CHAPTER XLVIII

JUNCTION WITH SHERMAN AT GOLDSBOROUGH--THE MARCH ON

RALEIGH--CESSATION OF HOSTILITIES

Occupation of Kinston--Opening of Neuse River--Rebel ram

destroyed--Listening to the distant battle at Bentonville--Entering

Goldsborough--Meeting Sherman--Grant's congratulations--His own

plans--Sketch of Sherman's march--Lee and Johnston's

correspondence--Their gloomy outlook--Am made commandant of

Twenty-third Corps--Terry assigned to Tenth--Schofield promoted in

the Regular Army--Stanton's proviso--Ill effects of living on the

country--Stopping it in North Carolina--Camp jubilee over the fall

of Richmond--Changes in Sherman's plans--Our march on

Smithfield--House-burning--News of Lee's surrender--Overtures from

Governor Vance--Entering Raleigh--A mocking-bird's greeting--Further

negotiations as to North Carolina--Johnston proposes an

armistice--Broader scope of negotiations--The Southern people desire

peace--Terrors of non-combatants assuaged--News of Lincoln's

assassination--Precautions to preserve order--The dawn of peace.

Reconnoitring parties sent toward Kinston on the 11th showed that

only a rear-guard occupied that town and that we could occupy it

when we pleased. General Couch joined us on the 12th, and Hoke

having sent in a flag of truce offering to exchange prisoners, of

whom we had nearly 400, I sent Major Dow of my staff with General

Schofield's answer declining to do so. The major found no enemy on

our side of the Neuse. The railroad bridge was burned and the middle

part of the wagon bridge destroyed. The roads were so nearly

impassable that we could hardly feed the troops where we were, and

whilst the railroad building went on, we hastened also the opening

of a supply line by water. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xlvii.

pt. i. pp. 933, 934; pt. ii. pp. 801, 802, 814.] Commander Rhind of

the navy efficiently co-operated in this, and we marched to Kinston

bridge on the 14th, laid pontoon bridges on the next day, and

occupied the town. The Confederate ram had been burnt and her wreck

lay a little below the bridge. The transports and their convoying

war vessel did not get up till the 18th, but as they then brought a

hundred thousand rations, we were able to begin accumulating stores

at Kinston as an advanced depot. [Footnote: Official Records, vol.

xlvii. pt. ii. pp. 836-839, 880, 883.] Small additions to our

wagon-trains also arrived, and orders were issued to march toward

Goldsborough on the 20th. Meanwhile 2000 men had been set at work

getting out railroad ties and timber for bridges. [Footnote: _Id._,

pp. 836, 851.]

During the halt at Kinston we partly reorganized the troops in view

of the approaching union with Sherman. The officers and men who

belonged to the divisions in Sherman's army were separately

organized into a division under General Greene, so that they could

easily be transferred to their proper commands. The rest of Palmer's

and Carter's divisions were united in one under Carter, and Palmer

was assigned to the District of Beaufort, from which I was relieved.

Ruger's division remained in my provisional corps with the other

two. General Stiles was assigned to a brigade in Ruger's division.

[Footnote: _Id._, pp. 839, 895.]

On Monday, the 20th, we were in march for Goldsborough, leaving a

brigade to garrison the post at Kinston and protect the growing

depot there. On Sunday we had heard all day the very distant

artillery firing, which we knew indicated a battle between Sherman

and Johnston. It was a scarcely distinguishable sound, like a dull

thumping, becoming somewhat more distinct when one applied his ear

to the ground. We judged that this final battle in the Carolinas was

near Smithfield, and we were not far out of the way, for Bentonville

was only a little south, and either place about fifty miles from us.

Two days' march took us into Goldsborough with no opposition but

skirmishing with the enemy's cavalry. We found the railroad

uninjured, except that the bridges were burned; but they were small

and would not delay Colonel Wright long when the large one at

Kinston should be completed. Captain Twining, General Schofield's

engineer and aide, had carried dispatches to Sherman on the 20th,

and the latter was now in full possession of the story of our

movements since the fall of Fort Fisher. [Footnote: Official

Records, vol. xlvii. pt. ii. p. 942.] On the 22d Sherman was able to

announce in field orders the retreat of Johnston toward Raleigh and

our occupation of Goldsborough, whilst Terry had laid his pontoons

across the Neuse completing the connection with Wilmington also. His

declaration for the whole army that the "campaign has resulted in a

glorious success" was more than justified. [Footnote: _Id._, pt. i.

p. 44.]

