On the 6th of May, 1884, the country was startled by the failure

of the Marine National Bank of New York, an institution that had

been in high credit and standing. The circumstances connected with

the failure excited a great deal of interest and profound surprise.

Immediately in connection with the failure of this bank the banking

firm of Grant & Ward, in the city of New York, failed for a large

amount. Their business was complicated with that of the Marine

National Bank, and disclosures were made which not only aroused

indignation but almost created a panic in the city of New York.

Almost contemporaneous with this the insolvency of the Second

National Bank of New York, for a very large sum, became public,

and the alleged gross misconduct of the president of that bank,

John C. Eno, became a matter of public notoriety. Steps were taken

by the officers and stockholders of the bank, including the father

of the president, to relieve it from bankruptcy.

Also, and in connection with the failure of the Marine National

Bank, there were disclosed financial operations of a strange and

extraordinary character of the president of that bank, James D.

Fish. All these events coming together caused much excitement and

disturbance in New York. They led to a great fall of securities,

to a want of confidence, and to a general run, as it is called,

upon banks and banking institutions, including the savings banks.

It appeared as if there were to be a general panic, a financial

revulsion, and wide-reaching distress.

At that time also, and in connection with the other events, came

the temporary suspension of the Metropolitan National Bank, one of

the oldest, largest, and in former times considered among the best,

of all the banks in the city of New York. This was partly caused

by rumors and stories of large railroad operations and indebtedness

of Mr. Seney, the president of the bank, which resulted in a gradual

drawing upon the bank.

At once the Secretary of the Treasury did what he could to relieve

the money market, by prepaying bonds which had been called in the

process of the payment of the public debt; but the principal relief

given to the market at that time was the action of the Clearing

House Association of New York, by the issue of over $24,000,000 of

clearing house certificates. This was purely a defensive operation

adopted by the associated banks of New York, fifteen of which are

state institutions and the balance national banks.

All that was done in New York to prevent a panic was done by the

banks themselves. The government of the United States had no lot

or parcel in it except so far as the Secretary of the Treasury

prepaid bonds that had already been called, a transaction which

has been done a hundred times. So far as the government was

concerned it had nothing to do with these banks; the measures of

relief were furnished by the banks themselves.

This condition of financial affairs led to a long debate in the

Senate, commencing on the 17th of June, on the merits and demerits

of the system of national banks, and especially of the clearing

house of the city of New York. The comptroller of the currency

had taken active and efficient measures to protect the interests

of the United States. He was called before the committee on finance

and gave a full statement of these measures. It was apparent that

the temporary panic grew out of the reckless and criminal conduct

of a few men and not from defects in the national bank system or

the clearing house. The debate that followed, in the Senate, was

mainly between Morgan, Beck and myself. I stated fully the methods

of conducting the business of the clearing house, a corporation of

the State of New York, and closed as follows:

"As the prosecution against John C. Eno is now pending in Canada,

a foreign country, as a matter of course no one can state what will

be the result of it. We only know that proper legal proceedings

are now being urged to have an extradition, and if he is brought

within the jurisdiction of the courts as a matter of course the

prosecution can then be pushed. So with James D. Fish. Indictments

have been had and are now pending against him for a violation, not

only of the national banking act, but I believe also for a violation

of the state law; and the same is to be said of Ferdinand Ward.

These three persons are the only ones who have been charged with

fraudulent and illegal transactions leading to these financial

disasters. The Metropolitan bank, thanks to the agency and the

aid that was given in a trying time, in now going on and doing

business as of old, no doubt having met with large losses.

"It is a matter of satisfaction that with the single exception of

the Marine Bank, of New York, no national bank has been overwhelmed

by this disaster. It is true that the Second National Bank was

bankrupted by the crimes and wrongs of John C. Eno, but his father,

with a sensitive pride not to allow innocent persons to suffer from

the misconduct of his son, with a spirit really worthy of commendation,

here or anywhere else, threw a large sum of money into the maelstrom

and saved not only the credit of the bank and advanced his own

credit, but to some extent, as far as he could at least, expiated

the fault, the folly, and the crime of his son. The Metropolitan

Bank is relieved from its embarrassments by its associate banks.

The losses caused by the speculations of its president did not

entirely fall upon the bank. That bank, now relived from the

pressure of unexpected demands, is pursuing its even tenor. It

seems to me that all these facts taken together show the strength

and confidence that may well be reposed in the national banking

system. The law cannot entirely prevent fraud and crime, but it

has guarded the public from the results of such offense far better

than any previous system."

On the 10th of May, 1884, which happened to be my birthday, the

statue of John Marshall, formerly Chief Justice of the United

States, was dedicated. This is a bronze statue in a sitting posture,

erected by the bar of Philadelphia and the Congress of the United

States. A fund had been collected shortly after the death of

Marshall, but it was insufficient to erect a suitable monument,

and it was placed in the hands of trustees and invested as "The

Marshall Memorial Fund." On the death of the last of the trustees,

Peter McCall, it was found that the fund had, by honest stewardship,

increased sevenfold its original amount. This sum, with an equal

amount appropriated by Congress, was applied to the erection of a

statue to the memory of Chief Justice Marshall, to be placed in a

suitable reservation in the city of Washington. The artist who

executed this work was W. W. Story, a son of the late Justice Story

of the Supreme Court. I was chairman of the joint committee on

the library and presided on the occasion. Chief Justice Waite

delivered an appropriate address. He was followed by William Henry

Rawle, of Philadelphia, in an eloquent oration, closing as follows:

"And for what in his life he did for us, let there be lasting

memory. He and the men of his time have passed away; other

generations have succeeded them; other phases of our country's

growth have come and gone; other trials, greater a hundredfold than

he or they could possibly have imagined, have jeoparded the nation's

life; but still that which they wrought remains to us, secured by

the same means, enforced by the same authority, dearer far for all

that is past, and holding together a great, a united and happy

people. And all largely because he whose figure is now before us

has, above and beyond all others, taught the people of the United

States, in words of absolute authority, what was the constitution

which they ordained, 'in order to form a perfect union, establish

justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defense,

promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty

to themselves and their posterity.'

"Wherefore, with all gratitude, with fitting ceremony and circumstance;

in the presence of the highest in the land; in the presence of those

who make, of those who execute, and of those who interpret, the

laws; in the presence of those descendants in whose veins flows

Marshall's blood, have the bar and the Congress of the United States

here set up this semblance of his living form, in perpetual memory

of the honor, the reverence and the love which the people of this

country bear to the great chief justice."

During this session Mr. Ingalls offered to a House bill granting

a pension to soldiers and sailors of the Mexican War, the following

amendment:

"That all pensions which have been or which may hereafter be granted

in consequence of death occurring from a cause which originated in

the service since the 4th day of March, 1861, or in consequence of

wounds or injuries received or disease contracted since that date

in the service and in the line of duty, shall commence from the

death or discharge of the person on whose account the claim has

been or is hereafter granted, if the disability occurred prior to

discharge, and if such disability occurred after the discharge,

then from the date of actual disability, or from the termination

of the right of the party having prior title to such pension."

I opposed this sweeping provision with much reluctance, as I have

always favored the granting of the most liberal pensions consistent

with the public interests. I said:

"I regret very much to oppose any proposition that is favored by

the Union soldiers of the American army; and I perhaps should feel

some hesitation in doing it, only that I know very well that the

soldiers themselves, like all other citizens, are divided in opinion

as to this measure.

"This proposition repeals all restrictions as to time upon applications

to be made for arrears of pensions, and extends to all persons back

to the war or date of discharge or disability, not only of those

who have heretofore applied, but of those who may hereafter apply.

It removes absolutely all restrictions upon the applications for

arrears of pensions. And if this only involved ten or even twenty

million dollars, I might still hesitate, because I have always,

since the close of the war, voted for every measure that has been

offered in good faith for the benefit of the Union soldiers. My

heart, my feelings are all with them. I appreciate the value of

their services, the enormous benefits they have conferred upon the

people of the America for generations yet unborn, and I hesitate

therefore to oppose any wish that they may express through their

organs.

"This measure involves an immense sum of money. That alone would

not be conclusive. But here is a motion made by a Senator, without

the report or sanction of any committee of this body, to put upon

the people of the United States a great demand, ranging anywhere

up to $246,000,000, a proposition so indefinite in character that

the commissioner of pensions is utterly unable to give us any

approximate estimate, but gives his guess as near as he can. He

says that this proposition will involve the expenditure of

$246,000,000."

Mr. Ingalls made a sturdy effort for his amendment, and quoted a

declaration of the Republican national convention in favor of

arrears of pensions, to which I replied that, when I remembered

that the platform of the last Republican convention had been made

up in a few hours, on a sweltering hot day, by forty-two men hastily

called together, most of whom never saw each other before, I did

not think it ought to be taken as a guide for Senators in the

performance of their public duties.

After full discussion the amendment was rejected.

My position was highly commended by the public press and by many

distinguished soldiers, including Governor Foraker, who wrote me,

saying: "It may be some gratification to you to know that your

course, in regard to the pension bill, meets with the earnest

approval of all right-minded men in this part of the state."

On the 3rd of July the following resolution was adopted by the

Senate on my motion:

"_Resolved_, That the Senate will meet at the usual hour on Friday,

the 4th day of July instant, and, after the reading of the journal

and before other business is done, the secretary of the Senate

shall read the Declaration of American Independence."

On introducing the resolution, I said:

"Never till during our Civil War, so far as the records show or as

is known or is recollected, did Congress meet on the 4th of July.

During the Civil War we did meet habitually on the 4th of July,

but it was only on the ground that those who had control then

believed that the business then requiring attention was proper to

be done on the 4th of July. We have only met once since on the

4th of July, and that was in 1870, at a time of great political

excitement. An effort was made to adjourn when the Senate met that

day, but the session was continued--a long, exciting, and unpleasant

session--on the 4th of July, 1870.

"I do not doubt that to-morrow it will be well to sit, because the

committees of conference are carrying on their business and I have

no objection to sitting; but I think we ought to recognize, by

common consent, the importance of the day and the fact that it is

a national anniversary celebrated all over the United States, by

reading that immortal paper which is the foundation of American

independence."

Congress adjourned July 7, 1884.

CHAPTER XLVII.

MY PARTICIPATION IN THE CAMPAIGN OF 1884.

Again Talked of as a Republican Candidate for the Presidency--I

Have no Desire for the Nomination--Blaine the Natural Candidate of

the Party--My Belief that Arthur Would be Defeated if Nominated--

Speech at Washington, D. C., for Blaine and Logan--Opening of the

Ohio Campaign at Ashland--Success of the Republican State Ticket

in October--Speeches in Boston, Springfield, Mass., New York and

Brooklyn--Address to Business Men in Faneuil Hall--Success of the

National Democratic Ticket--Arthur's Annual Message to Congress--

Secretary McCulloch's Recommendations Concerning the Further Coinage

of Silver Dollars--Statement of My Views at This Time--Statue to

the Memory of General Lafayette--Controversy Between General Sherman

and Jefferson Davis.

On the 3rd of June, 1884, during the session of Congress, the

national Republican convention to nominate Republican candidates

for President and Vice President, was held at Chicago. Prior to

that time the papers had been full of the merits and demerits of

candidates, and my name was mentioned among them. I had early

announced, in interviews and letters, that I was not a candidate.

