[Edward Backwell, goldsmith and alderman of the City of London. He
was a man of considerable wealth during the Commonwealth. After the
Restoration he negotiated Charles II.’s principal money
transactions. He was M.P. for Wendover in the parliament of 1679,
and in the Oxford parliament of 1680. According to the writer of
the life in the “Diet. of Nat. Biog. “his heirs did not ultimately
suffer any pecuniary loss by the closure of the Exchequer. Mr.
Hilton Price stated that Backwell removed to Holland in 1676, and
died therein 1679; but this is disproved by the pedigree in
Lipscomb’s “Hist. of Bucks,” where the date of his death is given
as 1683, as well as by the fact that he sat for Wendover in 1679 and
1680, as stated above.]
and there discoursed with him about the remitting of this L6000 to
Tangier, which he hath promised to do by the first post, and that will
be by Monday next, the 18th, and he and I agreed that I would take
notice of it that so he may be found to have done his best upon the
desire of the Lords Commissioners. From this we went to discourse of
his condition, and he with some vain glory told me that the business
of Sheernesse did make him quite mad, and indeed might well have undone
him; but yet that he did the very next day pay here and got bills to
answer his promise to the King for the Swedes Embassadors (who were then
doing our business at the treaty at Breda) L7000, and did promise the
Bankers there, that if they would draw upon him all that he had of
theirs and L10,000 more, he would answer it. He told me that Serjeant
Maynard come to him for a sum of money that he had in his hands of his,
and so did many others, and his answer was, What countrymen are you? And
when they told him, why then, says he, here is a tally upon the Receiver
of your country for so [much], and to yours for so much, and did offer
to lay by tallies to the full value of all that he owed in the world,
and L40,000 more for the security thereof, and not to touch a penny of
his own till the full of what he owed was paid, which so pleased every
body that he hath mastered all, so that he hath lent the Commissioners
of the Treasury above L40,000 in money since that business, and did this
morning offer to a lady who come to give him notice that she should need
her money L3000, in twenty days, he bid her if she pleased send for it
to-day and she should have it. Which is a very great thing, and will
make them greater than ever they were, I am apt to think, in some time.
Thence to Westminster, and there I walked with several, and do hear that
there is to be a conference between the two Houses today; so I stayed:
and it was only to tell the Commons that the Lords cannot agree to the
confining or sequestring of the Earle of Clarendon from the Parliament,
forasmuch as they do not specify any particular crime which they lay
upon him and call Treason. This the House did receive, and so parted: at
which, I hear, the Commons are like to grow very high, and will insist
upon their privileges, and the Lords will own theirs, though the Duke
of Buckingham, Bristoll, and others, have been very high in the House
of Lords to have had him committed. This is likely to breed ill blood.
Thence I away home, calling at my mercer’s and tailor’s, and there find,
as I expected, Mr. Caesar and little Pelham Humphreys, lately returned
from France, and is an absolute Monsieur, as full of form, and
confidence, and vanity, and disparages everything, and everybody’s skill
but his own. The truth is, every body says he is very able, but to hear
how he laughs at all the King’s musick here, as Blagrave and others,
that they cannot keep time nor tune, nor understand anything; and
that Grebus, the Frenchman, the King’s master of the musick, how he
understands nothing, nor can play on any instrument, and so cannot
compose: and that he will give him a lift out of his place; and that
he and the King are mighty great! and that he hath already spoke to the
King of Grebus would make a man piss. I had a good dinner for them, as
a venison pasty and some fowl, and after dinner we did play, he on the
theorbo. Mr. Caesar on his French lute, and I on the viol, but made but
mean musique, nor do I see that this Frenchman do so much wonders on the
theorbo, but without question he is a good musician, but his vanity do
offend me. They gone, towards night, I to the office awhile, and then
home and to my chamber, where busy till by and by comes Mr. Moore, and
he staid and supped and talked with me about many things, and tells me
his great fear that all things will go to ruin among us, for that the
King hath, as he says Sir Thomas Crew told him, been heard to say that
the quarrel is not between my Lord Chancellor and him, but his brother
and him; which will make sad work among us if that be once promoted, as
to be sure it will, Buckingham and Bristoll being now the only counsel
the King follows, so as Arlington and Coventry are come to signify
little. He tells me they are likely to fall upon my Lord Sandwich; but,
for my part, sometimes I am apt to think they cannot do him much harm,
he telling me that there is no great fear of the business of Resumption!
By and by, I got him to read part of my Lord Cooke’s chapter of treason,
which is mighty well worth reading, and do inform me in many things, and
for aught I see it is useful now to know what these crimes are. And then
to supper, and after supper he went away, and so I got the girl to comb
my head, and then to bed, my eyes bad. This day, Poundy, the waterman,
was with me, to let me know that he was summonsed to bear witness
against me to Prince Rupert’s people (who have a commission to look
after the business of prize-goods) about the business of the prize-goods
I was concerned in: but I did desire him to speak all he knew, and not
to spare me, nor did promise nor give him any thing, but sent him away
with good words, to bid him say all he knew to be true. This do not
trouble me much.