On Thursday, the 23d, Sherman joined us in person, and we paraded

the Twenty-third Corps to honor the march-past of Slocum's Army of

Georgia, the Fourteenth and Twentieth Corps, as they came in from

Bentonville. Sherman took his place with us by the roadside, and the

formal reunion with the comrades who had fought with us in the

Atlanta campaign was an event to stir deep emotions in our hearts.

The general did not hesitate to speak out his readiness, now that

his army was reunited, to meet the forces of Lee and Johnston

combined, if they also should effect a junction and try to open a

way southward. The men who had traversed the Carolinas were ragged

and dirty, their faces were begrimed by the soot of their camp-fires

of pine-knots in the forests, but their arms were in order, and they

stepped out with the sturdy swing that marked all our Western

troops. Our men were in new uniforms we had lately drawn from the

quartermaster, and the tatterdemalions who had made the march to the

sea were disposed to chaff us as if we were new recruits or pampered

garrison troops. "Well, sonnies!" a regimental wag cried out, "do

they issue butter to you regularly now?" "Oh, yes! to be sure!" was

the instant retort; "but _we_ trade it off for soap!" The ironical

emphasis on the "we" was well understood and greeted with roars of

laughter, and learning that our men were really those who had been

with them in Georgia and had fought at Franklin and Nashville before

making the tour of the North to come by sea and rejoin them in North

Carolina, they made the welkin ring again with their greeting

cheers.

Keeping close watch of Sherman's movements, as hinted at in the

Southern newspapers, [Footnote: Till the capture of Columbia, the

Southern newspapers gave Sherman's movements with satisfactory

accuracy, and Grant's information on the subject was chiefly drawn

from them. Afterward a more rigid censorship was enforced. Official

Records, vol. xlvii. pt. ii. pp. 385, 405, 428, 441, 455, 472, 499,

etc.] Grant concluded on the 22d that he must have reached

Goldsborough, and wrote him congratulations on the same day that

Sherman announced to his army the good result. "I congratulate you

and the army," said Grant, "in what may be regarded as the

successful termination of the third campaign since leaving the

Tennessee River less than one year ago." [Footnote: _Id._, p. 948.]

He briefly but clearly outlined his own plans. Sheridan was to start

with his cavalry on the 25th, and, passing beyond the left of the

lines before Petersburg, to strike the Southside railroad as near

the town as might be, and destroy enough of it to interrupt its use

by the enemy for three or four days. This done, he was to push for

the Danville Railroad, do the like, and again cut the Southside road

near Burkesville. After that Grant would leave Sheridan at liberty

to join Sherman or to return to his own army. At the same time he

would himself diminish the forces in his investing lines to the

smallest that could hold them, and with all the rest crowd to the

westward to prevent Lee from following Sheridan. He would attack if

Lee should detach part of his army to follow Sheridan or to join

Johnston, or would fight a decisive battle if the Confederates came

out in force. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xlvii. pt. ii. p.

948. See also p. 859.] The general principles which resulted in Five

Forks and the abandonment of Richmond are here clearly evident, and

Sherman could plan his own work accordingly.

The latter was also writing on that day to the Lieutenant-General,

taking up the thread of his own story from the time he reached

Fayetteville and learned that Johnston had been put in command of

all the forces opposing him. He sketched the sharp combat between

Slocum and Hardee at Averasborough on March 16th, where the latter

had taken a strong position across the narrow swampy neck between

Cape Fear River and North River at the forks of the Raleigh and

Goldsborough roads. Hardee was working for time, as Johnston was

collecting his forces at Smithfield after Bragg's unsuccessful blow

at us near Kinston. A day's delay was gained at heavy cost for the

Confederates. At Bentonville, on the 19th, Johnston had concentrated

his army and struck fiercely at Slocum again, for the almost

impassable mud had made it necessary for Howard's wing to seek roads

some miles to the right. Slocum had to give some ground and draw

back his advanced division to a better position, on which he formed

the rest of his troops, Kilpatrick's cavalry covering his left. Here

he repulsed all further efforts of Johnston and held his ground till

Sherman could bring forward the right wing, when the enemy was

forced to intrench and was put on the defensive. On the 21st

Howard's extreme right broke through or turned the line, and nearly

reached Johnston's headquarters. The blindly tangled swampy ground

prevented full advantage being reaped from this success, and

Johnston managed to hold on till night, when he abandoned his lines

and retreated on Raleigh. Sherman's casualties of all sorts in the

two engagements of Averasborough and Bentonville were 2209. He had

buried on the abandoned fields 375 of the Confederate dead, and held

2000 prisoners. Johnston's wounded were 1694 at Bentonville, besides

several hundred at Averasborough. [Footnote: Sherman to Grant,

Official Records, vol. xlvii. pt. ii. p. 949; his report, Id., pt.

i. pp. 27, 66, 76; Johnston's do., Id., pp. 1057, 1060.] The last

battle in the Carolinas had been fought, Johnston had added to his

reputation as a soldier by quick and strong blows skilfully

delivered, first at Schofield, then at Sherman; but his numbers were

not enough to make either blow successful, and the junction of our

armies at Goldsborough made further fighting a mere waste of life,

unless he and Lee could unite for a final effort. This Grant would

not permit, and Johnston's message to Lee on the 23d was in

substance the old one from Pavia, "All is lost but honor."