The following statement was generally published in Ohio:

"I am in no sense a candidate, and would not make an effort for

the nomination. I would not even express my opinion as to who

should be delegates from my own district or what their action should

be. Four years ago I thought it best to be a candidate. I believed

that the logic of events at that time justified such action. The

reasons I need not state. Now there is no such condition and I

would not enter a contest even for the indorsement of my own

constituency. Many of my friends write me complaining letters

because I refuse to make such an issue. Believing that the

convention, when it meets, should be free, uninstructed, and in

shape to do the very best thing for the whole party, I have counseled

by friends to that end. A united and enthusiastic party is more

important than one man, and hence I am for bending every energy to

the first purpose, and am not a candidate."

I had not expressed the slightest desire to make such a contest.

When approached by personal friends I dissuaded them from using my

name as a candidate. I neither asked nor sought anyone to be a

delegate. When the convention met, the Ohio delegation was divided

between Blaine and myself, and this necessarily prevented any

considerable support of me outside of the state. I was not sorry

for it. I regarded the nomination of Blaine as the natural result

under the circumstances.

The strength of Arthur, his principal competitor, grew out of his

power and patronage as President. He was a gentleman of pleasing

manners, but I thought unequal to the great office he held. He

had never been distinguished in political life. The only office

he had held of any importance was that of collector of the port of

New York, from which he was removed for good causes already stated.

His nomination as Vice President was the whim of Roscoe Conkling

to strike at President Hayes. If nominated he would surely have

been defeated. In the then condition of political affairs it is

not certain that any Republican would have been elected.

The weakness of the nomination of Blaine was the strong opposition

to him in the State of New York. The selection by the Democratic

convention of Grover Cleveland as the candidate for President, and

of Thomas A. Hendricks for Vice President, was made in view of the

necessity of carrying the two doubtful States of New York and

Indiana, which it was well understood would determine the election.

I promptly took an active part in support of the Republican ticket.

A meeting to ratify the nomination of James G. Blaine and John A.

Logan was held at Washington, D. C., on the 19th of June, at which

I made a speech, which, as reported, was as follows:

"It is one of the curious customs of American politics that when

anybody is nominated for office, his competitors are the first to

be called upon to vouch for the wisdom of the choice. Perhaps that

is the reason I am called upon now. Though I did not consider

myself as much of a candidate, I am ready to accept, approve and

ratify the action of the Chicago convention. I will support the

nomination of Blaine and Logan as heartily as I have done those of

Fremont and Lincoln and Grant and Hayes and Garfield. And this I

would do, fellow-citizens, even if they were less worthy than I

know them to be of the distinguished honor proposed for them. I

would do it for my own honor. I have no patience with any man who,

for himself or any other person, would take his chances for success

in a political convention, and when disappointed would seek to

thwart the action of the convention. Political conventions are

indispensable in a republican government, for it is only by such

agencies, that opposing theories can be brought to the popular

judgment. These can only be presented by candidates chosen as

standard bearers of a flag, or a cause, or a party.

"That Blaine and Logan have been fairly nominated by the free choice

of our 800 delegates, representing the Republicans of every state,

county and district in the broad extent of our great country, is

admitted by every man whose voice has been heard. They are not

'dark horses.' Their names are known to fame; the evil and good

that men could say of them have been said with a license that is

a shame to free discussion. Traveling in peace and in war through

the memorable events of a quarter of a century, they have kept

their place in the busy jostling of political life well in the

foreground. And now they have been selected from among millions

of their countrymen to represent--not themselves, but the Republican

party of the United States.

"They represent the American Union, one and indivisible, snatched

by war from the perils of secession and disunion. They represent

a strong national government, able, I trust, in time, not only to

protect our citizens from foreign tyranny, but from local cruelty,

intolerance, and oppression.

"They represent that party in the country which would scorn to

obtain or hold power by depriving, by crime and fraud, more than

a million of men of their equal rights as citizens. They represent

a party that would give to the laboring men of our country the

protection of our revenue laws against undue competition with

foreign labor.

"They represent the power, the achievements, and the aspirations

of the Republican party that now for twenty-four years has been

greatly trusted by the people, and in return has greatly advanced

your country in strength and wealth, intelligence, courage and

hope, and in the respect and wonder of mankind.

"Fellow Republicans, we are about to enter into no holiday contest.

You have to meet the same forces and principles that opposed the

Union army in war; that opposed the abolition of slavery; that

sought to impair the public credit; that resisted the resumption

of specie payment. They are recruited here and there by a deserter

from our ranks, but meanwhile a generation of younger men are coming

to the front, in the south as well as in the north. They have been

educated amidst memorable events with patriotic ardor, love of

country, pride in its strength and power. They are now determined

to overthrow the narrow Bourbon sectionalism of the Democratic

party. They live in the mountains and plains of the west. They

breathe the fresh air of Virginia, North Carolina, and Tennessee.

They are the hardy, liberty-loving laborers of every state.

"They come from the fatherland, they come from old Ireland. They

are the active spirits, native and naturalized, of a generation of

free men who never felt the incubus of slavery, and who wish only

as Americans to make stronger and plant deeper the principles of

the Republican party. It is to these men we who have grown old in

this conflict wish now to hand over the banner we have borne. Let

them take it and advance it to higher honors. Let them spread the

influence of our republican institutions north and south, until

the whole continent of America shall be a brotherhood of republics.

"Let them assert the rights of American citizenship, so that they

will be respected as were the rights of citizens of the Roman

republic. Let them deal with this most difficult and subtle problem

of social politics so as to secure to the man who labors his just

share of the fruits of his labor. Let them improve even upon the

protective policy we have pursued, so as to diversify our industries

and plant in all parts of our country the workshops of millions of

well-paid contented citizens. Let them do what we have not been

able to do since the war--restore our commerce to every port and

protect it under our flag in every sea.

"My countrymen, I regret to say it, you cannot accomplish any of

these great objects of national desire through the agency of the

Democratic party. It cannot be made an instrument of progress and

reform. Its traditions, its history for twenty-five years, and

its composition, forbid it. You may punish us for our shortcomings

by its success, but you will punish yourselves as well and stay

the progress of your country. A party that with seventy majority

in the House cannot pass a bill on any subject of party politics,

great or small, is not fit to govern the country.

"Every advance, every reform, every improvement, the protection of

your labor, the building of your navy, the assertion of your rights

as a free man, the maintenance of good money--a good dollar, good

in every land, worth a dollar in gold--all these objects of desire

must await the movements of the Republican party. It may be slow,

but if you turn to the Democratic party you will always find it

watching and waiting, good, steady citizens of the olden time,

grounded on the resolutions of '98 and the 'times before the wah.'

"It is said that Blaine is bold and aggressive; that he will obstruct

the business interests of the country. I would like to try such

a President. He might shake off some of the cobwebs of diplomacy

and invite the attention of mankind to the existence of this country.

There will always be conservatism enough in Congress, and inertness

enough in the Democratic party, to hold in check even as brilliant

a man as James G. Blaine. What we want now is an American policy

broad enough to embrace the continent, conservative enough to

protect the rights of every man, poor as well as rich, and brave

enough to do what is right, whatever stands in the way. We want

protection to American citizens and protection to American laborers,

a free vote and a fair count, an assertion of all the powers of

the government in doing what is right. It is because I believe

that the administration of Blaine and Logan will give us such a

policy, and that I know the Democratic party is not capable of it,

that I invoke your aid and promise you mine to secure the election

of the Republican ticket."

Upon the adjournment of Congress, I took an active part in the

campaign, commencing with a speech at Ashland, Ohio, on the 30th

of August, and from that time until the close of the canvass I

spoke daily. The meetings of both parties were largely attended,

notably those at Springfield, Cincinnati, Columbus, and Cleveland.

After the October election in Ohio, which resulted in the success

of the Republican ticket, I engaged in the canvass in other states,

speaking in many places, among others in Faneuil Hall, Boston, in

Springfield, Massachusetts, in Chickering Hall, New York, and in

the Brooklyn Grand Opera House.

I felt greater timidity in speaking in Faneuil Hall than anywhere

else. The time, place, and manner of the meeting were so novel,

that a strong impression was made upon my mind. In the middle of

the day, when the streets were crowded, I was conducted up a narrow,

spiral passageway that led directly to a low platform on one side

of the hall, where were the officers of the meeting, and there I

faced an audience of men with their hats and overcoats on, all

standing closely packed, with no room for any more. It was a

meeting of business men of marked intelligence, who had no time to

waste, and whose countenances expressed the demand, "Say what you

have to say, and say it quickly." I was deeply impressed with the

historical associations of the place, recalling the Revolutionary

scenes that had occurred there, and Daniel Webster and the great

men whose voices had been heard within its walls. I condensed my

speech into less than an hour, and, I believe, gave the assemblage

satisfaction. I was followed by brief addresses from Theodore

Roosevelt and others, and then the meeting quietly dispersed.

While in Springfield, I heard of the unfortunate remark of Dr.

Burchard to Blaine about "Rum, Romanism and Rebellion," and felt

that the effect would be to offend a considerable portion of the

Irish voters, who had been very friendly to Blaine. After that

incident, I met Mr. Blaine at the Chickering Hall meeting, and went

with him to Brooklyn, where we spoke together at the Academy of

Music.

The election, a few days afterward, resulted in the success of the

Democratic ticket. The electoral vote of New York was cast for

Cleveland and Hendricks. It was believed at the time that this

result was produced by fraudulent voting in New York city, but the

returns were formal, and there was no way in which the election

could be contested.

Congress met on the 1st of December, 1884. President Arthur promptly

sent his message to each House. He congratulated the country upon

the quiet acquiescence in the result of an election where it had

been determined with a slight preponderance. Our relations with

foreign nations had been friendly and cordial. The revenues of

the government for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1884, had been

$348,519,869.92. The expenditures for the same period, including

the sinking fund, were $290,916,473.83, leaving a surplus of

$57,603,396.09. He recommended the immediate suspension of the

coinage of silver dollars and of the issuance of silver certificates,

a further reduction of internal taxes and customs duties, and that

national banks be allowed to issue circulating notes to the par

amount of bonds deposited for their security. He closed with these

words:

"As the time draws nigh when I am to retire from the public service,

I cannot refrain from expressing to Members of the national

legislature, with whom I have been brought into personal and official

intercourse, my sincere appreciation of their unfailing courtesy,

and of their harmonious co-operation with the Executive in so many

measures calculated to promote the best interests of the nation.

"And to my fellow-citizens generally, I acknowledge a deep sense

of obligation for the support which they have accorded me in my

administration of the executive department of this government."

Hugh McCulloch, upon the death of Mr. Folger, had become Secretary

of the Treasury. His report contained the usual statements in

regard to government receipts and expenditures and the public debt,

but the chief subject discussed was the coinage of silver dollars.

He said:

"There are some financial dangers ahead which can only be avoided

by changes in our financial legislation. The most imminent of

these dangers, and the only one to which I now ask the attention

of Congress, arises from the continued coinage of silver and the

increasing representation of it by silver certificates. I believe

that the world is not in a condition, and never will be, for the

demonetization of one-third of its metallic money; that both gold

and silver are absolutely necessary for a circulating medium; and

that neither can be disused without materially increasing the burden

of debt, nor even temporarily degraded by artificial means without

injurious effect upon home and international trade. But I also

believe that gold and silver can only be made to maintain their

comparative value by the joint action of commercial nations. Not

only is there now no joint action taken by these nations to place

and keep silver on an equality with gold, according to existing

standards, but it has been by the treatment it has received from

European nations greatly lessened in commercial value.

* * * * *

"After giving the subject careful consideration, I have been forced

to the conclusion that unless both the coinage of silver dollars

and the issue of silver certificates are suspended, there is danger

that silver, and not gold, may become our metallic standard. This

danger may not be imminent, but it is of so serious a character

that there ought not to be delay in providing against it. Not only

would the national credit be seriously impaired if the government

should be under the necessity of using silver dollars or certificates

in payment of gold obligations, but business of all kinds would be

greatly disturbed; not only so, but gold would at once cease to be

a circulating medium, and severe contraction would be the result."