16th. At the office all the morning, and at noon took my Lord Bruncker
into the garden, and there told him of his man Carcasses proceedings
against the Office in the House of Commons. I did [not] desire nor
advise him anything, but in general, that the end of this might be ruin
to the Office, but that we shall be brought to fencing for ourselves,
and that will be no profit to the office, but let it light where it
would I thought I should be as well as any body. This I told him, and so
he seeming to be ignorant of it, and not pleased with it, we broke off
by Sir Thos. Harvy’s coming to us from the Pay Office, whither we had
sent a smart letter we had writ to him this morning about keeping the
clerks at work at the making up the books, which I did to place the
fault somewhere, and now I let him defend himself. He was mighty angry,
and particularly with me, but I do not care, but do rather desire it,
for I will not spare him, that we shall bear the blame, and such an idle
fellow as he have L500 a year for nothing. So we broke off, and I home
to dinner, and then to the office, and having spent the afternoon on
letters, I took coach in the evening, and to White Hall, where there is
to be a performance of musique of Pelham’s before the King. The company
not come; but I did go into the musique-room, where Captain Cocke and
many others; and here I did hear the best and the smallest organ go that
ever I saw in my life, and such a one as, by the grace of God, I will
have the next year, if I continue in this condition, whatever it cost
me. I never was so pleased in my life. Thence, it being too soon, I
to Westminster Hall, it being now about 7 at night, and there met Mr.
Gregory, my old acquaintance, an understanding gentleman; and he and I
walked an hour together, talking of the bad prospect of the times; and
the sum of what I learn from him is this: That the King is the most
concerned in the world against the Chancellor, and all people that do
not appear against him, and therefore is angry with the Bishops, having
said that he had one Bishop on his side (Crofts ), and but one: that
Buckingham and Bristoll are now his only Cabinet Council;
[The term Cabinet Council, as stated by Clarendon, originated thus,
in 1640: “The bulk and burden of the state affairs lay principally
upon the shoulders of the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Earl of
Strafford, and the Lord Cottington; some others being joined to
them, as the Earl of Northumberland for ornament, the Bishop of
London for his place, the two Secretaries, Sir H. Vane and Sir
Francis Windebank, for service and communication of intelligence:
only the Marquis of Hamilton, indeed, by his skill and interest,
bore as great a part as he had a mind to do, and had the skill to
meddle no further than he had a mind. These persons made up the
committee of state, which was reproachfully after called the junto,
and enviously then in the Court the Cabinet Council” (“History of
the Rebellion,” vol. i., p. 211, edit. 1849).]
and that, before the Duke of York fell sick, Buckingham was admitted to
the King of his Cabinet, and there stayed with him several hours,
and the Duke of York shut out. That it is plain that there is dislike
between the King and Duke of York, and that it is to be feared that the
House will go so far against the Chancellor, that they must do something
to undo the Duke of York, or will not think themselves safe. That this
Lord Vaughan, that is so great against the Chancellor, is one of the
lewdest fellows of the age, worse than Sir Charles Sidly; and that
he was heard to swear, God damn him, he would do my Lord Clarendon’s
business. That he do find that my Lord Clarendon hath more friends in
both Houses than he believes he would have, by reason that they do see
what are the hands that pull him down; which they do not like. That
Harry Coventry was scolded at by the King severely the other day; and
that his answer was that, if he must not speak what he thought in this
business in Parliament, he must not come thither. And he says that by
this very business Harry Coventry hath got more fame and common esteem
than any gentleman in England hath at this day, and is an excellent and
able person. That the King, who not long ago did say of Bristoll, that
he was a man able in three years to get himself a fortune in any kingdom
in the world, and lose all again in three months, do now hug him, and
commend his parts every where, above all the world. How fickle is
this man [the King], and how unhappy we like to be! That he fears some
furious courses will be taken against the Duke of York; and that he hath
heard that it was designed, if they cannot carry matters against the
Chancellor, to impeach the Duke of York himself, which God forbid! That
Sir Edward Nicholas, whom he served while Secretary, is one of the best
men in the world, but hated by the Queen-Mother, for a service he did
the old King against her mind and her favourites; and that she and my
Lady Castlemayne did make the King to lay him aside: but this man says
that he is one of the most perfect heavenly and charitable men in
the whole world. That the House of Commons resolve to stand by their
proceedings, and have chosen a Committee to draw up the reasons thereof
to carry to the Lords; which is likely to breed great heat between
them. That the Parliament, after all this, is likely to give the King
no money; and, therefore, that it is to be wondered what makes the King
give way to so great extravagancies, which do all tend to the making him
less than he is, and so will, every day more and more: and by this means
every creature is divided against the other, that there never was so
great an uncertainty in England, of what would, be the event of things,
as at this day; nobody being at ease, or safe. Being full of his
discourse, and glad of the rencontre, I to White Hall; and there got
into the theater-room, and there heard both the vocall and instrumentall
musick, where the little fellow’ stood keeping time; but for my part,
I see no great matter, but quite the contrary in both sorts of musique.