"Sherman's course cannot be hindered by the small force I have. I

can do no more than annoy him. I respectfully suggest that it is no

longer a question whether you leave your present position; you have

only to decide where to meet Sherman. I will be near him."

[Footnote: _Id._, p. 1055.]

General Lee, from his own point of view, saw with equal clearness

the net that was closing round him. He had telegraphed to Johnston

on the 11th, "I fear I cannot hold my position if road to Raleigh is

interrupted. Should you be forced back in this direction both armies

would certainly starve." [Footnote: _Id._, pt. ii. p. 1372.] On the

15th he repeated, "If you are forced back from Raleigh and we

deprived of the supplies from east North Carolina, I do not know how

this army can be supported." [Footnote: _Id._, p. 1395.] But while

he pointed out the vital importance of repulsing Sherman, he did not

urge rashness in giving battle without prospect of success. Supplies

in Virginia, he said, were exhausted. The western communication by

Danville was now his only reliance. Since sending Hoke, Conner, and

Hampton south, his forces were too weak to extend his lines, and he

apprehended the very break in the Danville road which Grant was

planning to make by Sheridan. "You will therefore perceive," he

added, "that if I contract my lines as you propose, with the view of

holding Richmond, our only resource for obtaining subsistence will

be cut off and the city must be abandoned; whereas, if I take a

position to maintain the road, Richmond will be lost." If Sherman

could not be checked, "I cannot remain here, but must start out and

seek a favorable opportunity for battle. I shall maintain my

position as long as it appears advisable, both from the moral and

material advantages of holding Richmond and Virginia." [Footnote:

Official Records, vol. xlvii. pt. ii. p. 1395.] Danville, he saw,

was his necessary aim if he broke away, and he pointed out the

advantages they would have for manoeuvre if Sherman could be kept

well to the east, giving them more room and a wider region to live

upon after uniting. But Grant saw all this too, and the inexorable

tenacity and vigor with which, a few days later, he pushed Lee north

of the Danville line and cornered him at Appomattox, showed that his

measure of the situation was as accurate as Lee's, and that he knew

the quick ending of the war depended on his preventing at all

hazards the junction of the Confederate armies. Nothing in military

history is more interesting than the comparison of the letters and

dispatches of the leaders on both sides in this crisis. Grant was

not content with being upon Lee's heels when he abandoned Richmond,

as he had promised Sherman he would be. He would do better. Well

served by Sheridan's fiery energy, he would out-foot his adversary

in the race for Danville, and even block his path on the road to

Lynchburg when the junction with Johnston had to be given up.

For us at Goldsborough a day or two was delightfully spent in free

conferences with Sherman and in getting from his own lips the story

of his wonderful campaigns since we parted from him in Georgia. All

the empty wagons of his enormous trains were now sent back to

Kinston under escort to bring up clothing and supplies, and he

thought a delay of a fortnight might be necessary to get ready for

further active movements. He fixed April both as the date for

opening a new campaign, and suggested to General Grant that when he

had his troops properly placed and the supplies working well, he

might "run up and see you for a day or two before diving again into

the bowels of the country." [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xlvii.

pt. ii. p. 969.] On the 25th the railroad was running to

Goldsborough, and Colonel Wright was anxious to have the general go

over the road with him and see for himself its condition and what

had been acomplished as well as what was still needed to make its

equipment ready for the heavy work of another campaign. Accordingly

Sherman put Schofield temporarily in chief command, and after an

inspection trip on a locomotive with Colonel Wright, he continued

his journey to City Point in a steamer belonging to the

quartermaster's department. [Footnote: _Id._, pt. iii. pp. 19, 20.]

His memorable visit to Grant and Lincoln, there, will be considered

in connection with the negotiations with Johnston a little later.

Having spent the 27th and 28th of March there, he was sent back by

Admiral Porter in a fast vessel of the navy, reached New Berne on

the 30th, and rejoined us at Goldsborough the same evening.