The first important subject considered by the Senate was the coinage

of silver dollars and the consequent issue of silver certificates.

The debate was founded upon a resolution offered by Senator Hill,

of Colorado, against the views expressed by the President in his

message and by Secretary McCulloch in his report.

On the 15th of December I made a speech covering, as I thought,

the silver question, not only of the past but of the probable

results in the future. The amount of silver dollars then in the

treasury was $184,730,829, and of silver certificates outstanding

$131,556,531. These certificates were maintained at par in gold

by being received for customs duties. They were redeemable in

silver dollars, but were in fact never presented for redemption.

The silver dollars could only be used in the redemption of certificates

or by issue in payment of current liabilities. With the utmost

exertions to put the silver dollars in circulation only fifty

million could be used in this way. To have forced more into

circulation would have excited a doubt whether any of our paper

money could be maintained at par with gold.

When urged to express a remedy for this condition I said that if

I had the power to dictate a law I would ascertain by the best

means the exact market value of the two metals, and then put into

each silver dollar as many grains of standard silver as would be

equal in market value to 25.8 grains of standard gold. I said that

if the price of silver fell the coin would still circulate upon

the fiat of the government. If silver advanced in relative value

the amount of silver in the coin could, at stated periods, be

decreased. Bimetallism could only exist where the market value of

the two metals approached the coinage value, or where a strong

government, with a good credit, received and paid out coins of each

metal at parity with each other. The only way to prevent a variation

in the value of the two metals, and the exportation of the dearer

metal, would be, by an international agreement between commercial

nations, to adopt a common ratio somewhat similar in substance to

that of the Latin Union, each nation to receive as current money

the coins of the other and each to redeem its own coins in gold.

Mr. Beck replied to my argument, and the debate between us continued

during two or three days. The weakness of the silver advocates

was that they were not content with the coinage of more silver coin

than ever before, but were determined that the holder of silver in

any form might deposit it in the mint and have it coined into

dollars for his benefit at the ratio of sixteen to one, when its

market value had then fallen so that twenty ounces of silver were

worth but one ounce in gold, and since has fallen in value so that

thirty ounces of silver are worth but one ounce in gold.

With free coinage in these conditions no gold coins would be minted

and all the money of the United States would be reduced in value

to the sole silver standard, and gold would be hoarded and exported.

This debate has been continued from that date to this, not only in

Congress, but in every schoolhouse in the United States, and in

all the commercial nations of the world. I shall have occasion

hereafter to recur to it.

On the 18th of December I reported, from the joint committee on

the library, an amendment to an appropriation bill providing for

the construction of a statue to the memory of General Lafayette,

in the following words:

"That the president _pro tempore_ of the Senate and the speaker of

the House of Representative do appoint a joint committee of three

Senators and three Representatives, with authority to contract for

and erect a statue to the memory of General Lafayette and his

compatriots; and said statue shall be placed in a suitable public

reservation in the city of Washington, to be designated by said

joint committee."

The amendment was agreed to by both Houses. The result was the

erection, on the southeast corner of Lafayette Square in Washington,

of the most beautiful and artistic bronze monument in that city.

A somewhat sharp and combative controversy had taken place in the

newspapers between General Sherman and Jefferson Davis, in regard

to the position of the latter on the rights of the Confederate

states in the spring of 1865. General Sherman, in a letter to me

dated December 4, 1884, published in the "Sherman Letters," narrated

his remarks at a meeting of the Frank Blair Post, G. A. R., No. 1,

in St. Louis, in which he said that he had noticed the tendency to

gloss over old names and facts by speaking of the Rebellion as a

war of secession, while in fact it was a conspiracy up to the firing

on Fort Sumter, and a rebellion afterwards. He described the

conspiracy between Slidell, Benjamin and Davis, and the seizure of

the United States arsenal at Baton Rouge, and other acts of war,

and then said:

"I had seen a letter of Mr. Davis showing that he was not sincere

in his doctrine of secession, for when some of the states of the

Confederacy, in 1865, talked of 'a separate state action,' another

name for 'secession,' he stated that he, as president of the

Confederacy, would resist it, even if he had to turn Lee's army

against it. I did see such a letter, or its copy, in a captured

letter book at Raleigh, just about as the war was closing."

Davis called for the production of the identical letter. General

Sherman said he could not enter into a statement of the controversy,

but he believed the truth of his statement could be established,

and that he would collect evidence to make good his statement. I

replied to his letter as follows:

"United States Senate, }

"Washington, D. C., December 10, 1884.}

"Dear Brother:--. . . I can see how naturally you spoke of Jeff.

Davis as you did, and you did not say a word more than he deserved.

Still, he scarcely deserves to be brought into notice. He was not

only a conspirator, but a traitor. His reply was a specimen of

impotent rage. It is scarcely worth your notice, nor should you

dignify it by a direct rejoinder. A clear, strong statement of

the historical facts that justified the use of the word 'conspirator,'

which you know very well how to write, is all the notice required.

Do not attempt to fortify it by an affidavit, as some of the papers

say you intend to do, but your statement of the letters seen by

you, and the historical facts known by you, are enough. I have

had occasion, since your letter was received, to speak to several

Senators about the matter, and they all agree with me that you

ought to avoid placing the controversy on letters which cannot now

be produced. The records have been pretty well sifted by friendly

rebels, and under the new administration it is likely their further

publication will be edited by men who will gladly shield Davis at

the expense of a Union soldier. The letter of Stephens to Johnson

is an extraordinary one. Its publication will be a bombshell in

the Confederate camp. I will deliver the copy to Colonel Scott to-

morrow. One or two paragraphs from it go far to sustain your stated

opinion of Jeff. Davis. . . .

"Very affectionately yours,

"John Sherman."

This controversy came before the Senate by a resolution offered by

Senator Hawley, calling upon the President to communicate to the

Senate an historical statement concerning the public policy of the

executive department of the Confederate states during the late War

of the Rebellion, reported to have been lately filed in the war

department by General William T. Sherman. Upon this resolution a

somewhat acrimonious debate occurred, participated in by Senators

Harris, Hawley, Vest, George, Ingalls and others. During the debate

I felt constrained, on account of my relationship with General

Sherman, to give his version of the controversy between himself

and Jefferson Davis.

I disliked the introduction of such a controversy twenty years

after the war was over, but still, as the matter was before us, I

entered at considerable length into a history of the controversy,

and expressed my decided opinion that General Sherman was entirely

justified in denouncing Davis and his associates, before the Civil

War commenced, as conspirators and traitors. I closed my remarks

as follows:

"I am sorry this debate has sprung up. I was in hope, with the

Senator from Connecticut, who introduced the resolution, that these

papers would be published, and nothing more would be said about

them here, but let the people determine the issue and let this

matter go down in history. But, sir, whenever, in my presence, in

a public assemblage, Jefferson Davis shall be treated as a patriot,

I must enter my solemn protest. Whenever the motives and causes

of the war, the beginning and end of which I have seen, are brought

into question, I must stand, as I have always stood, upon the firm

conviction that it was a causeless rebellion, made with bad motives,

and that all men who led in that movement were traitors to their

country."

Senator Lamar answered my speech with some heat, and closed as

follows:

"One other thing. We, of the south, have surrendered upon all the

questions which divided the two sides in that controversy. We have

given up the right of the people to secede from the Union; we have

given up the right of each state to judge for itself of the

infractions of the constitution and the mode of redress; we have

given up the right to control our own domestic institutions. We

fought for all these, and we lost in that controversy; but no man

shall, in my presence, call Jefferson Davis a traitor, without my

responding with a stern and emphatic denial."

Senator Vest closed the debate in a few remarks, and the subject-

matter was displaced by the regular order. While I regretted this

debate, I believed that the speeches made by the Republican Senators

properly defined the Rebellion as, first, a conspiracy; second,

treason; third, a rebellion subdued by force, finally followed by

the most generous treatment of those engaged in the Rebellion that

is found in the history of mankind.

During this session there was a very full debate upon the subject

of regulating interstate commerce, in which I participated. The

contest was between what was known as the Reagan bill, which passed

the House of Representatives, and the Senate bill. I expressed

the opinion that the Senate bill was better than the Reagan bill,

and, although much popular favor had been enlisted from time to

time in favor of the Reagan bill, because it grappled with and

dealt with the railroad corporations, the Senate bill did more; it

not only grappled with them, but laid a broad and deep foundation

for an admirable system of railroad law, which should govern all

the railroads of the country.

CHAPTER XLVIII.

DEDICATION OF THE WASHINGTON MONUMENT.

Resolution of Senator Morrill Providing for Appropriate Dedicatory

Ceremonies--I Am Made Chairman of the Commission--Robert C. Winthrop's

Letter Stating His Inability to Attend the Exercises--Letters of

Regret from General Grant and John G. Whittier--Unfavorable Weather

for the Dedication--My Address as Presiding Officer--The President's

Acceptance of the Monument for the Nation--Mr. Winthrop's Address

Read in the House by John D. Long--Inauguration of the First

Democratic President Since Buchanan's Time--Visit to Cincinnati

and Address on the Election Frauds--Respects to the Ohio Legislature

--A Trip to the West and Southwest--Address on American Independence.

On the 13th of May, 1884, the President approved the following

joint resolution, introduced by Mr. Morrill, from the committee on

public buildings and grounds:

"Whereas, The shaft of the Washington monument is approaching

completion, and it is proper that it should be dedicated with

appropriate ceremonies, calculated to perpetuate the fame of the

illustrious man who was 'first in war, first in peace, and first

in the hearts of his countrymen:' Therefore,

"_Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United

States of America in Congress assembled_, That a commission to

consist of five Senators appointed by the president of the Senate,

eight Representatives appointed by the speaker of the House of

Representatives, three members of the Washington Monument Society,

and the United States engineer in charge of the work be, and the

same is hereby, created, with full powers to make arrangements for,--

"First. The dedication of the monument to the name and memory of

George Washington, by the President of the United States, with

appropriate ceremonies.

"Second. A procession from the monument to the capitol, escorted

by regular and volunteer corps, the Washington Monument Society,

representatives of cities, states, and organizations which have

contributed blocks of stone, and such bodies of citizens as may

desire to appear.

"Third. An oration in the hall of the House of Representatives,

on the twenty-second day of February, _anno Domini_ eighteen hundred

and eighty-five, by the Honorable Robert C. Winthrop, who delivered

the oration at the laying of the corner stone of the monument in

eighteen hundred and forty-eight, with music by the Marine Band.

"Fourth. Salutes of one hundred guns from the navy yard, the

artillery headquarters, and such men-of-war as can be anchored in

the Potomac."

I was chairman of the commission appointed under this resolution,

and, in compliance with it, invited Mr. Winthrop to deliver the

oration. He expressed his deep sense of the honor conferred upon

him, but had a doubt whether he ought not to decline on account of

his failing health. Mr. Morrill and I strongly insisted upon his

acceptance and he eventually consented, though not without misgivings

which were unhappily justified.

A short time before the day appointed for the dedication I received

from him the following autograph letter, which is interesting, not

only on account of the eminence of its author, but of the important

event about to be celebrated:

"90 Marlborough Street, Boston, February 13, 1885.

"Hon. John Sherman, Chairman, etc.