The composition I believe is very good, but no more of delightfulness to
the eare or understanding but what is very ordinary. Here was the King
and Queen, and some of the ladies; among whom none more jolly than my
Lady Buckingham, her Lord being once more a great man. Thence by coach
home and to my office, ended my letters, and then home to supper, and,
my eyes being bad, to bed.
17th (Lord’s day). Up, and to church with my wife. A dull sermon of Mr.
Mills, and then home, without strangers to dinner, and then my wife to
read, and I to the office, enter my journall to this day, and so home
with great content that it is done, but with sorrow to my eyes. Then
home, and got my wife to read to me out of Fuller’s Church History, when
by and by comes Captain Cocke, who sat with me all the evening, talking,
and I find by him, as by all others, that we are like to expect great
confusions, and most of our discourse was the same, and did agree with
that the last night, particularly that about the difference between the
King and the Duke of York which is like to be. He tells me that he hears
that Sir W. Coventry was, a little before the Duke of York fell sick,
with the Duke of York in his closet, and fell on his knees, and begged
his pardon for what he hath done to my Lord Chancellor; but this I dare
not soon believe. But he tells me another thing, which he says he had
from the person himself who spoke with the Duke of Buckingham, who, he
says, is a very sober and worthy man, that he did lately speak with
the Duke of Buckingham about his greatness now with the King, and told
him-“But, sir, these things that the King do now, in suffering the
Parliament to do all this, you know are not fit for the King to suffer,
and you know how often you have said to me that the King was a weak man,
and unable to govern, but to be governed, and that you could command him
as you listed; why do you suffer him to go on in these things?”--“Why,”
says the Duke of Buckingham, “I do suffer him to do this, that I may
hereafter the better command him.” This he swears to me the person
himself to whom the Duke of Buckingham said this did tell it him, and is
a man of worth, understanding, and credit. He told me one odd passage
by the Duke of Albemarle, speaking how hasty a man he is, and how for
certain he would have killed Sir W. Coventry, had he met him in a
little time after his shewing his letter in the House. He told me that
a certain lady, whom he knows, did tell him that, she being certainly
informed that some of the Duke of Albemarle’s family did say that the
Earl of Torrington was a bastard, [she] did think herself concerned to
tell the Duke of Albemarle of it, and did first tell the Duchesse, and
was going to tell the old man, when the Duchesse pulled her back by the
sleeve, and hindered her, swearing to her that if he should hear it, he
would certainly kill the servant that should be found to have said it,
and therefore prayed her to hold her peace. One thing more he told me,
which is, that Garraway is come to town, and is thinking how to bring
the House to mind the public state of the nation and to put off these
particular piques against man and man, and that he propounding this to
Sir W. Coventry, Sir W. Coventry did give no encouragement to it: which
he says is that by their running after other men he may escape. But I do
believe this is not true neither. But however I am glad that Garraway is
here, and that he do begin to think of the public condition in reference
to our neighbours that we are in, and in reference to ourselves, whereof
I am mightily afeard of trouble. So to supper, and he gone and we to
bed.
18th. Up, and all the morning at my office till 3 after noon with Mr.
Hater about perfecting my little pocket market book of the office, till
my eyes were ready to fall out of my head, and then home to dinner,
glad that I had done so much, and so abroad to White Hall, to the
Commissioners of the Treasury, and there did a little business with
them, and so home, leaving multitudes of solicitors at their door, of
one sort or other, complaining for want of such despatch as they had in
my Lord Treasurer’s time, when I believe more business was despatched,
but it was in his manner to the King’s wrong. Among others here was
Gresham College coming about getting a grant of Chelsey College for
their Society, which the King, it seems, hath given them his right in;
but they met with some other pretences, I think; to it, besides the
King’s. Thence took up my wife, whom I had left at her tailor’s, and
home, and there, to save my eyes, got my wife at home to read again,
as last night, in the same book, till W. Batelier come and spent the
evening talking with us, and supped with us, and so to bed.
19th. To the office, and thence before noon I, by the Board’s direction,
to the Parliament House to speak with Sir R. Brookes about the meaning
of an order come to us this day to bring all the books of the office to
the Committee. I find by him that it is only about the business of an
order of ours for paying off the ships by ticket, which they think I on
behalf of my Lord Bruncker do suppress, which vexes me, and more at its
occasioning the bringing them our books. So home and to dinner, where
Mr. Shepley with me, newly come out of the country, but I was at little
liberty to talk to him, but after dinner with two contracts to the
Committee, with Lord Bruncker and Sir T. Harvy, and there did deliver
them, and promised at their command more, but much against my will.
And here Sir R. Brookes did take me alone, and pray me to prevent their
trouble, by discovering the order he would have. I told him I would
suppress none, nor could, but this did not satisfy him, and so we
parted, I vexed that I should bring on myself this suspicion. Here I
did stand by unseen, and did hear their impertinent yet malicious
examinations of some rogues about the business of Bergen, wherein they
would wind in something against my Lord Sandwich (it was plain by their
manner of examining, as Sir Thomas Crew did afterwards observe to me,
who was there), but all amounted to little I think. But here Sir Thomas
Crew and W. Hewer, who was there also, did tell me that they did hear
Captain Downing give a cruel testimony against my Lord Bruncker, for his
neglect, and doing nothing, in the time of straits at Chatham, when he
was spoke to, and did tell the Committee that he, Downing, did presently
after, in Lord Bruncker’s hearing, tell the Duke of Albemarle, that if
he might advise the King, he should hang both my Lord Bruncker and Pett.