His return was a matter of some personal interest to me, for it

brought my permanent assignment to the command of the Twenty-third

Corps by Presidential order. The other troops under Schofield were

organized into a new corps with Terry for commandant, and as changes

had vacated the original Tenth Corps organization, that number was

given to Terry's. Schofield had asked for these appointments

immediately after our occupation of Wilmington, but the letters had

not reached General Grant, and action had not been taken. [Footnote:

Official Records, vol. xlvii. pt. ii. p. 559.] At Goldsborough he

had renewed the request which Sherman cordially indorsed, and the

latter carried the papers with him to City Point, where the matter

was acted upon at once by the President and General Grant.

[Footnote: _Id._, pp. 960, 961; pt. iii. pp. 18, 34. See also

Appendix C.]

Schofield's promotion to the rank of brigadier-general in the

regular army had been recommended by Grant as a reward for the

capture of Wilmington, with the remark that he ought to have had it

from the battle of Franklin. [Footnote: _Id._, pt. ii. pp. 545,

558.] Mr. Stanton replied that the nomination would be made as

requested, "subject, however, to his obedience to orders. I am not

satisfied with his conduct in seizing the hospital boat 'Spaulding'

to make it his own quarters," he said; adding, "I have directed him

to give it up. If he obeys the order promptly, I will send in his

nomination; otherwise I will not." [Footnote: _Id._, p. 562.] By an

odd coincidence, the order to Schofield with the Secretary's

reprimand was written on the same day Grant was making his

recommendation for promotion, [Footnote: _Id._, p. 545.] and it well

illustrates Stanton's characteristic impulsiveness and hasty temper

which made him act on first reports, when a quiet investigation of

facts would have changed his view and saved the feelings of his

subordinates. An order forbidding the use of hospital boats for

other military purposes, diverting them from hospital use, had been

issued on February 8th, the day we reached Cape Fear Inlet after our

sea voyage, [Footnote: _Id._, p. 342.] and by another coincidence

Schofield had made the "Spaulding" his temporary headquarters on the

same day. [Footnote: _Id._, pt. i. p. 927.] Not being a clairvoyant,

Schofield knew nothing of the order which was then being written in

the adjutant-general's office at Washington, and which did not reach

him till his temporary use of the vessel had ended. Moreover, as he

was as yet without his tents or horses, and as he intended his

troops to operate on both sides of Cape Fear River, his prompt

progress with the campaign depended on his ready communication with

both banks, [Footnote: _Ante_, p. 405.] and the boat had been named

as available for the purpose by the quartermaster responsible for

the army transports and vessels. As it was a question of successful

handling of his forces, the discretion would have belonged to the

general commanding the department to make an exception to a rule, if

the order had been in his hands instead of being wholly unknown to

him. Still again, the use he made of the boat helped instead of

hindering its availability as a hospital, for he kept it close to

the advancing lines on the river banks so that the wounded were

brought to it with greatest ease, and it had in fact no sick or

disabled men on board till they were brought there under these

circumstances. Lastly, the superior medical officer of the

department was a member of Schofield's staff, wholly in accord with

his views, and the complaint had been sent by the subordinate

surgeon on the boat directly to the surgeon-general at Washington

without the knowledge of the department medical director. To have

referred it back to the general for his comments, calling his

attention to the order, would have been regular and would have

resulted in commendation of his action instead of disapproval. When

Grant received the Secretary's dispatch, Colonel Comstock had

returned from Wilmington, and from him the general got the

information which enabled him to remove Stanton's misapprehension,

so that the appointment was made before Schofield knew of the

complaint. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xlvii. pt. ii. pp. 562,

582.] Nearly a month later he made a full statement of the

circumstances to put himself personally right with the Secretary.

[Footnote: _Id._, p. 832.] The latter had borne no ill-will to

Schofield, but even at the closing period of the war had not learned

to temper his zeal with considerate patience.

The work which occupied us the ten days of April which we spent at

Goldsborough was chiefly that of organizing our trains and

collecting supplies in our depots, so that the foraging on the

country which had been necessary in Georgia and South Carolina might

cease, now that we had railway communication with a safe base on the

Atlantic. Sherman had informed his principal subordinates that when

he reached North Carolina he would resume the regular issue of

supplies as far as possible, and put an end to the indiscriminate

seizing of whatever the army needed. It had answered its purpose in

the long marches from Atlanta to Savannah and from Savannah to

Goldsborough, where the condition of success was cutting loose from

the base; but the tendency to demoralization and loss of discipline

in troops which practise it too long, made a return to regular

methods very desirable.