"Dear Senator Sherman:--It is with deep regret that I find myself

compelled to abandon all further hope of being at the dedication

of the Washington monument on the 21st instant. I have been looking

forward to the possibility of being able to run on at the last

moment, and to pronounce a few sentences of my oration before

handing it to Governor Long, who has so kindly consented to read

it. But my recovery from dangerous illness has been slower than

I anticipated, and my physician concurs with my family in forbidding

me from any attempt to leave home at present.

"I need not assure the commissioners how great a disappointment it

is to me to be deprived of the privilege of being present on this

most interesting occasion. I am sure of their sympathy without

asking for it.

"Please present my respectful apologies to your associates, and

believe me,

"With great regard, very faithfully yours,

"Robt. C. Winthrop.

"P. S.--This is the first letter I have attempted to write with my

own pen since my illness."

Among the numerous regrets received by the commission was the

following:

"Oak Knoll, Danvers, Mass., Second Month 8, 1885.

"Hon. John Sherman, Chairman of Committee.

"Dear Friend:--The state of my health will scarcely permit me to

avail myself of the invitation of the commission to attend the

ceremonies of the dedication of the Washington monument.

"In common with my fellow-citizens I rejoice at the successful

completion of this majestic testimonial of the reverence and

affection which the people of the United States, irrespective of

party, section, or race, cherish for the 'Father of his Country.'

Grand, however, and imposing as that testimonial may seem, it is,

after all, but an inadequate outward representation of that mightier

monument, unseen and immeasurable, builded of the living stones of

a nation's love and gratitude, the hearts of forty millions of

people. But the world has not outlived its need of picture writing

and symbolism, and the great object lesson of the Washington monument

will doubtless prove a large factor in the moral and political

education of present and future generations. Let us hope that it

will be a warning as well as a benediction; and that while its

sunlit altitude may fitly symbolize the truth that 'righteousness

exalteth a nation,' its shadow falling on the dome of the capitol

may be a daily remainder that 'sin is a reproach to any people.'

Surely it will not have been reared in vain if, on the day of its

dedication, its mighty shaft shall serve to lift heavenward the

voice of a united people that the principles for which the fathers

toiled and suffered shall be maintained inviolate by their children.

"With sincere respect, I am thy friend,

"John G. Whittier."

Another letter, received about two weeks earlier from General Grant,

seems to me worthy of a reproduction. It is as follows:

"New York City, January 27, 1885.

"Hon. John Sherman.

"Dear Sir:--I regret very much that my physical condition prevents

me from accepting the invitation of the commissioners, appointed

by Congress to provide suitable ceremonies for the dedication of

the Washington monument, to be present to witness the same on the

21st of February next. My throat still requires the attention of

the physician daily, though I am encouraged to believe that it is

improving.

"Very respectfully yours,

"U. S. Grant."

An engraved card of invitation was sent to a great number of civil

and military organizations throughout the United States, the regents

of Mount Vernon, relatives of General Washington and other

distinguished persons.

The commission invited Lieutenant General Sheridan to act as marshal

of the day, with an aid-de-camp from each state and territory.

This invitation was accepted, and arrangements were made for a

procession from the monument to the capitol and proceedings there

after the dedication by the President.

The joint resolution prescribed that the monument be dedicated "to

the name and memory of George Washington, by the President of the

United States, with appropriate ceremonies" on the 22nd of February.

The day selected was among the coldest of the year. The ground

was covered with snow and a high keen wind was blowing. I was

directed to preside over the proceedings at the base of the monument,

and in the performance of this duty made the following address:

"The commission authorized by the two Houses of Congress to provide

suitable ceremonies for the dedication of the Washington monument,

direct me to preside and announce the order of ceremonies deemed

proper on this occasion.

"I need not say anything to impress upon you the dignity of the

event you have met to celebrate. The monument speaks for itself--

simple in form, admirable in proportions, composed of enduring

marble and granite, resting upon foundations broad and deep, it

rises into the skies higher than any work of human art. It is the

most imposing, costly and appropriate monument ever erected in the

honor of one man.

"It had its origin in the profound conviction of the people,

irrespective of party, creed or race, not only of this country,

but of all civilized countries, that the name and fame of Washington

should be perpetuated by the most imposing testimonial of a nation's

gratitude to its hero, statesman and father. This universal

sentiment took form in a movement of private citizens, associated

under the name of the Washington National Monument Association,

who, on the 31st day of January, 1848, secured, from Congress, an

act authorizing them to erect the proposed monument on this ground,

selected, as the most appropriate site, by the President of the

United States. Its corner stone was laid on the 4th day of July,

1848, by the Masonic fraternity, with imposing ceremonies, in the

presence of the chief officer of the government and a multitude of

citizens. It was partially erected by the National Monument

Association, with means furnished by the voluntary contributions

of the people of the United States.

"On the 5th day of July, 1876, one hundred years after the declaration

of American Independence, Congress, in the name of the people of

the United States, formally assumed and directed the completion of

the monument. Since then the foundation has been strengthened,

the shaft has been steadily advanced, and the now completed structure

stands before you.

"It is a fit memorial of the greatest character in human history.

It looks down upon scenes most loved by him on earth, the most

conspicuous object in a landscape full of objects deeply interesting

to the American people. All eyes turn to it, and all hearts feel

the inspiration of its beauty, symmetry and grandeur. Strong as

it is, it will not endure so long as the memory of him in whose

honor it was built, but while it stands it will be the evidence to

many succeeding generations of the love and reverence of this

generation for the name and fame of George Washington, 'first in

war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of his countrymen'--

more even than this, the prototype of purity, manhood and patriotism

for all lands and for all time. Without further preface, I proceed

to discharge the duty assigned me."

After prayer by the Rev. Henderson Suter, Dr. James C. Welling read

an address which had been prepared by W. W. Corcoran, first vice

president of the Washington National Monument Society, giving a

detailed history of the structure in its various stages. Washington

having been a Freemason, appropriate Masonic ceremonies were

performed, the address being delivered by Grand Master Myron M.

Parker. Colonel Thomas L. Casey, of the engineer corps, United

States army, the chief engineer and architect of the monument, then

formally delivered the structure to the President of the United

States, in an address describing the work done by him on it.

President Arthur received the monument with the following well-

chosen words:

"Fellow-Countrymen:--Before the dawn of the century whose eventful

years will soon have faded into the past, when death had but lately

robbed this republic of its most beloved and illustrious citizen,

the Congress of the United States pledged the faith of the nation

that in this city, bearing his honored name, and then, as now, the

seat of the general government, a monument should be erected 'to

commemorate the great events of his military and political life.'

"The stately column that stretches heavenward from the plain whereon

we stand bears witness to all who behold it that the covenant which

our fathers made, their children have fulfilled.

"In the completion of this great work of patriotic endeavor there

is abundant cause for national rejoicing; for while this structure

shall endure it shall be to all mankind a steadfast token of the

affectionate and reverent regard in which this people continue to

hold the memory of Washington. Well may he ever keep the foremost

place in the hearts of his countrymen.

"The faith that never faltered, the wisdom that was broader and

deeper than any learning taught in schools, the courage that shrank

from no peril and was dismayed by no defeat, the loyalty that kept

all selfish purpose subordinate to the demands of patriotism and

honor, the sagacity that displayed itself in camp and cabinet alike,

and, above all, that harmonious union of moral and intellectual

qualities which has never found its parallel among men; these are

the attributes of character which the intelligent thought of this

century ascribes to the grandest figure of the last.

"But other and more eloquent lips than mine will to-day rehearse

to you the story of his noble life and its glorious achievements.

"To myself has been assigned a simpler and more formal duty, in

fulfillment of which I do now, as President of the United States,

and in behalf of the people, receive this monument from the hands

of its builder, and declare it dedicated from this time forth to

the immortal name and memory of George Washington."

The exercises at the monument concluded, General Sheridan and his

aids formed the procession, consisting of regular and state troops,

the Masonic fraternity, Grand Army posts, and other organizations,

with the invited guests, in carriages, and proceeded to the capitol,

while the cannon at the navy yard, at the artillery headquarters

and at Fort Meyer fired minute guns.

As previously arranged, the address of Mr. Winthrop, which has ever

since been regarded as equal to the occasion, was read by John D.

Long, in the hall of the House of Representatives, before a most

distinguished audience, embracing all the principal officers of

the government and the invited guests. John W. Daniel, of Virginia,

also delivered an eloquent oration.

Thus the Congress celebrated the completion of monuments in enduring

form to two of the greatest men in American history--Washington

and Marshall.

The Congress expired by limitation March 4, 1885.

On the same day, there was inaugurated the first Democratic President

of the United States since the time of James Buchanan. The election

of Cleveland, though not disputed, turned upon a very narrow majority

in New York, and the practical exclusion of the majority of the

legal voters in several of the southern states. This naturally

led to the inquiry, "What will you do about it?" My answer was

that we must quietly acquiesce in the result of the official returns

and give to Mr. Cleveland such fair treatment as we asked for Hayes.

I said that we should confirm his appointments made in pursuance

of the law and custom. I was a member of the committee that

conducted him to the stand where he was inaugurated. I heard his

inaugural address, carefully studied it, and felt sure that if he

faithfully observed the policy he defined, the bitterness of party

strife would be greatly diminished. He carefully avoided contested

questions of public policy, and especially omitted all reference

to the substantial overthrow of the political rights of a majority

of the legal voters in many of the southern states, by which alone

he was elected.

The usual call for an executive session at the close of a presidential

term was issued by President Arthur, and the Senate met on the 4th

of March, Vice President Hendricks presiding. But little business

of general interest was done during that session except action on

presidential appointments, few in number, which were confirmed

without objection. The Senate adjourned on the 2nd of April.

Soon after I went to Mansfield, and, on the 12th of April, to

Cincinnati, to witness the inauguration of my friend, Amor Smith,

Jr., as mayor of that city. He had fought and overcome the grossest

frauds that had been or could be committed by penitentiary convicts.

A crowd gathered around his residence, which, with those of his

neighbors, was brilliantly illuminated. The Blaine club, headed

by a band and followed by many citizens, filled his yard. His

house was full of his personal friends. After music by the band,

Miller Outcalt, president of the club, escorted Mr. Smith to the

piazza and introduced him to the citizens. His speech was modest

and appropriate, but he took care to denounce, in fitting language,

the open and reckless frauds practiced by his enemies to defeat

him, and promised that while he was mayor no such frauds should be

committed.

I was introduced to the crowd, and, after rendering my thanks and

congratulations and my appeal to the young men of the club, said:

"I think the foulest crime in the decalogue of crime, worse than

any named in the Ten Commandments of the Mosaic law, lower far than

stealing, worse than burglary, as bad as murder, is the crime that

has been perpetrated here in your city openly, in the face of day,

trying to break down the elective franchise and rob the people of

their right to govern themselves. I might forgive a man who would

steal because he was in need of bread; he might commit other crimes

because of some reason, but a man who seeks to rob his neighbors

of their right to govern themselves, and practices the tricks of

the wily electioneer to deprive the people of this right, commits

a meaner crime than any that can be named in the list of crime.

"I am told that dozens--aye, hundreds--of men have gone to the

polls and there voted over and over again; that they have given

false names, and sometimes, in the presence of the very guardians

of the public peace, they have openly violated the law. I say that

worse men cannot be found than those who do this, or those viler

creatures who protect them in doing it or justify them in their

acts. Every power of the nation should be utilized to punish them

with the penitentiary; they ought to be made to wear the stripes

of the convict."

Foraker followed with an eloquent speech, which greatly pleased

the audience, and after much hand-shaking the crowd gradually

dispersed.

My remarks about frauds at elections did not please the "Enquirer."

