"The Committee to whom were referred the resolutions, &c.,
have, according to order, had the same under consideration:
and respectfully report that in their judgment, the following
resolutions are necessary and proper to be adopted by the
Synod at the present time.
"_Whereas_, The publications and proceedings of certain
organized associations commonly called Anti-slavery, or
Abolition Societies, which have arisen in some parts of our
land, have greatly disturbed, and are still greatly
disturbing the peace of the church, and of the country; and
the Synod of Virginia deem it a solemn duty which they owe to
themselves and to the community, to declare their sentiments
upon the subject; therefore,
"_Resolved unanimously_, That we consider the dogma fiercely
promulgated by said associations; that slavery as it actually
exists in our slaveholding States, is necessarily sinful, and
ought to be immediately abolished, and the conclusions which
naturally follow from that dogma, as directly and palpably
contrary to the plainest principles of common sense and
common humanity, and to the clearest authority of the word of
God.
"2. _Resolved unanimously_, That in the deliberate judgment
of the Synod, it is the duty of all ministers of the gospel
to follow the example of our Lord and Saviour, and of his
apostles in similar circumstances, in abstaining from all
interference with the state of slavery, as established among
us by the Commonwealth, and confining themselves strictly to
their proper province of inculcating upon masters and slaves
the duties enjoined upon them respectively in the sacred
Scriptures, which must tend immediately to promote the
welfare of both, and ultimately to restore the whole world to
that state of holy happiness which is the earnest desire of
every Christian heart.
"The above preamble and resolutions having been severally
read, and adopted by paragraphs, the Moderator asked and
obtained leave to vote with the Synod, on the adoption of the
entire report. The question being put, it was unanimously
adopted, every member it is believed, giving it a hearty
response."
The last document I shall quote on this part of the subject, is one
which will fill this meeting with horror; but it is right that it
should be placed on record, to show the opinion entertained by a
minister of the Presbyterian church of his brethren and fellow
Christians, and to show also, what kind of communications pass current
among the professed disciples of Christ in a slaveholding community.
"To the Sessions of the Presbyterian Congregations within the
bounds of West Hanover Presbytery:
"At the approaching stated meeting of our Presbytery, I
design to offer a preamble and string of resolutions on the
subject of the use of wine in the Lord's Supper; and also a
preamble and a string of resolutions on the subject of the
treasonable and abominably wicked interference of the
Northern and Eastern fanatics, with our political and civil
rights, our property and our domestic concerns. You are aware
that our clergy, whether with or without reason, are more
suspected by the public than are the clergy of other
denominations. Now, dear Christian brethren, I humbly express
it as my earnest wish, that you quit yourselves like men. _If
there be any stray goat of a minister among us, tainted with
the blood-hound principles of abolitionism, let him be
ferreted out, silenced, excommunicated, and left to the
public to dispose of him in other respects._
"Your affectionate brother in the Lord,
"ROBERT N. ANDERSON."!!!
I trust I have adduced sufficient evidence upon this heart-rending
topic, and abundantly proved the allegations I have deemed it my duty
to bring against the American churches. No one can accuse me of
wishing that any thing should be believed upon my bare assertion. I
have furnished documentary proof of the truth of all my statements.
Presbyterians, and Conferences, and Ministers, and Elders, and Synods,
and Assemblies have spoken for themselves through their solemn and
accredited Speeches, and Letters, and Reports, and Resolutions. Judge,
therefore, whether I have libelled America; whether I am the foul
traducer that some would have you believe, but for believing which
they supply you no ground, save their own ill-natured vituperations.
Let the facts I have brought before you be deliberately considered,
and let such a verdict be given as will approve itself to the world
and to God. Before sitting down, however, I must observe, that it has
always given me the sincerest pleasure to notice any Anti-slavery
movements among the clergy of America. With delight I have stated the
fact, that in the General Assembly of 1835, there were FORTY EIGHT
immediate Abolitionists. I refer again, on the present occasion, with
unfeigned satisfaction, to the indications of a better state of things
in many portions of the Presbyterian Church. Mr. Breckinridge has
quoted the Assembly's views on the subject of Slavery; so have I. In
the recent meeting of the United Secession Synod, held a short time
since in Edinburgh, I stated fully the sentiments of the Presbyterian
body in America. At the same time, I could not omit naming one
striking fact, viz. that in 1816, the Assembly struck out of the
Confession of the Church, the following note, adopted in 1794, and
which contained the doctrine of the church at that period on the
subject of slaveholding. The note was appended to the one hundred and
forty-second question of the larger catechism.