As the army had approached the North Carolina line, General Blair,

commanding the Seventeenth Corps, had written to Howard, his

immediate superior: "Every house that we pass is pillaged, and as we

are about to enter the State of North Carolina, I think the people

should be treated more considerately. The only way to prevent this

state of affairs is to put a stop to foraging. I have enough in my

wagons to last to Goldsborough, and I suppose that the rest of the

army has also. . . . The system is vicious and its results utterly

deplorable. As there is no longer a necessity for it, I beg that an

order may be issued to prohibit it. General Sherman said that when

we reached North Carolina he would pay for everything brought to us

and forbid foraging. I believe it would have an excellent effect

upon the country to change our policy in this respect." [Footnote:

Official Records, vol. xlvii. pt. ii. p. 717; pt. iii. pp. 46, 47.]

Stringent orders were at once issued to modify the system and

prevent the abuses of it, but it was not practicable to stop

foraging entirely till the junction of the forces was made at

Goldsborough. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xlvii. pt. ii. pp.

718, 728, 760, 783.] The regular issue of rations furnished by the

government was then resumed, except that long forage for horses and

mules could not be obtained in this way and was collected from the

country;[Footnote: _Id._, pt. iii. pp. 7-9.] but even then the

correction of bad habits in the soldiery was only gradually

accomplished.

The evacuation of Richmond and Petersburg on the morning of the 3d

of April was not known to Sherman till the 6th, when Grant's letter

reached him containing the joyful news. On Saturday, the 8th, it was

confirmed, with particulars of Lee's disastrous retreat. [Footnote:

_Id._, pp. 89, 99, 100, 109.] That night there was a noisy jubilee

in our camps. Regular artillery salutes were fired, but the soldiers

also extemporized all sorts of demonstrations of their joyfulness.

The air resounded with cheers, with patriotic songs, with the

beating of drums, with the music of the brass bands, with musket

firing; whilst beautiful signal rockets rushed high into the air,

dropping their brilliant stars of red, white, and blue from the very

clouds. [Footnote: _Id._, pt. i. p. 936.]

So long as Lee held fast at Petersburg, Sherman's plan had been to

feint on Raleigh, but make his real movement northward, crossing the

Roanoke above Gaston and marching between Johnston and Lee.

[Footnote: _Id._, pt. iii. p. 102.] Now, however, as he wrote

Halleck, he would move in force upon Raleigh, repairing the railroad

behind him and following the Confederate army close in whatever

direction it should move. [Footnote: _Id._, p. 118.] Grant's letter

of the 5th, giving his opinion that Lee was making for Danville with

an army reduced to about 20,000 men, [Footnote: _Id._, P. 99.]

reached Sherman on the 8th, and he immediately answered it, saying:

"On Monday [10th] all my army will move straight on Joe Johnston,

supposed to be between me and Raleigh, and I will follow him

wherever he may go. If he retreats on Danville to make junction with

Lee, I will do the same, though I may take a course round him,

bending toward Greensborough for the purpose of turning him

north.... I wish you could have waited a few days or that I could

have been here a week sooner; but it is not too late yet, and you

may rely with absolute certainty that I will be after Johnston with

about 80,000 men, provided for twenty full days which will last me

forty. I will have a small force here at Goldsborough and will

repair the road to Raleigh." [Footnote: Official Records, vol.

xlvii. pt. iii. p. 129.]

On Monday we marched,--Slocum with the Army of Georgia straight for

Smithfield, Howard with the Army of the Tennessee going north to

Pikeville and then turning toward Raleigh, keeping to the right of

Slocum and abreast of him on parallel roads. Schofield with our Army

of the Ohio moved a little to the left of Slocum in echelon, my

corps taking the river road on the left (north) bank of the Neuse to

Turner's Bridge, a little below Smithfield, and Terry's going

through Bentonville somewhat further to left and rear. Kilpatrick

with the cavalry covered the march of this flank. [Footnote: _Id_.,

p. 123.] It will be seen that this order of movement assumed that

Johnston was at or near Smithfield, where our latest information put

him. My corps had been somewhat scattered to cover our

communications with Kinston and Newberne, and I was ordered to

concentrate at Goldsborough on the 10th, advancing-from there on the

11th. [Footnote: _Id_., p. 134.] My old division, which had been

commanded by General Reilly since he joined us at Wilmington, was

for the rest of the campaign led by General Carter, Reilly's

uncertain health making him anticipate the quickly approaching end

of the war by resigning. Ruger and Couch continued in command of the

first and second divisions respectively. [Footnote: _Id_., pt. i. p.

936.]

