen an easy prey to the British. Lafayette
immediately sent forward small bodies of troops with the view of
deceiving Grant into the belief that they were the heads of a large
attacking force.
This ruse succeeded. Grant halted and prepared for action to prevent his
line from being attacked on its flank, and during the interval thus
gained Lafayette and General Poor, with the main body, conducted a
skillful retreat over the country between the Ridge road and the
Schuylkill, which he crossed at Matson’s Ford.
Grey, with his intercepting force, had cut off the direct retreat to
Valley Forge, but had failed to cover Matson’s Ford. The detachments
which Lafayette had thrown forward as a “blind” retreated in good order,
and when the two columns of the British Army united near Barren Hill
Church, General Howe discovered that his intended prize had outwitted
and escaped him.
While the artillery was crossing the river, there was a skirmish at
Matson’s Ford, in which nine Americans were killed or captured and two
British troopers killed and several wounded.
Lafayette drew up his force in strong position on the west bank of the
river, and, having planted his cannon, awaited the enemy’s approach. But
the British generals made no further movement in that direction, and the
army was forced to return to Philadelphia, after a long and fatiguing
march, without having accomplished anything. Seldom has a military
maneuvre been executed with more success.
Howe and the British officers were intensely mortified at this failure.
So sure were they of success that it is said that before the troops left
for Barren Hill the General invited some ladies to sup with Lafayette
upon his return, while his brother, the admiral, prepared a frigate to
send the distinguished prisoner immediately to England.
Fortune had favored the British in so far that Lafayette would not have
been surprised, but for the negligence of the Pennsylvania militia, who
in disobedience of orders, had removed from their station at Whitemarsh
without the General’s knowledge.
An amusing adventure occurred during the retreat. A body of British
light horse came suddenly upon the Indians, who were posted in a wood at
a considerable distance from the main army. The Indians fired their
muskets and set up a hideous yell, according to their custom in battle.
Both parties ran off, equally frightened at the unexpected and terrific
appearance of their antagonists.
----------
Stephen Girard, Resident of Philadelphia by
Accident, Born May 21, 1750
Stephen Girard was born near Bordeaux, France, May 21, 1750, the son of
a sea captain. At the age of eight a little playmate threw an oyster
shell into the open fire, it cracked, a piece struck Stephen and put out
his right eye. The other boys of the neighborhood made fun of the
one-eyed lad, which, with the sternness of his parents soured Stephen’s
disposition, and he became sullen and gloomy.
His mother died, and Stephen could no longer bear to live at home.
Although but fourteen he sailed as cabin boy on the ship Pelerin for St.
Domingo, and then for nine years sailed between Bordeaux and the French
West Indies, during which time he studied navigation, until October 4,
1773, a license was issued “to Stephen Girard, of Bordeaux, full
authority to act as captain, master and patron of a merchant vessel.”
His attention now turned to commercial affairs in connection with the
pursuit of the sea. His journal contains records of invoices and sales
of goods suited to a West Indian market. These goods, amounting in value
to $3000 Federal money, were disposed of in St. Domingo, February, 1774.
From the West Indies he sailed to New York, arrived there July, 1774.
Here his business tact and shrewdness in trade attracted the notice of
Thomas Randall, a prosperous merchant, and for more than two years
Girard traded with New York, New Orleans and Port au Prince, on his own
account and jointly with Mr. Randall.
One night in May, 1776, Stephen Girard’s vessel was overtaken by a storm
and the ship was driven before the gale, until Captain Girard could hear
the waves upon the shore. He cast anchor and waited for the morning.
When daylight dawned the fog was too heavy for him to locate his
position.
Girard fired a cannon as a signal of distress, which was soon answered
by the approach of a pilot. “Where are we?” asked Captain Girard. “You
are in Delaware Bay,” answered the pilot. “I wish to go to New York,”
said Girard. “It can’t be done,” was the reply, “the British ships are
swarming outside. You escaped them because of the fog but as soon as it
disappears they will see and capture you. You must sail up to
Philadelphia.”
Captain Stephen Girard saw that the advice was good, went to
Philadelphia, sold his vessel and cargo, and made the city his home.
He set up a small store on Water Street, a short distance from the spot
where he afterward located. He had no friends, and could speak English
but poorly, but his business ability was so pronounced that he succeeded
from the very beginning.
In July, 1777, he married Mary Lumm, of Philadelphia, the daughter of a
shipbuilder, but the union was unhappy. Mr. Girard applied for a
divorce, but his wife died of insanity in a hospital.
The approach of the British troops to Philadelphia drove Mr. Girard to
Mount Holly, N. J., where he enjoyed a profitable trade with the
American sailors, until the evacuation of Philadelphia, when he returned
and for a few years was associated in business with his brother, John.
This connection was dissolved in 1780, by which time Stephen had gained
a fortune of $30,000.
During the next ten years he acquired a number of vessels, and had
secured the lease on a range of stores at a time when rents were low,
which he underlet at a large profit. He began to build a splendid fleet
of ships, and soon every ocean saw Girard’s vessels.