While strongly censuring me for violence in language it did not

try to controvert what I said. I have always entertained the

opinion that frauds in elections are more dangerous crimes than

cheating, theft and robbery, because they are committed against

the whole people and sap and undermine republican institutions.

I have always denounced them, or anything approaching them, when

committed by friend or foe.

From Cincinnati I went to Columbus to pay my respects to the Ohio

legislature, about to adjourn. A majority of both houses was

Democratic. They convened in the hall of the house of representatives,

where I addressed them. I thanked them for their courtesy, which

was the more gracious because it came from gentlemen who did not

agree with me in political opinion. I told them I was pleased to

see that in Ohio and elsewhere the interests of our country and

our state were regarded of vastly more importance than the factious

quarrels of bitter partisans, which feeling I was glad to say I

had always encouraged. I alluded to my having served in the Senate

of the United States with colleagues representing different political

opinions from myself, including Allen G. Thurman, George H. Pendleton

and, at that time, Henry B. Payne, and to the fact that whenever

the interests of the people of Ohio were concerned our political

differences disappeared and we were shoulder to shoulder as friends.

I said I thought this spirit ought to be observed by the representatives

of the people of Ohio and of the United States, that whenever the

interests of the people were under consideration party spirit should

sink into insignificance.

After hand-shaking all around I returned to my hotel. In the

evening I was invited to attend the board of trade, and, being

kindly introduced by President Miles, I, as usual, was called upon

for a speech. I first alluded to the remarkable growth of Columbus

to which the members of the board had contributed, and then discussed

briefly the silver question, about which they also felt an interest.

I then exploited into electricity, as follows:

"Gentlemen, you will be called upon hereafter to deal with forces

yet undiscovered. The developments of science have brought to your

aid things as mysterious as life, which no mind can penetrate.

You are now called upon to use electricity as a motive power and

as light. You must develop these secrets of nature, and you will

have no more fear of the exhaustion of gold, for these new powers

will contribute to the wealth and power of this country. The

business men must carry out these, and so I say, as I said in

Cincinnati, that if business men would carry their honest methods

into government, then the scale and grade of our politics would

rise higher and higher. We have had advancement under these

principles in everything except the government of the country.

What we want is honest government by honest men. The United States

will then be looked on no longer as an experiment, but it will

become the greatest of the great governments since Adam was created.

"If I can induce the young men, who have contributed so much to

the growth of this city, to see to this--if you will do this much

to promote honest government and honest methods, we won't care

whether you call yourself Democrat or Republican."

I closed with thanks for the honor done me. I was also invited to

visit the city council, and as soon as the reception in the board

of trade was over I accompanied a committee to the council chamber,

where I was again called upon for a speech.

Mr. Taylor, the president of the council, by a slip of the tongue,

introduced me as "Senator Thurman." I said:

"I see that our friend, your president, mixes me up with Judge

Thurman on account of the fact that our names sound very much alike.

I consider such a mistake the highest compliment that could be paid

me; for the great ability, intense sagacity and entire purity of

your distinguished fellow-citizen, in the highest offices of the

land, have placed him, in my estimation, in the first rank of able

and noble men. I like to have my name called Thurman. It is my

opinion that the duties of city officers are of the very highest

importance. The most serious embarrassments of this or any other

country lie with the municipal governments. National government

is clearly defined. The government of the State of Ohio ought to

present no difficulties when administered by fair men of business

habits. But the eyes of the people are upon the difficulties of

municipal government. The scenes that occurred in Paris, in London,

in New York, and, to come nearer home, the scenes that occurred in

Cincinnati, all show the importance of good city government. I

say to you, although a Member of the Senate of the United States,

that the real difficulties of our government are no more serious

than the problems of city management and government. When Rome

became the scene of wrongs, crimes, and usurpation, the republic

crumbled. If ever this government be in danger, it will be because

of the misgovernment of our cities."

In the early part of April, 1885, I arranged for a trip via Chicago,

Des Moines, St. Louis, Texas and California, thence along the

Pacific coast to Tacoma and Seattle, and thence by the Northern

Pacific railroad to St. Paul, and home again. The party was composed

of Henry C. Hedges, George F. Carpenter, both citizens of Mansfield,

my nephew Frank Sherman, of Des Moines, and myself. It was arranged

that we were to meet in St. Louis. In the meantime I proceeded to

Des Moines, where I met my brother, Hoyt, and his son, Frank. Here

I met a reporter of the "Register" published in that city. He said

in his report that I seemed to feel happy at the prospect that for

two months at least I was going to be free from public cares, and

that I acted like a man who had absolutely thrown worry aside for

the time being. I told him my business was purely of a private

character, and that I had dismissed all politics from my mind. I

declined to answer his questions about Mr. Cleveland. He made out

of small materials an interview which answered his purpose. He

asked my view of the silver question. I told him I hoped to see

the people abandon the idea, which prevailed a few years previous,

of having silver money of less value than gold. We had gone through

a struggle of some years to make our paper money equal to gold,

and the next struggle ought to be to do the same with silver money.

I said we should have all kinds of money of equal value whether

United States notes, bank bills, silver or gold; that if we had

this our silver would circulate in all parts of the world the same

as our gold, that we could use both silver and gold as the basis

of our certificates, which would then be regarded as money by every

commercial nation of the world. I said I was in favor of both

silver and gold, and of using both to be coined upon the basis of

market value, that in this way the volume of money would be increased

instead of being diminished, and our money would become the standard

money of the world. In his report he said that I spoke very

feelingly of General Grant, expressing a hope for his recovery,

but that I feared his apparent improvement was only characteristic

of that disease and not substantial.

I was surprised as well as gratified at the rapid growth of Des

Moines, which I first knew as an insignificant village. From Des

Moines Frank Sherman and I went to St. Louis, and there met Messrs.

Hedges and Carpenter. During the two or three days we remained in

St. Louis I stayed at the house of General Sherman, who then resided

in that city. He took great interest in my proposed trip, and one

evening wrote out, without a change or erasure of a single word,

on three pages of foolscap, and under the head of "Memorandum for

John Sherman," a complete and detailed statement of the route I

was to follow, and the names of the cities and places I was to

visit, including the persons whom I ought to see, to several of

whom he gave me letters of introduction. I have regarded this

"memorandum," which we found accurate in every particular, as a

striking evidence of his mastery of details. We followed the route

with scarcely a change. Among the letters given me by him was one

to his friend, F. F. Low, as follows:

"St. Louis, Mo., May 3, 1885.

"Hon. F. F. Low, Anglo California Bank.

"Dear Sir:--My brother John, the Senator, is on the point of starting

for San Francisco via the southern route and intends to come back

by the north. He will be in your city some days, and I am anxious

you should become acquainted, also that he should meet your wife

and daughter.

"If you are with the Pacific club please introduce him to some of

the old set--Hoffman, Tevis, Haggin, Rowie, etc., etc. Nearly all

my old banking friends have passed away, but I am sure he would be

pleased to meet Alvord and Brown, of the Bank of California, and

also Flood, of the Nevada Bank.

"Truly your friend,

"W. T. Sherman."

While in St. Louis, the "Evening Chronicle" of May 1, published

quite a long interview with me. General Sherman, during this

interview, sat somewhat aside, now and then putting in an emphatic

assent or suggestion. The general inquired of me if there was any

late news from Washington concerning General Sheridan. The reporter

then asked him what his opinion was as to the controversy between

General Sheridan and Secretary of War Endicott. The general

answered: "There is no controversy. It is simply an incident of

the conflict of authority which has existed between the Secretary

of War and the General of the Army since the days of Washington.

General Scott had to leave Washington on that account. I had to

leave there for the same reason, and Sheridan will have to go away."

Early Monday morning, May 4, we left on the St. Louis, Iron Mountain

& Southern railway. I had heard and read a great deal in St. Louis

about the mineral resources of the southeastern part of Missouri,

through which we passed, but from the cars we could gain no

information. We saw, on every side, herds of cattle, flocks of

sheep, and bands of horses and mules. For miles the forest woods

stretched away. We passed through the low lands of Arkansas,

covered with valuable timber. We passed through Texarkana, a city

located partly in Arkansas and partly in Texas, and not far from

Louisiana. We proceeded across the State of Texas, only catching

glimpses, here and there, of towns springing up, and broad fields

already planted with cotton.

In passing through Dallas, we met my old boyhood friend, A. Banning

Norton, who was there called Judge Norton. In 1844 he was so

earnest in his zeal and enthusiasm for Henry Clay that he vowed he

would not cut his hair until Clay was elected President of the

United States. Clay's defeat was a sad blow to Norton, but he

religiously kept his vow, and until the day of his death wore his

hair unshorn. He was thoroughly loyal during the war, and was

compelled to leave Texas and remain in Ohio until after the war

was over, when he returned and published a newspaper, and was kindly

treated by his Texas neighbors. In his paper, he said that receiving

a telegram from me at six o'clock, at his residence, just before

the arrival of the train, he hurried to the Union Depot, and there

had the satisfaction of meeting our party. He said that his chief

regret at the delay in receiving this telegram was that he did not

have time enough to give notice to his neighbors, who would have

been glad to give us an ovation. He went with us as far as Fort

Worth, and we had a chance to revive the memories of early times,

when we were schoolboys at Mount Vernon, Ohio.

We arrived at El Paso and Paso del Norte, the first a Texan and

the second a Mexican town, opposite each other on the Rio Grande

River, which, from its mouth to this point, is the boundary line

between Mexico and the United States. El Paso must, in all human

probability, become a place of great importance. From there we

proceeded to Deming and entered Arizona. Here we began again to

hear of rich mines, of thriving mining towns, and of the inexhaustible

ores of silver and gold, but how much was truth and how much

exaggeration we had no means of knowing. From the cars the whole

country appeared to be a wilderness. Arizona, as viewed from the

cars, does not present a pleasing prospect, though we heard that

back beyond the mountains on either side were plains and valleys

irrigated by mountain streams, where perennial grasses existed and

grain was raised. We passed through Tucson, the capital of the

territory. It is an old city, having been in existence, it is

said, 300 years. Here we saw fields of barley, wheat, rye and

timothy, and a large orchard, all enriched by irrigation. We soon

crossed the Colorado River and entered California.

From Yuma to San Bernardino is an absolute desert. For over one

hundred miles the track is one hundred feet, or more, below the

level of the sea, and the country is absolutely naked of bird or

grass. At San Bernardino we entered California proper, and there

found a beautiful country, with nothing to obstruct the view, the

California mountains being on the right all the way into Los Angeles.

Upon my arrival in this city I was pleasantly surprised. I had

been there thirteen years before, but everything was changed. I

could find none of the old landmarks I had formerly seen. They

had disappeared, but in their place were great improvements and

signs of progress and prosperity. I was asked the occasion of my

visit. I answered truly that I proposed to remain in the southern

part of the state for a week or more, for rest and recreation.

Here, again, I had inquiries about the silver question. I was

averse to giving any expression of opinion, but the topic was

irrepressible, and I finally said to the representative of one of

the leading papers: "I am in favor of a silver dollar, equal, in

market value, to the gold dollar--actually equal. In other words,

let the silver dollar have enough grains of silver in it to make

it intrinsically worth, in the market, the gold dollar. As it is,

the government buys the silver at a certain valuation and then

coins it at another valuation, to make a profit on the difference.

This is not protecting the silver producer at all. It really is

an injury to him and his industry."

Our stay in Los Angeles was a very pleasant one. We drove to many

interesting towns and settlements within fifteen or twenty miles

of the city. I do not remember, in my many travels, any part of

the earth's surface that is more attractive in the spring of the

year, the season when I was there, than the region about Los Angeles.