My own march was impeded by the slow progress of the pontoon-train

which had been sent ahead of my column, where a part of Slocum's

supply-train also moved. For this reason we found numbers of

stragglers on our way and evidences of pillaging by which I was

exasperated. We halted at noon of the 11th near a large house

belonging to a Mr. Atkinson, a man of prominence in the region. The

mansion had a Grecian portico with large columns the whole height of

the building. Part of the furniture and the carpets had been

removed, but evidences of refinement and intelligence were seen in

the piano and the library with its books. With my staff I rested and

ate my lunch in the spacious portico, and moving on when the halt

was over, I had hardly ridden half a mile when a pillar of white

smoke showed that the house was on fire. I sent back a staff officer

in haste to order an instant investigation and the arrest of any

authors of this vandalism. The most that could be learned was that

some stragglers of another corps had been seen lurking in the house

when we moved on, and soon after fire broke out in the second story,

having been set, apparently, in a closet connected with one of the

chambers. Efforts were made to extinguish it, but it had found its

way into the garret and had such headway that the house was doomed.

[Footnote: Official Records, vol. xlvii. pt. i. p. 936.] This was

the first instance in my experience where a dwelling had been burned

when my troops were passing, and I was greatly disturbed by their

apparent responsibility for it. My anger was increased by

repetitions of similar outrages during the afternoon. From our camp

at Turner's Bridge I issued an order directing summary trial by

drum-head court-martial and execution of marauders guilty of such

outrages, whether belonging to my own corps or stragglers hanging on

at its skirts. [Footnote: _Id._, pt. iii. p. 189.] The evidence

seemed conclusive that the crimes were committed by "bummers" who

had separated themselves from the army when marching up from

Savannah, and were following it for purposes of pillage. [Footnote:

Official Records, vol. xlvii. pt. iii. p. 281.] It was reported that

Atkinson was a "conscription agent" of the Confederate government,

and this perhaps was the incentive in his case for the outrage. As a

precaution, I ordered sentinels to be left at dwellings on our

march, to be relieved from the divisions in succession, the last to

remain till our trains had passed and then join the rear-guard.

[Footnote: _Id_., p. 189.]

In the march of the 12th Howard remained on the east side of the

Neuse with a pretty widely extended front, aiming for the crossing

of the river due east of Raleigh, at the Neuse Mills and Hinton's

Bridge. Slocum crossed at Smithfield and took the roads up the right

bank of the Neuse. Schofield crossed at Turner's Bridge, and sought

roads further west, intending to reach the main road leading from

Elevation to Raleigh. [Footnote: _Id_., pp. 163, 164, 187-189.] At

Smithfield we learned that Johnston was at Raleigh, but we did not

know that he had heard of Lee's surrender and had no longer a motive

to hold tenaciously to the central part of the State. [Footnote:

_Id_., p. 777.] It was on our march of Tuesday, the 12th, that the

news of the surrender reached us, and was greeted with extravagant

demonstrations of joy by both officers and men. [Footnote: For a

vivid description of the scene, see "Ohio Loyal Legion Papers," vol.

ii. p. 234, by A. J. Ricks, then a lieutenant on my staff, since

Judge of U. S. District Court, N. Ohio.] Sherman had got the news in

a dispatch sent by Grant on the 9th, as soon as the capitulation was

complete, and which contained the terms he had offered Lee, with

their acceptance. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xlvii. pt. iii.

p. 140.] Replying at once, Sherman said, "I hardly know how to

express my feelings, but you can imagine them. The terms you have

given Lee are magnanimous and liberal. Should Johnston follow Lee's

example, I shall of course grant the same. He is retreating before

me on Raleigh, but I shall be there to-morrow." [Footnote: Official

Records, vol. xlvii. pt. iii. p. 177.] He indicated his hope that

Johnston would surrender at Raleigh, but should he not do so, his

own plan would be to push to the south and west to prevent the

enemy's retreat into the Gulf States. "With a little more cavalry,"

he said, "I would be sure to capture the whole army." He issued also

a Special Field Order, announcing to the army the momentous news.

"Glory to God and to our country, and all honor to our comrades in

arms toward whom we are marching. A little more labor, a little more

toil on our part, the great race is won, and our government stands

regenerated after four years of bloody war." [Footnote: _Id._, p.

180.] Such were the words which created a tumult of emotion in the

heart of every soldier, when they were read that day, a beautiful

spring day, at the head of each command. The order reached me near

mid-day at a resting halt of the corps, and with bared heads my

staff listened to the reading. We then greeted it with three cheers,

I myself acting as fugleman, and the tidings sped down the column on

the wings of the wind.