This is very hard. Thence with W. Hewer and our messenger, Marlow, home
by coach, and so late at letters, and then home to supper, and my wife
to read and then to bed. This night I wrote to my father, in answer to
a new match which is proposed (the executor of Ensum, my sister’s former
servant) for my sister, that I will continue my mind of giving her L500,
if he likes of the match. My father did also this week, by Shepley,
return me up a ‘guinny, which, it seems, upon searching the ground, they
have found since I was there. I was told this day that Lory Hide,
[Laurence Hyde, second son of Lord Chancellor Clarendon (1614-1711).
He held many important offices, and was First Lord of the Treasury,
1679-84; created Earl of Rochester in 1681, and K.G. 1685.]
second son of my Lord Chancellor, did some time since in the House say,
that if he thought his father was guilty but of one of the things then
said against him, he would be the first that should call for judgement
against him: which Mr. Waller, the poet, did say was spoke like the old
Roman, like Brutus, for its greatness and worthiness.
20th. Up, and all the morning at my office shut up with Mr. Gibson,
I walking and he reading to me the order books of the office from the
beginning of the war, for preventing the Parliament’s having them in
their hands before I have looked them over and seen the utmost that can
be said against us from any of our orders, and to my great content all
the morning I find none. So at noon home to dinner with my clerks, who
have of late dined frequently with me, and I do purpose to have them
so still, by that means I having opportunity to talk with them about
business, and I love their company very well. All the morning Mr. Hater
and the boy did shut up themselves at my house doing something towards
the finishing the abstract book of our contracts for my pocket, which
I shall now want very much. After dinner I stayed at home all the
afternoon, and Gibson with me; he and I shut up till about ten at night.
We went through all our orders, and towards the end I do meet with two
or three orders for our discharging of two or three little vessels
by ticket without money, which do plunge me; but, however, I have the
advantage by this means to study an answer and to prepare a defence, at
least for myself. So he gone I to supper, my mind busy thinking after
our defence in this matter, but with vexation to think that a thing of
this kind, which in itself brings nothing but trouble and shame to us,
should happen before all others to become a charge against us. This
afternoon Mr. Mills come and visited me, and stayed a little with me (my
wife being to be godmother to his child to-morrow), and among other talk
he told me how fully satisfactory my first Report was to the House in
the business of Chatham: which I am glad to hear; and the more, for that
I know that he is a great creature of Sir R. Brookes’s.
21st. Up, and to the office, where all the morning, and at noon home,
where my wife not very well, but is to go to Mr. Mills’s child’s
christening, where she is godmother, Sir J. Minnes and Sir R. Brookes
her companions. I left her after dinner (my clerks dining with me) to
go with Sir J. Minnes, and I to the office, where did much business till
after candlelight, and then my eyes beginning to fail me, I out and took
coach to Arundell House, where the meeting of Gresham College was broke
up; but there meeting Creed, I with him to the taverne in St. Clement’s
Churchyard, where was Deane Wilkins, Dr. Whistler, Dr. Floyd, a divine
admitted, I perceive, this day, and other brave men; and there, among
other things of news, I do hear, that upon the reading of the House of
Commons’s Reasons of the manner of their proceedings in the business
of my Lord Chancellor, the Reasons were so bad, that my Lord Bristoll
himself did declare that he would not stand to what he had, and did
still, advise the Lords to concur to, upon any of the Reasons of the
House of Commons; but if it was put to the question whether it should be
done on their Reasons, he would be against them; and indeed it seems the
Reasons--however they come to escape the House of Commons, which shews
how slightly the greatest matters are done in this world, and even in
Parliaments were none of them of strength, but the principle of them
untrue; they saying, that where any man is brought before a judge,
accused of Treason in general, without specifying the particular, the
judge do there constantly and is obliged to commit him. Whereas the
question being put by the Lords to my Lord Keeper, he said that quite
the contrary was true: and then, in the Sixth Article (I will get a copy
of them if I can) there are two or three things strangely asserted to
the diminishing of the King’s power, as is said, at least things that
heretofore would not have been heard of. But then the question being put
among the Lords, as my Lord Bristoll advised, whether, upon the whole
matter and Reasons that had been laid before them, they would commit my
Lord Clarendon, it was carried five to one against it; there being but
three Bishops against him, of whom Cosens and Dr. Reynolds were two,
and I know not the third. This made the opposite Lords, as Bristoll
and Buckingham, so mad, that they declared and protested against it,
speaking very broad that there was mutiny and rebellion in the hearts of
the Lords, and that they desired they might enter their dissents,
which they did do, in great fury. So that upon the Lords sending to
the Commons, as I am told, to have a conference for them to give
their answer to the Commons’s Reasons, the Commons did desire a free
conference: but the Lords do deny it; and the reason is, that they hold
not the Commons any Court, but that themselves only are a Court, and the
Chief Court of judicature, and therefore are not to dispute the laws
and method of their own Court with them that are none, and so will not
submit so much as to have their power disputed. And it is conceived that
much of this eagerness among the Lords do arise from the fear some of
them have, that they may be dealt with in the same manner themselves,
and therefore do stand upon it now. It seems my Lord Clarendon hath, as
is said and believed, had his horses several times in his coach, ready
to carry him to the Tower, expecting a message to that purpose; but by
this means his case is like to be laid by. From this we fell to other
discourse, and very good; among the rest they discourse of a man that is
a little frantic, that hath been a kind of minister, Dr. Wilkins saying
that he hath read for him in his church, that is poor and a debauched
man, that the College’ have hired for 20s. to have some of the blood of
a sheep let into his body; and it is to be done on Saturday next.