I met there many friends of General Sherman, who inquired for him,

and I informed them he was living very pleasantly in St. Louis,

that I had spent the last Sunday with him, that he traveled a great

deal, and attended reunions with old army comrades, which he enjoyed

very much, that he was fond of the Pacific coast and liked to go

there, and that I almost persuaded him to come with me on this

trip, had not other engagements existed which he could not annul.

We met several Ohio people while here, among them two or three

gentlemen whom we had known as boys in Mansfield. We drove to

Wolfskill's orange grove, and to many handsome places in, and

around, Los Angeles, to Sierra Madre Villa, to Baldwin's place, to

Rose's wine establishment, and to Passadena, where we found Senator

Cameron and his wife pleasantly situated, and where they spent the

summer.

From Los Angeles we departed by stage and passed through the Los

Angeles valley, the San Fernando valley, and after crossing the

coast range saw the sea. For the first time we were at the Pacific

coast proper. On the way we met a settlement of Ohio men, most of

them from Richland county, whom we knew. San Buenaventura is the

county seat of Ventura county, with about 2,000 inhabitants. It

is an interesting place, its chief ornament being an old mission

built in 1784. We there visited a loan exhibition and floral

display under the management of the ladies of the village and

surrounding country, and saw the evidences of a semi-tropical

climate, magnificent palm tress, and the orange, the lemon and the

lime. From this place to Santa Barbara the drive was mainly along

the beach. Passing from the beach we entered upon a beautiful

country, and so proceeded all the way into Santa Barbara, through

charming valleys and under pleasant skies.

At Santa Barbara we were welcomed by Colonel Hollister, a native

of Ohio and a ranchero of California, whom, as already related, I

had met under similar circumstance thirteen years previous. We

stopped at a hotel owned by him and for four days were his guests.

He had settled on a tract of country west of Santa Barbara, and

had become the owner of a ranch of 48,000 acres as well as extensive

property in Santa Barbara and other places. We visited him at Glen

Annie after a drive of a few miles in an open carriage, all the

way within view of the sea and the mountains, through valleys

cultivated like gardens, under a bright sky in pure air. On the

foot hills were grazing herds of cattle, flocks of sheep and droves

of horses. On either side of the carriage road were groves of the

English walnut, orange, lemon, lime, apricot, peach, apple, cherry,

the date palm and olive trees, with acres and acres of vineyards,

and now and then a park of live oak. The mansion of Glen Annie

was surrounded by a bower of flowers and vines. From the porch we

could see the sea. This was the second time I had been at Santa

Barbara and I always remember it as perhaps the most pleasing

combination of scenery I have ever witnessed. We spent a very

pleasant hour with Mr. Stoddard and family, who had removed from

Ohio some years before to that delightful part of our country.

From Santa Barbara we went by steamer to Wilmington and San Pedro

and then returned to Los Angeles through a beautiful country. From

thence we went to San Francisco by rail through a country that

seemed absolutely worthless except now and then there were small

valleys highly cultivated. In the early morning we were in the

valley of the San Joaquin, where wide fields extend all along both

sides. Here we saw thousands of acres of land covered by growing

wheat without a fence to protect it.

Arriving at Oakland we crossed the bay to San Francisco on the 18th

of May, stopping at the Palace hotel. There I was called upon by

reporters of the several papers and was asked to tell them where

I came from, where I was going, and my opinions upon various

subjects. All manner of questions were asked and answered about

matters of no present interest. Our party visited many places of

interest in and about San Francisco. I visited General Pope, at

his residence at Black Point, the fort at the entrance of the Golden

Gate, the seal rocks and park. While here I met a great number of

very agreeable gentlemen and ladies, some of whom were from Lancaster,

Ohio. The letters given me by General Sherman introduced me to

prominent men, who were very kind and courteous. On the 25th, a

public reception was tendered me at the rooms of the Chamber of

Commerce, by the members of that body, the Board of Trade and the

Manufacturers' Association. This was an act of courtesy that I

did not expect, but greatly appreciated. The usual speech making

occurred. I was introduced by Henry L. Dodge, president of the

chamber, in flattering terms, and responded in a brief speech. I

recalled to them my visit to California with Colonel Scott in

connection with the Texas Pacific railroad, and the early connection

of General Sherman with the history of California. I expressed my

appreciation of the importance of California, and its enormous

development and influence upon the country since it became part of

the United States. I stated my views in respect to the silver

question, and the importance of maintaining all forms of money at

parity with each other, so that coins of both silver and gold might

"travel all over the world equal to each other in every land and

in every part." I insert two passages from this speech, which,

though it did not conform to their opinions and interests, was

kindly received by the intelligent body of merchants present. I

said:

"It is due to frankness and manhood for me to say that in the

country there is a feeling now, that if the present system should

be continued unchanged, the result would be that gold would be

demonetized, being worth more than silver as coined by the government

of the United States. The opinion prevails that the only thing to

remedy this is to buy the silver and gold, or take them from the

miner and coin them at the same rate, of equal market value, in

coins, one for the other, so that they would travel, side by side,

without depreciation or discount. There is an inclination in the

eastern states, not of hostility to silver, but of hostility to

that system which would take from the miner the fruit of his labor

at its market rate and issue it at a depreciated rate; so that even

cautious people would doubt whether or not this silver money will

hereafter be as good as gold money.

"I wish you success in all your business enterprises. I know your

success will contribute to the happiness of our country. I am glad

to be able to congratulate the merchants of San Francisco upon the

enormous growth and prosperity of our country, not only of California,

not only of San Francisco, Los Angeles and the other beautiful

towns you have in your midst, but the whole country; for although

we have sometimes here and there waves of dejection, after all,

our country is moving forward in bounding prosperity. We have now

the best currency that exists on the globe. Our credit is unrivaled

in all the world, for no nation can borrow money at so low a rate

as our United States bonds now bear. Our general prosperity is

increasing and abounding, and although, as I have said, there may

be waves here and there, the progress is onward and upward and

hopeful. I trust you will be prosperous in your enterprises, that

you will share in the common prosperity of our whole country, for,

after all, the energy of your people of San Francisco and California

should not be expended entirely alone on the Pacific coast. This

whole boundless continent is ours, and only awaits the time when

we choose to assert our right to take it and hold it."

At the invitation of Senator John F. Miller I spent a day on his

ranch in Napa valley. It was a beautiful country, neither a prairie

nor a woodland, but more like a fine cultivated park, with here

and there groups of trees planted by nature. I made several

excursions around the bay, accompanied by General Pope and members

of his staff. I was delighted with my visit in and around San

Francisco, not only for the natural beauty of the country, but also

on account of the kindness of its inhabitants. I was no doubt

indebted for this to my connection with General Sherman, who seemed

to be known and greatly beloved by everyone.

I have a pleasant recollection of a reception given at the Dirigo

club. The gentlemen present were not all young men, though they

chose to regard themselves as such. Major Chamberlain delivered

a brief address of welcome, in which he referred to the "martial

services of General Sherman and the pacific achievements of the

Senator," and drew a comparison highly complimentary to both of

the brothers. William W. Morrow, Member of Congress, formally

welcomed me as a guest of the club and delivered a short but eloquent

speech. I made a brief reply and then the company was served with

refreshments, entertained with music and had a free and friendly

time. The reception was a decided success as was to be expected

from the high reputation of the club.

On the 27th of May we started northward towards Sacramento and

Portland, Oregon. Senator Leland Stanford was kind enough to

furnish us a car and accompanied us to his ranch at Vina. We

stopped at Chico long enough to visit the ranch of John Bidwell,

containing 20,000 acres. He met us at the station and we were soon

conveyed to his mansion such as is seldom built on a farm. We

drove through orchards of peach, apricot, cherry, apple, pear and

almond trees, while in his gardens were all kinds of berries and

vegetables. After this brief visit we proceeded along the line of

railroad to Vina, the extensive possession of Senator Stanford,

containing 56,000 acres. Here is said to be the largest vineyard

in the world, 3,600 acres. On leaving Mr. Stanford we proceeded

to the terminus of the railroad, from which point we crossed the

coast range of mountains in a stage, and were for three days in

sight of Mt. Shasta. This mountain rising from the plains stands

out by itself 14,400 feet above the level of the sea. Between

Shasta and the Sierras proper there is no continuity, nor is there

with the coast range. More properly it is a butte, a lone mountain.

Shortly after leaving Southern's the castle rocks came in view,

the highest and boldest mountains in close proximity, or within

our view. Shasta was crowned with snow, the snow line beginning

7,000 feet from its base. The scene all day had been rugged and

bold, and as we traveled by the Sacramento River, here a rapid

mountain stream, its waters rushed along the rocky bottom, now

confined within narrow banks, now widening out into a wide deep

bed as clear as crystal and cold and pure. For thirty miles of

our travel that day we had been in a good timbered country. Within

a circle of fifty feet in diameter we counted a dozen pines, every one

of which would have yielded ten to twelve thousand feet of sawed

timber. Flowers of the richest colors were found in the woods,

and the range afforded feed for thousands of cattle. At Southern's

we took a spring-top wagon in which to ride sixteen miles over the

mountains. We spent three days in the journey between Delta,

California, and Ashland, Oregon, the two ends of the railway

approaching towards each other. I recall it as the most charming

mountain ride I ever took. While crossing the mountain I occupied

a seat with the driver and much of the time I held the reins. The

ascent of the Siskiyou mountain was very tedious. Much of the way

the load was too heavy for our six horses to pull, and many dismounted

from the coach, among them the driver; the reins were placed in my

hands and we transferred most of the baggage from the boot to the

body of the coach. So we climbed the Siskiyou 5,000 feet to the

summit of the pass. Then on a gallop, with the coach full, we

turned downward. At one time, as the lead team turned a sharp

curve, it was nearly opposite the stage. Down, still down, and on

the full gallop, we arrived at Ashland on the evening of the 31st

of May, and remained there one day.

On the 1st of June we followed the line of the Willamette valley,

a productive region for the cultivation of wheat and other cereals.

At Albany we were met by Governor Moody and Secretary Earnhart,

who welcomed us to Oregon. With these officials we went to Salem,

the capital city of the state. My visit in Salem was a very pleasant

one and I was especially indebted to Governor Moody for his courtesy

and kindness. On the morning of the next day, the 2nd of June, we

left Salem and rode down the valley to Portland. This, the principal

city of Oregon, then contained a population of nearly 40,000, of

whom 6,000 or 7,000 were Chinese. It was the natural head of

navigation of the Columbia River, and was a flourishing handsome

city of the American type, in this respect unlike the cities of

California. General Miles was then in command of the military

district, with his residence at Fort Vancouver, Washington Territory.

The military post of Vancouver was then on the north bank of the

Columbia River, but a few miles from Portland. Mrs. Miles is the

daughter of my brother Charles, and I remained with their family

in Vancouver during my two or three days stay there, my traveling

companions making their headquarters at Portland.

When visiting Tacoma and Seattle our party had been increased to

the number of seventeen gentlemen, some of them connected with the

army, some with the railroads, and others who joined us in our

progress around the waters of Puget Sound and strait of Juan de

Fuca. These waters furnish perhaps the finest harbors in the world.

They are deep, with high banks rising in some places to mountains,

and capable of holding all the navies of the world. In a military

sense Puget Sound can be easily defended from an enemy coming from

the sea, and, though the country is mountainous, it is capable of

sustaining a large population in the extensive valleys both east

and west of the coast range. I have visited this portion of the

United States on three occasions, and am always more and more

impressed with its great importance and its probably rapid increase

of population and wealth. I will not dwell longer on this interesting

trip.