Late in the same day a delegation met Slocum's advance-guard coming

from Raleigh in a car upon the railroad with a letter from Governor

Vance making overtures to end the war, so far as North Carolina was

concerned. The little party was headed by ex-Governor Graham and Mr.

Swain, men who had led the opposition to secession till swept away

by the popular whirlwind of war feeling, and who now came to

acknowledge the victory of the National Government. Mr. Graham had

been the candidate for Vice-President in 1852, nominated by the Whig

party on the ticket with General Scott. Sherman received them

kindly, and gave a safeguard for Governor Vance and any members of

the State government who might await him in Raleigh, though, after a

conference with Graham and his party in regard to their present

relations to the Confederate government, he wrote to Vance, "I doubt

if hostilities can be suspended as between the Army of the

Confederate Government and the one I command, but I will aid you all

in my power to contribute to the end you aim to reach, the

termination of the existing war." [Footnote: Official Records, vol.

xlvii. pt. iii. p. 178.]

The Twenty-third Corps marched eighteen miles on the 12th, and, as

General Schofield reported, found that "Slocum's bummers had been

all over the country," foraging it bare. [Footnote: _Id._, p. 187.]

On the 13th we marched within two miles of Raleigh, making nineteen

miles, the Army of Georgia entering the city just ahead of us.

Sherman was with the head of Slocum's column, expecting to meet

Governor Vance, but such delays had occurred to the train taking his

messengers that Vance lost confidence, and had left the city ahead

of Hampton's cavalry, the rear-guard of Johnston's army. Hampton was

bitterly opposed to all negotiation by Vance, holding it to be

treasonable, and had put such obstacles in the way of Graham's party

as to make Vance think that they had been arrested and that the

mission had failed. [Footnote: _Id._, pp. 178, 196.] Graham and

Swain, however, were still there, and at once waited upon Sherman,

who established his headquarters in the governor's mansion. The

news, as it came to us in the marching column, was that Vance had

met Sherman in person and surrendered the capital of the State; but

the facts turned out to be as I have stated them. [Footnote: _Id._,

pt. i. p. 937.]

A trifling incident gave us pleasure as we were approaching our camp

near Raleigh, and, with the soldiers' disposition to interpret

fortuitous things in earth and air, was greeted as a good omen. A

great tree stood at the roadside, and, perched upon a dead limb high

above the foliage and overhanging the way, a mocking-bird poured

forth the most wonderful melodies ever heard even from that prince

of songsters. Excited but not frightened away by the moving host

beneath, the bird outdid its kind in its imitations of other birds,

and in its calls and notes of endless variety, whistling and singing

with a full resonant power that rose above all other sounds. The

marching soldiers ceased their talk, listening intently and craning

their necks to get a sight of the peerless musician. It was a

celebration of the coming peace, unique in beauty and full of sweet

suggestions.

On the 14th the greater part of the army moved westward a few miles

in front of Raleigh, the Twenty-third Corps closing up to the

eastern suburbs of the town. Sherman issued his marching orders for

the 15th, beginning, "The next movement will be on Ashborough, to

turn the position of the enemy at Company's shops in rear of Haw

River Bridge and at Greensborough, and to cut off his only available

line of retreat by Salisbury and Charlotte." [Footnote: Official

Records, vol. xlvii. pt. iii. pp. 208, 217.] This march had hardly

begun, however, when it was temporarily suspended and was never

resumed. Our last hostile march against the Confederate armies had

been made. Mr. Badger, the last senator from the State in the

National Congress, and other leading men, including Mr. Holden, the

leader of the Union element in the State, had joined Mr. Graham's

party, and Sherman had been busy with them, negotiating informally

to obtain the withdrawal of North Carolina from the Confederacy. The

general was willing that the executive and legislature of the State

should come to Raleigh for this purpose, but refused to suspend

hostilities against Johnston's army except upon direct overtures for

surrender on the part of the latter. [Footnote: _Id_., p. 221.]

Whilst these conferences were in progress, others had been going on

at Greensborough, and as a result General Johnston had sent a letter

requesting an armistice. [Footnote: _Id_., p. 206.] Sherman

immediately replied in terms which brought about the halt and

temporary truce between the two armies and a personal conference

three days later. Thus opened the famous negotiations, the story of

which will be told in the next chapter.

Whilst the Southern people had shown wonderful fortitude and

patience as long as a hope of success remained, they were most

anxious to be spared the horrors of war when there was no

compensating advantage to be looked for. The dread of our armies had

been increased by the exaggerations which the Confederate

authorities had used to excite the people to desperate resistance,

and the terror now reacted in a general popular demand for

surrender. The story of the burning of Columbia had been given to

them as a wanton and deliberate barbarity on Sherman's part, and the

delegation which met him could hardly believe their own senses when

they heard his earnest expressions of desire to end the war at once

and save the people from suffering and the country from devastation.