[This was Arthur Coga, who had studied at Cambridge, and was said to
be a bachelor of divinity. He was indigent, and “looked upon as a
very freakish and extravagant man.” Dr. King, in a letter to the
Hon. Robert Boyle, remarks “that Mr. Coga was about thirty-two
years of age; that he spoke Latin well, when he was in company,
which he liked, but that his brain was sometimes a little too warm.”
The experiment was performed on November 23rd, 1667, by Dr. King, at
Arundel House, in the presence of many spectators of quality, and
four or five physicians. Coga wrote a description of his own case
in Latin, and when asked why he had not the blood of some other
creature, instead of that of a sheep, transfused into him, answered,
“Sanguis ovis symbolicam quandam facultatem habet cum sanguine
Christi, quia Christus est agnus Dei” (Birch’s “History of the Royal
Society,” vol. ii., pp. 214-16). Coga was the first person in
England to be experimented upon; previous experiments were made by
the transfusion of the blood of one dog into another. See November
14th, 1666 (vol. vi., p. 64).]
They purpose to let in about twelve ounces; which, they compute, is what
will be let in in a minute’s time by a watch. They differ in the opinion
they have of the effects of it; some think it may have a good effect
upon him as a frantic man by cooling his blood, others that it will not
have any effect at all. But the man is a healthy man, and by this means
will be able to give an account what alteration, if any, he do find in
himself, and so may be usefull. On this occasion, Dr. Whistler told a
pretty story related by Muffet, a good author, of Dr. Caius, that built
Keys College; that, being very old, and living only at that time upon
woman’s milk, he, while he fed upon the milk of an angry, fretful woman,
was so himself; and then, being advised to take it of a good-natured,
patient woman, he did become so, beyond the common temper of his age.
Thus much nutriment, they observed, might do. Their discourse was very
fine; and if I should be put out of my office, I do take great content
in the liberty I shall be at of frequenting these gentlemen’s company.
Broke up thence and home, and there to my wife in her chamber, who
is not well (of those), and there she tells me great stories of the
gossiping women of the parish--what this, and what that woman was; and,
among the rest, how Mrs. Hollworthy is the veriest confident bragging
gossip of them all, which I should not have believed; but that Sir R.
Brookes, her partner, was mighty civil to her, and taken with her, and
what not. My eyes being bad I spent the evening with her in her chamber
talking and inventing a cypher to put on a piece of plate, which I must
give, better than ordinary, to the Parson’s child, and so to bed, and
through my wife’s illness had a bad night of it, and she a worse, poor
wretch!
22nd. Up betimes, and drinking my morning draught of strong water with
Betty Michell, I had not opportunity para baiser la, I by water to White
Hall, and there met Creed, and thence with him to Westminster Hall,
where we talked long together of news, and there met with Cooling, my
Lord Chamberlain’s Secretary, and from him learn the truth of all I
heard last night; and understand further, that this stiffness of the
Lords is in no manner of kindness to my Lord Chancellor, for he neither
hath, nor do, nor for the future likely can oblige any of them, but
rather the contrary; but that they do fear what the consequence may
be to themselves, should they yield in his case, as many of them have
reason. And more, he shewed me how this is rather to the wrong and
prejudice of my Lord Chancellor; for that it is better for him to come
to be tried before the Lords, where he can have right and make interest,
than, when the Parliament is up, be committed by the King, and tried by
a Court on purpose made by the King, of what Lords the King pleases, who
have a mind to have his head. So that my Lord [Cornbury] himself, his
son, he tells me, hath moved, that if they have Treason against my Lord
of Clarendon, that they would specify it and send it up to the Lords,
that he might come to his trial; so full of intrigues this business is!
Having now a mind to go on and to be rid of Creed, I could not, but
was forced to carry him with me to the Excise Office, and thence to the
Temple, and there walked a good while in the Temple church, observing
the plainness of Selden’s tomb, and how much better one of his executors
hath, who is buried by him, and there I parted with him and took coach
and home, where to dinner.
23rd. Up, and to the office, where all the morning, and at noon home to
dinner, and all the afternoon also busy till late preparing things to
fortify myself and fellows against the Parliament; and particularly
myself against what I fear is thought, that I have suppressed the Order
of the Board by which the discharging the great ships off at Chatham by
tickets was directed; whereas, indeed, there was no such Order. So home
at night to supper and to bed.