We left Portland on the 7th of June and proceeded on the Northern

Pacific railroad to Tacoma. On the train we met Charles Francis

Adams, Jr., with a party of railway managers, and in Tacoma we met

an old friend, a gallant and able officer, General John W. Sprague,

formerly from Erie county, Ohio, and more recently connected with

the Northern Pacific Railway Company. On Sunday, our party, including

Mr. Adams, dined with General Sprague. We had not as yet been able

to see Mount Tacoma in its glory, as it was constantly shrouded by

clouds. In the course of the dinner, Mr. Adams said humorously to

Mrs. Sprague that he had some doubts whether there was a Mount

Tacoma, that he had come there to see it and looked in the right

direction, but could not find it. I saw that this nettled Mrs.

Sprague, but she said nothing. In a few moments she left the table

and soon came back with a glowing face, saying, "You can see Tacoma

now!" We all left our places at the tables and went out on the

porch, and there was Mount Tacoma in all its glory. The clouds

were above the head of the mountain and it stood erect, covered

with snow, one of the most beautiful sights in nature. Mr. Adams

said: "Tacoma--yes Mount Tacoma is there and is very beautiful!"

On the 9th of June we visited Victoria in British Columbia. On

our return we stopped at Port Townsend and Seattle. I received

many courtesies from gentlemen at Seattle, many of whom had been

natives or residents of Ohio, and among them Governor Squire, who

had read law in Cleveland and was admitted to the bar in Mansfield,

where I resided. Among other events we were tendered a reception

and a banquet at Tacoma, at which seventy persons sat at the table.

I was introduced in complimentary terms and expressed my surprise

at the rapid growth of Tacoma and Seattle and that part of our

country. It was a wonder, I said, that such a scene could occur

in a place that had so recently been without an inhabitant except

Indians, and where, but a few years before, the Walla Wallas and

the Nez Percés were on the war path and General Miles was in pursuit

of them. I referred to the unrivaled body of water, Puget Sound,

and said that in the geography of the world it was not equaled.

I referred, also, to the coal fields and other elements of wealth

scattered through the then territory. I carefully avoided the

subject of the rivalry between Tacoma and Seattle, but after all

I found there was no ill-will between the two places. Speeches

were also made by Governor Squire, Mr. Adams, General Miles and

others.

We returned to Portland on the 12th of June, but before that we

visited Astoria, looked into the great industry of salmon packing,

and were greeted by quite a number of old Ohioans. On our return

we visited Walla Walla and there saw wheat growing that yielded

fifty bushels to the acre. We remained over, also, at Spokane

Falls, then a mere village with a few houses, since become quite

a city.

General Miles and I drove in a buggy from Spokane to Fort Coeur

d'Alène, a military post which he wished to visit and inspect. It

is situated on a lake which is famous for the abundance of its

fish. From there we took the cars to Helena, where we remained a

day, and then proceeded to St. Paul, where we arrived on the 21st

of June. Here again we found the interviewer, who wanted to know

my opinion about Cleveland, the silver question, the Chinese and

various other topics. I pleaded ignorance on all these matters,

but told the reporter that if he would call upon me in the course

of a month I would be able to answer his questions.

From St. Paul we went to Milwaukee and there crossed Lake Michigan

and thence by rail to Grand Rapids, where I had a number of

acquaintances and some business. We then proceeded by way of

Detroit and Sandusky to our home at Mansfield about the 24th of

June.

CHAPTER XLIX.

REUNION OF THE "SHERMAN BRIGADE."

Patriotic Address Delivered at Woodstock, Conn., On My Return from

the Pacific Coast--Meeting of the Surviving Members of the Sherman

Family at Mansfield--We Attend the Reunion of the "Sherman Brigade"

at Odell's Lake--Addresses of General Sherman and Myself to the

Old Soldiers and Others Present--Apathy of the Republican Party

During the Summer of 1885--Contest Between Foraker and Hoadley for

the Governorship--My Speech at Mt. Gilead Denounced as "Bitterly

Partisan"--Governor Hoadley Accuses Me of "Waving the Bloody Shirt"

--My Reply at Lebanon--Election of Foraker--Frauds in Cincinnati

and Columbus--Speeches Made in Virginia.

Upon my return from the Pacific coast I found a mass of letters to

be answered, and many interviewers in search of news, and I had

some engagements to speak for which I had made no preparations.

Among the latter was a promise to attend a celebration of the

approaching 4th of July at Woodstock, Connecticut, under the auspices

of Henry C. Bowen of the New York "Independent." He had for several

years conducted these celebrations at his country home at much

expense, and made them specially interesting by inviting prominent

men to deliver patriotic addresses suitable for Independence Day.

General Logan and I were to attend on this occasion. I selected

as my theme "America of to-day as contrasted with America of 1776."

I prepared an address with as much care as my limited time would

allow, giving an outline of the history of the Declaration of

Independence, and the prominent part taken by the sons of Connecticut

in this and other great works of the American Revolution. The

address was published in the "Independent." I have read it recently,

and do not see where it could be improved by me. The outline of

the growth of the United States presents the most remarkable

development in the history of mankind. I closed with the following

words:

"It has been my good fortune, within the last two months, to traverse

eleven states and territories, all of which were an unbroken

wilderness in the possession of savage tribes when the declaration

was adopted, now occupied by 15,000,000 people--active, intelligent,

enterprising citizens, enjoying all the advantages of modern

civilization. What a change! The hopeful dreams of Washington

and Jefferson and Franklin could not have pictured, as the probable

result of their patriotic efforts, such scenes as I saw; cities

rivaling in population and construction the capitals of Europe;

towns and villages without number full of active life and hope;

wheat fields, orchards, and gardens in place of broad deserts

covered by sage brush; miners in the mountains, cattle on the

plains, the fires of Vulcan in full blast in thousands of workshops;

all forms of industry, all means of locomotion.

"Who among us would not be impressed by such scenes? Who can look

over our broad country, rich in every resource, a climate and soil

suited to every production, a home government for every community,

a national government to protect all alike, and not feel a profound

sentiment of gratitude, first of all to the great Giver of all

gifts, and next to our Revolutionary fathers who secured, by their

blood and sacrifices, the liberty we enjoy, and by their wisdom

moulded the people of the United States into one great nation, with

a common hope and destiny?

"And this generation may fairly claim that it has strengthened the

work of the fathers, has made freedom universal, and disunion

impossible. Let the young men of to-day, heirs of a great heritage,

take up the burden of government, soon to fall upon their shoulders,

animated by the patriotic fire of the Revolution and the love of

liberty and union that inspired our soldiers in the Civil War,

turning their back upon all the animosities of that conflict, but

clinging with tenacious courage to all its results, and they will,

in their generation, double the population and quadruple the wealth

and resources of our country. Above all, they should keep the

United States of American in the forefront of progress, intelligence,

education, temperance, religion, and in all the virtues that tend

to elevate, refine, and ennoble mankind."

General Logan delivered an eloquent and patriotic speech that was

received by his audience with great applause. He was personally

a stranger to the Connecticut people, but his western style and

manner, unlike the more reserved and quiet tone of their home

orators, gave them great pleasure. Senators Hawley and Platt also

spoke. It is needless to say that our host provided us with

bountiful creature comforts. On the whole we regarded the celebration

as a great success.

During the last week of August, 1885, my surviving brothers and

sisters visited my wife and myself at our residence in Mansfield.

Colonel Moulton and the wives of General and Hoyt Sherman were also

present. Several of my numerous nephews and nieces visited us with

their parents. The then surviving brothers were W. T. Sherman,

Lampson P. Sherman, John Sherman, and Hoyt Sherman, and the surviving

sisters were Mrs. Elizabeth Reese and Mrs. Fanny B. Moulton. The

brothers and sisters who died before this meeting were Charles T.

Sherman, James Sherman, Mrs. McComb, Mrs. Willock and Mrs. Bartley.

All of the family attended with me the reunion of the "Sherman

Brigade," at its camp at Odell's Lake. On the arrival of the train

at the lake we found a great crowd of soldiers and citizens waiting

to meet General Sherman. The brigade had served under his command

from Chattanooga to Atlanta. They received him with great respect

and affection and he was deeply moved by their hearty greetings.

He shook hands with all who could reach him, but the crowd of

visitors was so great that many of them could not do so. The

encampment was located at the west end of the lake, justly celebrated

for the natural beauty of its scenery, and a favorite resort for

picnic excursions from far and near. We arrived at about twelve

o'clock and were at once conducted to a stand in the encampment

grounds, where again the hand-shaking commenced, and continued for

some time. General Sherman and I were called upon for speeches.

He was disinclined to speak, and said he preferred to wander around

the camp but insisted that I should speak. I was introduced by

General Finley, and said:

"Soldiers and Citizens, Ladies and Gentlemen:--I saw in one of your

published statements that I was to make an address on this occasion.

That is not exactly according to the fact. I did not agree to make

a speech. One year ago, when the Sherman Brigade met at Shelby,

I did, according to promise, make a prepared speech, giving the

history of the organization of the 'Sherman Brigade,' and a copy

of that, I understand, was sent to surviving members of that brigade.

But few will care for this, but it may interest the wives or children

of these soldiers.

"Now I do not intend to make a speech, but only a few remarks

preliminary to those that will be made to you by one more worthy

to speak to soldiers than I am.

"I have always understood that at soldiers' reunions the most

agreeable portion of the proceedings is to have the old soldiers

gather around the campfire to tell their stories of the war, to

exchange their recollections of the trying period through which

they passed from 1861 to 1865; to exchange greetings, to exhibit

their wives and children to each other, and to meet with their

neighbors in a social way and thus recall the events of a great

period in American history. And this is really the object of these

reunions.

"You do not meet here to hear speeches from those, who, like myself,

were engaged in civil pursuits during the war, and therefore, I

never am called before a soldiers' reunion but I feel compelled to

make an apology for speaking."

I referred to General Grant and his recent death, and then to

General Sherman as follows:

"There is another of those commanders, who is here before you to-

day. What is he? He is now a retired army officer. When the war

was over he became the General in Chief of the army, served until

the time fixed by the law for his retirement, and now he is a

private citizen, as plain and simple in his bearing and manners as

any other of the citizens who now surround him. These are the kind

of heroes a republic makes, and these are the kind of heroes we

worship as one free man may worship another."

General Sherman was then introduced to the vast audience, and said:

"Comrades and Friends:--A few days ago I was up on the banks of

Lake Minnetonka, and was summoned here to northern Ohio to participate

in a family reunion. I knew my brother's house in Mansfield was

large and commodious, sufficient to receive the survivors of the

first generation of the family, but I also knew that if he brought

in the second and third generations he would have to pitch a camp

somewhere, and I find he has chosen this at Odell's Lake. So, for

the time being, my friends, you must pass as part of the Sherman

family, not as 'the Sherman Brigade,' and you must represent the

second and third generations of a very numerous family.

"Of course, it is not my trade or vocation to make orations or

speeches. I see before me many faces that look to me as though

they were once soldiers, and to them I feel competent to speak; to

the others I may not be so fortunate.