Once when the United States was again troubled by the British, a ship
owned by Girard, carrying a rich cargo from the East, almost in sight of
Delaware Bay, was captured. Girard drove a bargain with the British
captain and bought back his vessel for $180,000. Then he brought her to
Philadelphia and sold the cargo for $500,000. It was difficult to beat
Stephen Girard.
He was very frugal in private life, but generous in public affairs.
During the yellow fever epidemic in 1793, Girard personally devoted
several hours each day serving in the hospital. Of all his benefactions
for the poor of his adopted country, this was really his noblest work.
His mercantile business had grown so profitable and his fortune had
increased so rapidly that in June, 1812, he determined to devote his
attention to banking. To this end he purchased the bank-house of the
Bank of the United States and opened “The Bank of Stephen Girard,” with
a capital of $1,200,000, which was increased afterward to $4,000,000.
Just as Robert Morris was the financier of the Revolution, so Stephen
Girard was the financier of the War of 1812. In 1814 it looked as though
the American cause must fail for lack of funds, and the heads of the
national Government were in despair. A loan was offered in the money
market, but so low was the credit of the Nation that only $200,000 was
subscribed. Thereupon Stephen Girard took the whole issue of bonds,
amounting to $5,000,000, and saved us from defeat and a disgraceful
peace with England.
Girard contributed liberally to public improvements, and adorned
Philadelphia with many handsome buildings.
At the age of eighty Girard was the richest man in America. The same
year he was knocked down by a carriage and badly injured. “Go on,
doctor, I am an old sailor; I can bear a great deal,” he said to his
physician. He lived two years afterward.
When he died, December 26, 1831, his estate was valued at $9,000,000.
Besides large bequests to public institutions, he gave $500,000 to
improve the water front of Philadelphia. He gave $2,000,000 and a plot
of ground for the erection and support of a college for orphans, which
was opened January 1, 1848.
At his death he was buried in the vault of the Holy Trinity Roman
Catholic Church, but on the completion of Girard College his remains
were reinterred in a sarcophagus beneath the statue of the donor in the
vestibule of the main building of the college.
Girard College is the most richly endowed educational institution in the
world, and its founder was one of the most remarkable men who ever
lived, and his accidental residence in Philadelphia was one of the most
fortunate incidents in the history of Pennsylvania.
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Philadelphia Paid Homage to Lady
Washington, May 22, 1789
The completion of the Federal Constitution and its adoption by ten of
the United States was celebrated on July 4, 1788, by a great procession
in the City of Philadelphia. And it was truly a great affair, far
surpassing in extent and magnificence anything of the kind the young
Nation had yet known.
Immediately after the close of the constitutional convention which this
pageant celebrated, General Washington, who had presided over the
convention as its president, left Philadelphia for his home at Mount
Vernon, again hoping that he might enjoy the freedom of life on his
extensive lands on the banks of the Potomac. But this could not be so in
his case.
The first election for President of the United States was held January
7, 1789, and the country called Washington to be its first President
under the Constitution which he had helped to formulate. President-elect
Washington set out from Mount Vernon for New York, where Congress was in
session, in April, after having been officially notified of his
election.
His many friends in Philadelphia were reluctant to see him go to New
York, but made elaborate preparations for his reception in Philadelphia
when he should pass through that city on the way to assume the high
office. He was met by the Hon. Thomas Mifflin, president of the State;
distinguished officers, the First City Troop of Horse and citizens. The
imposing parade passed through arches formed of laurel, and along
streets crowded with people and buildings decorated with flags. A
banquet was spread, toasts were drunk and addresses delivered by the
high officials of the State.
The next day President Washington set out for Trenton in his carriage.
Less than a month later Mrs. Washington, or Lady Washington, as many
persisted in calling her, followed the general to New York and like her
distinguished husband, she was delightfully entertained by her many
friends and admirers in Philadelphia.
On Friday, May 22, the two troops of Light Horse, commanded by Captain
Miles and Bingham, accompanied by General Mifflin, president of the
State; Richard Peters, Speaker of the Assembly, and many ladies and
gentlemen prominent in Philadelphia and the State, went to a point near
Darby to meet her. Mrs. Robert Morris with a company of ladies in
carriages joined the escort there.
When Mrs. Washington arrived all went to Grays Ferry where a fine
collation was served at Gray’s Garden. In the party besides the
president of the State and Speaker of the Assembly, were Temple
Franklin, Benjamin Crew, Jr., Robert Morris, Jr., William Morris,
Richard Bache, John Ross, Robert Hare, George Harrison, Samuel Meredith,
also the gentlemen troopers, a large number of Continental officers,
citizens and about twenty ladies.
There is a record of this luncheon and bill of expenses which reveal
that the company consumed ten bottles of Madeira wine, one bottle of
champagne, two bottles of claret, forty-five bowls of punch, ten bottles
of American porter, one bottle of ale, and two bottles of cider.
The honored visitor was then escorted by the troopers to the residence
of Robert Morris, on High Street, amid the ringing of bells, the
discharge of salvos of artillery, and the shouts of great crowds of
people.
Mrs. Washington remained in Philadelphia over the week-end. There were
entertainments given in her honor during these two days.
On Monday she was similarly complimented upon her departure for New
York, and accompanied by Mrs. Robert Morris, she was escorted upon her
way for a considerable distance.