24th (Lord’s day). In my chamber all the morning (having lain long in
bed) till Mr. Shepley come to dine with me, and there being to return
to Hinchinbroke speedily, I did give him as good account how matters go
here as I could. After dinner, he being gone, I to the office, and there
for want of other of my clerks, sent to Mr. Gibbs, whom I never used
till now, for the writing over of my little pocket Contract-book; and
there I laboured till nine at night with him, in drawing up the history
of all that hath passed concerning tickets, in order to the laying the
whole, and clearing myself and Office, before Sir R. Brookes; and in
this I took great pains, and then sent him away, and proceeded, and
had W. Hewer come to me, and he and I till past twelve at night in
the Office, and he, which was a good service, did so inform me in the
consequences of my writing this report, and that what I said would not
hold water, in denying this Board to have ever ordered the discharging
out of the service whole ships by ticket, that I did alter my whole
counsel, and fall to arme myself with good reasons to justify the Office
in so doing, which hath been but rare, and having done this, I went,
with great quiet in my mind, home, though vexed that so honest a
business should bring me so much trouble; but mightily was pleased to
find myself put out of my former design; and so, after supper, to bed.
25th. Up, and all the morning finishing my letter to Sir Robert Brookes,
which I did with great content, and yet at noon when I come home to
dinner I read it over again after it was sealed and delivered to the
messenger, and read it to my clerks who dined with me, and there I did
resolve upon some alteration, and caused it to be new writ, and so to
the office after dinner, and there all the afternoon mighty busy, and
at night did take coach thinking to have gone to Westminster, but it was
mighty dark and foul, and my business not great, only to keep my eyes
from reading by candle, being weary, but being gone part of my way I
turned back, and so home, and there to read, and my wife to read to me
out of Sir Robert Cotton’s book about warr, which is very fine, showing
how the Kings of England have raised money by the people heretofore
upon the people, and how they have played upon the kings also. So after
supper I to bed. This morning Sir W. Pen tells me that the House was
very hot on Saturday last upon the business of liberty of speech in
the House, and damned the vote in the beginning of the Long Parliament
against it; I so that he fears that there may be some bad thing which
they have a mind to broach, which they dare not do without more security
than they now have. God keep us, for things look mighty ill!
26th. Up, all the morning at the office, and then home to dinner, where
dined Mr. Clerke, solicitor, with me, to discourse about my Tangier
accounts, which I would fain make up, but I have not time. After dinner,
by coach as far as the Temple, and there saw a new book, in folio, of
all that suffered for the King in the late times, which I will buy,
it seems well writ, and then back to the Old Exchange, and there at my
goldsmith’s bought a basin for my wife to give the Parson’s child, to
which the other day she was godmother. It cost me; L10 14s. besides
graving, which I do with the cypher of the name, Daniel Mills, and so
home to the office, and then home to supper and hear my wife read, and
then to bed. This afternoon, after dinner, come to me Mr. Warren, and
there did tell me that he come to pay his debt to me for the kindness I
did him in getting his last ship out, which I must also remember was
a service to the King, though I did not tell him so, as appeared by my
advising with the board, and there writing to Sir W. Coventry to get the
pass for the ship to go for it to Genoa. Now that which he had promised
me for the courtesy was I take it 100 pieces or more, I think more, and
also for the former courtesy I had done for the getting of his first
ship out for this hemp he did promise me a consideration upon the return
of the goods, but I never did to this day demand any thing of him, only
about a month ago he told me that now his ship was come, and he would
come out of my debt, but told me that whereas he did expect to have had
some profit by the voyage, it had proved of loss to him, by the loss of
some ships, or some accidents, I know not what, and so that he was not
able to do what he intended, but told me that he would present me with
sixty pieces in gold. I told him I would demand nothing of his promises,
though they were much greater, nor would have thus much, but if he could
afford to give me but fifty pieces, it should suffice me. So now he
brought something in a paper, which since proves to be fifty pieces. But
before I would take them I told him that I did not insist on anything,
and therefore prayed him to consult his ability before he did part with
them: and so I refused them once or twice till he did the third time
offer them, and then I took them, he saying that he would present me
with as many more if I would undertake to get him L500 paid on his
bills. I told him I would by no means have any promise of the kind, nor
would have any kindness from him for any such service, but that I should
do my utmost for nothing to do him that justice, and would endeavour to
do what I could for him, and so we parted, he owning himself mightily
engaged to me for my kind usage of him in accepting of so small a matter
in satisfaction of all that he owed me; which I enter at large for my
justification if anything of this should be hereafter enquired after.