An experience of my own as we entered Raleigh gave me a startling

view of the abject terror which had seized upon helpless families

when they found themselves defenceless in our hands. In the night of

Wednesday, the 12th, Hampton had made it known that the rear-guard

which he commanded must retire before daylight, and the frightened

people had at once begun to close their windows and sit in gloomy

expectation of what the morning would bring. Early on Thursday

Kilpatrick's cavalry clattered through the town, and on the further

side some skirmishing occurred and an occasional cannon shot was

thought to be the opening of battle. Slocum's infantry marched

through after the cavalry advance-guard, and the heavy rattling of

cannon and caissons with the shouting of the drivers of the trains

seemed a pandemonium to unaccustomed ears. Sherman had issued

stringent orders that no mischief should be done and no looting

permitted in the city, and all the superior officers were earnest in

enforcing the orders, so that I believe no town was ever more

quietly occupied by an army in actual war. On Friday morning I was

placing my own troops in the suburb and arranging to assume the

guard of the city, left to us by the camping of the main body of the

army beyond its western limits. An officer of the general staff came

to me, saying he had been appealed to in a most piteous way for

protection by a lady who with her household of women and children

could endure the terror and suspense no longer. Knowing that I was

to be in immediate charge of the place, he had given assurances that

I would remove all cause for fear, but had still been begged to ask

me to come in person and relieve their great distress. I went with

him to one of the most comfortable homes of the town. The family had

been collected in the parlors since midnight of Wednesday. They had

not dared to retire to sleep, but clung about the mother and

mistress. The windows were close shut, the rooms lit by candles, and

pale, jaded with the long nervous strain, momentarily fearing the

breaking in of those they had been taught to look upon as little

better than fiends, their hollow eyes showed they were perilously

near the limit of human endurance. I earnestly vouched for the good

intentions of our generals, and promised the most ample protection.

I assured them of sympathy and a purpose to give them the same

safety as I should wish for my own wife and children if they were in

a like situation. A guard was ordered for the house and the

neighborhood. They were urged to open the windows to the cheerful

light and to resume their ordinary way of life. The passing of the

panic and the revival of confidence was a sort of return from the

shadow of death and was most touching to behold. It added a new

element of thankfulness that such terrors for the helpless were not

to be renewed, since peace was really coming to heal the terrible

wounds of war.

There was a moment when we once more feared we might not be able to

save the city from vengeance. It was when, on the 17th of April, the

news of Lincoln's assassination reached us. [Footnote: Official

Records, vol. xlvii. pt. iii. p. 221.] Sherman had received the

dispatch in cipher just as he was starting for his conference with

Johnston at Durham Station, and had enjoined absolute secrecy upon

the telegraph operator till his return in the evening. General

Stiles, one of my most trusted subordinates, had been made

commandant of the post of Raleigh with a garrison of three

battalions of infantry, a brigade of reserve artillery, and the

convalescents of the Army of the Ohio. [Footnote: _Id_., p. 217.] As

soon as Sherman returned from his visit to Johnston, he sent for me

and told me the terrible news of Lincoln's murder. He expressed the

great fear he had lest, on its becoming known, it should be the

occasion of outbreaks among the soldiers. He charged me to

strengthen Stiles's garrison to any extent I might think necessary,

to put strong guards at the edge of the city on the roads leading to

the several camps, to send all soldiers off duty to their proper

commands, and in short, till the first excitement should be over, to

allow no one to visit the city or wander about it, and to keep all

under strict military surveillance. Schofield and the other army

commanders were with him, and all were seriously impressed with the

danger of mischief resulting and with the need of thorough

precautions. Sherman's general order announcing the assassination

was then read, but its distribution and publication to the army was

delayed till I should have time to prepare for safeguarding the

city. [Footnote: _Id_., p. 238.] Fortunately the announcement of the

first convention for the disbanding of all the remaining armies of

the Confederacy accompanied the exciting news, and as it was

regarded as the return of general peace, the effect on our army was

that of deep mourning for the loss of a great leader in the hour of

victory rather than an excitement to vengeance in a continuing

strife. There was no noteworthy difficulty in preserving order, and,

though the inhabitants of Raleigh had a day or two of great

uneasiness, the beautiful town did not suffer in the least. Its

broad streets, lined with forest trees, and the ample dooryards in

the lush beauty of lawns and flowers were no more trespassed upon

than the avenues and gardens of Washington, and nobody suffered from

violence.

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