"But, very old comrades of the war, you who claim to be in 'Sherman's

Brigade' or in any other brigade, who took a part in the glorious

Civil War, the fruits of which we are now enjoying, I hail and

thank you for the privilege of being with you this beautiful day

in this lovely forest and by the banks of yonder lake, not that I

can say anything that will please you or profit you, but there is

a great pleasure in breathing the same air, in thinking the same

thoughts, in feeling the same inspirations for the future, which

every member of the 'Sherman Brigade' and the children who have

succeeded them must, in contemplating the condition of our country

at this very moment of time. Peace universal, not only at home

but abroad, and America standing high up in the niche of nations,

envied of all mankind and envied because we possess all the powers

of a great nation vindicated by a war of your own making and your

own termination. Yes, my fellow-soldiers, you have a right to sit

beneath your own vine and fig tree and be glad, for you can be

afraid of no man. You have overcome all enemies, save death, which

we must all meet as our comrades who have gone before us have done,

and submit. But as long as we live let us come together whenever

we can, and if we can bring back the memories of those glorious

days it will do us good, and, still more, good to the children who

will look up to us as examples."

He continued to speak for fifteen minutes or more, and closed with

these words:

"My friends, of course I am an old man now, passing off the stage

of life. I realize that, and I assure you that I now think more

of the days of the Mexican War, the old California days, and of

the early days of the Civil War, than I do of what occurred last

week, and I assure you that, let it come when it may, I would be

glad to welcome the old 'Sherman Brigade' to my home and my fireside,

let it be either in St. Louis or on the banks of the Columbia River

in Oregon. May God smile upon you, and give you his choicest

blessings. You live in a land of plenty. I do not advise you to

emigrate, but I assure you, wherever you go, you will find comrades

and soldiers to take you by the hand and be glad to aid you as

comrades."

The gathering was a thoroughly enjoyable one, and was often recalled

by those present.

During the summer of 1885 there was much languor apparent in the

Republican party. President Cleveland was pursuing a conservative

policy, removals from office were made slowly, and incumbents were

allowed to serve out their time. Foraker and Hoadley were again

nominated in Ohio for governor by their respective parties, and

the contest between them was to be repeated.

There was a feeling among Republicans of humiliation and shame that

the people had placed in power the very men who waged war against

the country for years, created a vast public debt, and destroyed

the lives of hundreds of thousands of people. This feeling was

intensified by the fact that Republicans in the south were ostracised

and deprived of all political power or influence. In the Democratic

party there were signs of dissension. Charges of corruption in

Ohio, in the election of Payne as Senator in the place of Pendleton,

were openly made, and the usual discontent as to appointments to

office that follows a change of administration was manifest. Under

these conditions I felt it to be my duty to take a more active part

in the approaching canvass than ever before. On the 13th of August,

I met at Columbus with Foraker and the state Republican committee,

of which Asa S. Bushnell was chairman, and we prepared for a thorough

canvass in each county, the distribution of documents and the

holding of meetings. In addition to the state ticket there were

to be elected members of the legislature. There was no contest as

to the selection of a United States Senator, as, by general

acquiescence, it was understood that if the legislature should be

Democratic Thurman would be elected, and if it should be Republican

I would be elected. Governor Foster, when spoken to upon this

subject, very kindly said:

"As long as John Sherman desires to be Senator, or is willing to

take the office, there is no use for me or any other man with

senatorial aspirations to be a candidate against him. Sherman is

yet young. He is not much over sixty, and it would be idle to

dispute that he is the best equipped man in the Republican party

in Ohio for that position. He has the learning, the ability, the

experience, the popularity."

The organization of both parties was completed and a vigorous

canvass inaugurated. Foraker soon after commenced a series of

public meetings extending to nearly every county in the state, and

everywhere made friends by his vigorous and eloquent speeches.

On the 18th I attended a pioneer picnic at Monroe, near the division

line between the counties of Butler and Warren. This mode of

reunion, mainly confined to farmers, is quite common in Ohio, and

is by far the most pleasing and instructive popular assemblage held

in that state. The discussion of politics is forbidden. The people

of the country for miles around come in wagons, carriages, on

horseback and on foot, men, women and children, with their baskets

full of food and fruit, and gather in a well-shaded grove, in

families or groups, and discuss the crops and the news, and make

new or renew old acquaintance. When the scattered picnic is going

on everyone who approaches is invited to eat. When the appetite

is satisfied all gather around a temporary platform, and speeches,

long and short, upon every topic but politics, are made. I have

attended many such meetings and all with sincere pleasure. This

particular picnic was notable for its large attendance--estimated

to be over three thousand--and the beauty of the grove and the

surrounding farms. I made an address, or rather talked, about the

early times in Ohio, and especially in the Miami valley, a section

which may well be regarded as among the fairest and most fruitful

spots in the world. The substance of my speech was reported and

published. The sketch I was able to give of incidents of Indian

warfare, of the expeditions of St. Clair and Wayne, of the early

settlement in that neighborhood, and of the ancestors, mainly

Revolutionary soldiers, of hundreds of those who heard me, seemed

to give great satisfaction. At the close of my remarks I was

requested by the Pioneer Society to write them out for publication,

to be kept as a memorial, but I never was able to do so.

On the 26th of August I made, at Mt. Gilead, Morrow county, my

first political speech of the campaign. The people of that county

were among my first constituents. More than thirty years before,

in important and stirring times, I had appeared before them as a

candidate for Congress. I referred to the early history of the

Republican party and to the action of Lincoln and Grant in the

prosecution of the war, and contrasted the opinion expressed of

them by the Democratic party then and at the time of my speech.

During the war our party was the "black abolition party," Lincoln

was an "ape," Grant was a "butcher," and Union soldiers were "Lincoln

hirelings." I said:

"Our adversaries now concede the wisdom and success of all prominent

Republican measures, as well as the merits of the great leaders of

the Republican party. Only a few days since I heard my colleague,

Senator Payne, in addressing soldiers at Fremont, extol Lincoln

and Grant in the highest terms of praise and say the war was worth

all it cost and he thanked God that slavery had been abolished.

Only recently, when the great procession conveyed the mortal remains

of Grant to their resting place, I heard active Confederates extol

him in the highest terms of praise and some of them frankly gloried

in the success of Republican measures, and, especially, in the

abolition of slavery."

I said that the Republican party, within six years after its

organization, overthrew the powerful dominant Democratic party,

and for twenty-four years afterwards conducted the operations of

a great government in war and peace, with such success as to win

the support and acquiescence of its enemies, and could fairly claim

to be worthy of the confidence and support of the great body of

the people. The defection of a few men in three Republican states

had raised our old adversaries to power again in the national

government. I continued:

"Some of the very men who boastfully threatened to break up the

Union, and, with the oath of office in support of the constitution

fresh upon their lips, conspired and confederated to overthrow it,

waged war against it, and were the cause of the loss of half a

million of lives and thousands of millions of treasure, have been

placed in high office again, in the very seats of power which they

abandoned with scorn and defiance. Two members of the Confederate

congress, and one man who sympathized with them, are at the head

of great departments of the government. I saw the Union flag at

half-mast, floating over the interior department in sign of honor

and mourning for the death of Jacob Thompson, whom we regarded as

a defaulter and a conspirator. This country is now represented

abroad by men, who, within twenty-five years, were in arms to

overthrow it, and the governing power in the executive branch of

the government is in sympathy with the ideas of, and selects the

chief officers of the government from, the men who were in war

against it. This strange turn in events has but one example in

history, and that was the restoration of Charles II, after the

brilliant but brief Protectorate of Cromwell, and, like that

restoration, is a reproach to the civilization of the age."

I referred to the "solid south," and the means by which it was held

together in political fellowship by crimes, violence and fraud

which, if continued, would as surely renew all the strifes of the

Civil War as that the sun would roll around in its course.

In referring to the Republican party and its liberality I said:

"The Republican party was certainly liberal and just to the rebels

lately in arms against the country. We deprived them of no political

power, no blood was shed; no confiscation was had; and more generous

terms were conceded to them than ever before had been extended to

an unsuccessful party in a civil war. Their leaders emphasized

that at the burial of our great commander, General Grant. The

result of the settlement by the constitutional amendments at the

close of the war was to give them increased political power, upon

condition that the slaves should be free and should be allowed to

vote, and that all political distinction growing out of race, color

or previous condition of servitude shall be abolished; and yet to-

day, the Republican party is faced by a 'solid south,' in which

the negro is deprived, substantially, of all his political rights,

by open violence or by frauds as mean as any that have been committed

by penitentiary convicts, and as openly and boldly done as any

highway robbery. By this system, and by the acquiescence of a few

northern states, the men who led in the Civil War have been restored

to power, and hope, practically, to reverse all the results of the

war.

"This is the spectre that now haunts American politics, and may

make it just as vital and necessary to appeal to the northern states

to unite again against this evil, not so open and arrogant as

slavery, but more dangerous and equally unjust. The question then

was the slavery of the black man. Now the question is the equality

of the white man, whether a southern man in Mississippi may, by

depriving a majority of the legal voters in the state of their

right to vote, exercise twice the political power of a white man

in the north, where the franchise is free and open and equal to all.

"When we point out these offenses committed in the south, it is

said that we are raising the bloody shirt, that we are reviving

the issues of the war--that the war is over. I hope the war is

over, and that the animosities of the war will pass away, and be

dead and buried. Anger and hate and prejudice are not wise counselors

in peace or in war. Generosity, forgiveness and charity are great

qualities of the human heart, but, like everything else that is

good, they may be carried to excess, and may degenerate into faults.

They must not lead us to forget the obligations of duty and honor.

While we waive the animosities of the war, we must never fail to

hold on, with courage and fortitude, to all the results of the

war. Our soldiers fought in no holiday contest, not merely to test

the manly qualities of the men of the north and the south, not for

power or plunder, or wealth or title. They fought to secure to

themselves and their posterity the blessings of a strong national

government; the preservation of the Union--a Union not of states,

but of the people of the United States; not a confederate government,

but a national government. The preservation of the Union was the

central idea of the war. The Confederate soldier fought for what

he was led to think was the right of a state to secede from the

Union at its pleasure. The Union soldiers triumphed. The Confederate

soldiers were compelled to an unconditional surrender.

"Fellow-citizens, the line drawn between the two parties is now as

distinct as it was during the war, but we occupy a different field

of battle.

"Then we fought for the preservation of the Union, and, as a means

to that end, for the abolition of slavery. Now the Union is saved

and slavery is abolished, we fight for the equal political rights

of all men, and the faithful observance of the constitutional

amendments. We are for the exercise of national authority, for

the preservation of rights conferred by the constitution, and upon

this broad issue we invite co-operation from the south as well as

the north.

"Upon this issue we intend to make our appeal to the honest and

honorable people of the southern states. We think they are bound

in honor to faithfully observe the conditions of peace granted to

them by General Grant and prescribed by the constitutional amendments.

If they do this we will have peace, union and fraternity. Without

it we will have agitation, contests and complaints. Upon this

issue I will go before the people of the south, and, turning my

back upon all the animosities of the war, appeal only to their

sense of honor and justice."

I contrasted the policy and tendencies of the two parties on the

question of protection to American industry, on good money redeemable

in coin, on frauds in elections, on our pension laws, and on all

the political questions of the day. I stated and approved the

policy of the Republican party on the temperance question. I closed

with an exhortation to support Governor Foraker and the Republican

ticket and to elect a legislature that would place Ohio where she

had usually stood, in the fore front of Republican states, for the

Union, for liberty and justice to all, without respect of race,

nativity and creed.

This speech was denounced by the Democratic press as "bitterly

partisan;" and so it was and so intended. The Republican party

during its long possession of power had divided into factions, as

the Democratic party had in 1860. We had the Blaine, the Conkling

and other factions, and many so-called third parties, and the

distinctive principles upon which the Republican party was founded

were in danger of being forgotten. It was my purpose to arouse

the attention to the Republicans in Ohio to the necessity of union

and organization, and I believe this speech contributed to that

result. It was the text and foundation of nearly all I uttered in

the canvass that followed.