This evening also comes to me to my closet at the Office Sir John
Chichly, of his own accord, to tell me what he shall answer to the
Committee, when, as he expects, he shall be examined about my Lord
Sandwich; which is so little as will not hurt my Lord at all, I know. He
do profess great generousness towards my Lord, and that this jealousy of
my Lord’s of him is without ground, but do mightily inveigh against Sir
Roger Cuttance, and would never have my Lord to carry him to sea again,
as being a man that hath done my Lord more hurt than ever he can repair
by his ill advice, and disobliging every body. He will by no means seem
to crouch to my Lord, but says that he hath as good blood in his veins
as any man, though not so good a title, but that he will do nothing to
wrong or prejudice my Lord, and I hope he will not, nor I believe can;
but he tells me that Sir E. Spragg and Utber are the men that have done
my Lord the most wrong, and did bespatter him the most at Oxford, and
that my Lord was misled to believe that all that was there said was his,
which indeed it was not, and says that he did at that time complain
to his father of this his misfortune. This I confess is strange to me
touching these two men, but yet it may well enough as the world goes,
though I wonder I confess at the latter of the two, who always professes
great love to my Lord. Sir Roger Cuttance was with me in the morning,
and there gives me an account so clear about Bergen and the other
business against my Lord, as I do not see what can be laid to my Lord in
either, and tells me that Pen, however he now dissembles it, did on the
quarter deck of my Lord’s ship, after he come on board, when my Lord
did fire a gun for the ships to leave pursuing the enemy, Pen did say,
before a great many, several times, that his heart did leap in his belly
for joy when he heard the gun, and that it was the best thing that could
be done for securing the fleet. He tells me also that Pen was the first
that did move and persuade my Lord to the breaking bulke, as a thing
that was now the time to do right to the commanders of the great ships,
who had no opportunity of getting anything by prizes, now his Lordship
might distribute to everyone something, and he himself did write down
before my Lord the proportions for each man. This I am glad of, though
it may be this dissembling fellow may, twenty to one, deny it.
27th. Up, and all the morning at my Lord Bruncker’s lodgings with Sir J.
Minnes and [Sir] W. Pen about Sir W. Warren’s accounts, wherein I do not
see that they are ever very likely to come to an understanding of them,
as Sir J. Minnes hath not yet handled them. Here till noon, and then
home to dinner, where Mr. Pierce comes to me, and there, in general,
tells me how the King is now fallen in and become a slave to the Duke of
Buckingham, led by none but him, whom he, Mr. Pierce, swears he knows do
hate the very person of the King, and would, as well as will, certainly
ruin him. He do say, and I think with right, that the King do in this do
the most ungrateful part of a master to a servant that ever was done,
in this carriage of his to my Lord Chancellor: that, it may be, the
Chancellor may have faults, but none such as these they speak of; that
he do now really fear that all is going to ruin, for he says he hears
that Sir W. Coventry hath been, just before his sickness, with the Duke
of York, to ask his forgiveness and peace for what he had done; for that
he never could foresee that what he meant so well, in the councilling to
lay by the Chancellor, should come to this. As soon as dined, I with my
boy Tom to my bookbinder’s, where all the afternoon long till 8 or 9
at night seeing him binding up two or three collections of letters and
papers that I had of him, but above all things my little abstract pocket
book of contracts, which he will do very neatly. Then home to read, sup,
and to bed.
28th. Up, and at the office all this morning, and then home to dinner,
and then by coach sent my wife to the King’s playhouse, and I to White
Hall, there intending, with Lord Bruncker, Sir J. Minnes, and Sir T.
Harvy to have seen the Duke of York, whom it seems the King and Queen
have visited, and so we may now well go to see him. But there was nobody
could speak with him, and so we parted, leaving a note in Mr. Wren’s
chamber that we had been there, he being at the free conference of the
two Houses about this great business of my Lord Chancellor’s, at which
they were at this hour, three in the afternoon, and there they say my
Lord Anglesey do his part admirablyably, and each of us taking a copy
of the Guinny Company’s defence to a petition against them to the
Parliament the other day. So I away to the King’s playhouse, and there
sat by my wife, and saw “The Mistaken Beauty,” which I never, I think,
saw before, though an old play; and there is much in it that I like,
though the name is but improper to it--at least, that name, it being
also called “The Lyer,” which is proper enough. Here I met with Sir.
Richard Browne, who wondered to find me there, telling the that I am a
man of so much business, which character, I thank God, I have ever got,
and have for a long time had and deserved, and yet am now come to be
censured in common with the office for a man of negligence. Thence home
and to the office to my letters, and then home to supper and to bed.
29th. Waked about seven o’clock this morning with a noise I supposed I
heard, near our chamber, of knocking, which, by and by, increased: and
I, more awake, could, distinguish it better. I then waked my wife,
and both of us wondered at it, and lay so a great while, while that
increased, and at last heard it plainer, knocking, as if it were
breaking down a window for people to get out; and then removing of
stools and chairs; and plainly, by and by, going up and down our stairs.
We lay, both of us, afeard; yet I would have rose, but my wife would not
let me. Besides, I could not do it without making noise; and we did both
conclude that thieves were in the house, but wondered what our people
did, whom we thought either killed, or afeard, as we were. Thus we lay
till the clock struck eight, and high day. At last, I removed my gown
and slippers safely to the other side of the bed over my wife: and there
safely rose, and put on my gown and breeches, and then, with a firebrand
in my hand, safely opened the door, and saw nor heard any thing. Then
(with fear, I confess) went to the maid’s chamber-door, and all quiet
and safe. Called Jane up, and went down safely, and opened my chamber
door, where all well. Then more freely about, and to the kitchen, where
the cook-maid up, and all safe. So up again, and when Jane come, and we
demanded whether she heard no noise, she said, “yes, and was afeard,”
but rose with the other maid, and found nothing; but heard a noise in
the great stack of chimnies that goes from Sir J. Minnes through our
house; and so we sent, and their chimnies have been swept this morning,
and the noise was that, and nothing else. It is one of the most
extraordinary accidents in my life, and gives ground to think of Don
Quixote’s adventures how people may be surprised, and the more from an
accident last night, that our young gibb-cat
[A male cat. “Gib” is a contraction of the Christian name Gilbert
(Old French), “Tibert”.
“I am melancholy as a gib-cat”
Shakespeare, I Henry IV, act i., sc. 3.
Gib alone is also used, and a verb made from it--“to gib,” or act
like a cat.]
did leap down our stairs from top to bottom, at two leaps, and frighted
us, that we could not tell well whether it was the cat or a spirit, and
do sometimes think this morning that the house might be haunted. Glad
to have this so well over, and indeed really glad in my mind, for I
was much afeard, I dressed myself and to the office both forenoon
and afternoon, mighty hard putting papers and things in order to my
extraordinary satisfaction, and consulting my clerks in many things,
who are infinite helps to my memory and reasons of things, and so being
weary, and my eyes akeing, having overwrought them to-day reading so
much shorthand, I home and there to supper, it being late, and to bed.
This morning Sir W. Pen and I did walk together a good while, and
he tells me that the Houses are not likely to agree after their free
conference yesterday, and he fears what may follow.
30th. Up, and to the office, where all the morning, and then by coach
to Arundel House, to the election of Officers for the next year; where I
was near being chosen of the Council, but am glad I was not, for I could
not have attended, though, above all things, I could wish it; and do
take it as a mighty respect to have been named there. The company
great, and the elections long, and then to Cary House, a house now of
entertainment, next my Lord Ashly’s; and there, where I have heretofore
heard Common Prayer in the time of Dr. Mossum, we after two hours’ stay,
sitting at the table with our napkins open, had our dinners brought,
but badly done. But here was good company. I choosing to sit next
Dr. Wilkins, Sir George Ent, and others whom I value, there talked
of several things. Among others Dr. Wilkins, talking of the universal
speech, of which he hath a book coming out, did first inform me how
man was certainly made for society, he being of all creatures the least
armed for defence, and of all creatures in the world the young ones are
not able to do anything to help themselves, nor can find the dug without
being put to it, but would die if the mother did not help it; and, he
says, were it not for speech man would be a very mean creature. Much of
this good discourse we had. But here, above all, I was pleased to see
the person who had his blood taken out. He speaks well, and did this
day give the Society a relation thereof in Latin, saying that he finds
himself much better since, and as a new man, but he is cracked a little
in his head, though he speaks very reasonably, and very well. He had but
20s. for his suffering it, and is to have the same again tried upon him:
the first sound man that ever had it tried on him in England, and
but one that we hear of in France, which was a porter hired by the
virtuosos. Here all the afternoon till within night. Then I took coach
and to the Exchange, where I was to meet my wife, but she was gone home,
and so I to Westminster Hall, and there took a turn or two, but meeting
with nobody to discourse with, returned to Cary House, and there stayed
and saw a pretty deception of the sight by a glass with water poured
into it, with a stick standing up with three balls of wax upon it, one
distant from the other. How these balls did seem double and disappear
one after another, mighty pretty! Here Mr. Carcasse did come to me, and
brought first Mr. Colwall, our Treasurer, and then Dr. Wilkins to engage
me to be his friend, and himself asking forgiveness and desiring my
friendship, saying that the Council have now ordered him to be free to
return to the Office to be employed. I promised him my friendship, and
am glad of this occasion, having desired it; for there is nobody’s ill
tongue that I fear like his, being a malicious and cunning bold fellow.
Thence, paying our shot, 6s. apiece, I home, and there to the office
and wrote my letters, and then home, my eyes very sore with yesterday’s
work, and so home and tried to make a piece by my eare and viall to “I
wonder what the grave,” &c., and so to supper and to bed, where frighted
a good while and my wife again with noises, and my wife did rise twice,
but I think it was Sir John Minnes’s people again late cleaning their
house, for it was past I o’clock in the morning before we could fall
to sleep, and so slept. But I perceive well what the care of money and
treasure in a man’s house is to a man that fears to lose it. My Lord
Anglesey told me this day that he did believe the House of Commons
would, the next week, yield to the Lords; but, speaking with others
this day, they conclude they will not, but that rather the King will
accommodate it by committing my Lord Clarendon himself. I remember what
Mr. Evelyn said, that he did believe we should soon see ourselves fall
into a Commonwealth again. Joseph Williamson I find mighty kind still,
but close, not daring to say anything almost that touches upon news or
state of affairs.