"1 Tim. 1:10. The law is made for MAN STEALERS. This crime
among the Jews exposed the perpetrators of it to capital
punishment; Exodus 21:16; and the apostle here classes them
with sinners of the first rank. The word he uses, in its
original import, comprehends all who are concerned in
bringing any of the human race into slavery, OR IN RETAINING
THEM IN IT. Hominum fures, qui servos vel liberos abducunt,
retinent vendunt, vel emunt. Stealers of men are all those
who bring off slaves or freemen AND KEEP, SELL, OR BUY THEM.
To steal a free man, says Grotius, is the highest kind of
theft. In other instances, we only steal human property, but
when we steal or retain men in slavery, we seize those who,
in common with ourselves, are constituted by the original
grant, lords of the earth. Genesis 1:28, Vide Poli synopsin
in loc."
Why this note has been cancelled, I shall not attempt to say. Neither
Mr. Breckinridge nor this Assembly need be at any loss to imagine for
what reasons so strong and unequivocal a passage was omitted by a body
in which so large a proportion were slaveholders. I have recently
read, and publicly commended, an address put forth by the Synod of
Kentucky, containing a very faithful, though appalling disclosure of
the state of Slavery in Kentucky; and expressing an earnest hope that
the members of the Presbyterian body will, without delay, take steps
to promote the education and emancipation of the slaves. Let me also
state, that the following ecclesiastical meetings have passed
resolutions, and many of them adopted rules of church membership, in
accordance with the views of the American Anti-Slavery Society. Some
of them have specially approved the principles and measures of that
body. I beg, while I read this list, to remind Mr. Breckinridge that
these form a part of that ragged regiment, respecting which he was so
merry in one of his by-gone speeches,
SYNODS of Utica and Cincinnati.
Eastern Sub-Synod of the Reformed Presbyterian Church.
PRESBYTERIES of Delaware, Champlain, Erie, Chillicothe, Detroit,
and Genesee.
General Association of New York.
Central Evangelical Association.
Cumberland Baptist Association.--Equally divided.
One Hundred and Eighty-Five Baptist Clergymen.
The vast majority of the New England and New Hampshire Conferences
of Episcopal Methodists, and a large number of individual
Churches.
Thus is the cause advancing! The purifying leaven is extending through
all the country. The elements which are ordained to redeem America
from the pollution and infamy of slavery, are working mightily. When I
went to the United Slates, I took the principles I found lying
comparatively forgotten, and proclaimed them abroad. I planted myself
upon the American Bible, and the American Declaration of Independence,
and preached from these that the varied tribes of men are of _one
blood_, and that all men should be "free and equal." I have not
labored in vain. There is now a mighty and indomitable host of pure
and ardent friends to the freedom and elevation of the long degraded
colored man. Let us thank God and take courage, and expect with
confidence the speedy arrival of the happy day, when the soil of
America shall be untrodden by the foot of a slave.
* * * * *
MR. BRECKINRIDGE said he regretted to be obliged to say anything more
on this subject, which he had wished to consider concluded, so far as
he was concerned, at the close of his preceding speech. He felt
obliged, however, by the importance of the whole case, to consume a
portion of this, his last address--and which he had desired to occupy
in a different way--in making a few explanations which seemed
indispensable. It would be observed, first, that the great bulk of the
testimonies produced throughout, and especially in his last speech, by
Mr. Thompson, were individual opinions and assertions, often of
obscure persons, and therefore, for ought the world could tell,
fictitious persons; or if known persons they were often men of the
world, and avowedly acting on worldly principles, and therefore, no
more affording a criterion of the state of the American churches, than
the immoralities of any public functionary here, could be justly made
a rule of judgment of the faith and morals of British Christians. A
considerable portion also were taken from the transient and heated
declamations of violent party newspapers, which wrested from their
original purpose and connection, might mean what never was meant, or
even, if fairly collated, expressed what their authors, perhaps, would
now gladly recall. How far would it be proof of the assertions of Mr.
T. of America--if in some other land, some bigot should quote as
indisputable, Mr. Thompson's story of the colored man in Washington
City, whose assertion, at third hand, that he was free, authorised the
declaration that "_he had demonstrated his freedom_," and yet after
all had been sold into everlasting slavery without a trial! And yet
many of his proofs are of no more value to him, than his assertions
ought to be to any who come after him. It is next most worthy of note,
that so far as all his proofs establish any thing against either any
portion of the American nation or the American church, they all run
upon the assumed truth of all my explanations of their real state and
operations. It is the slaveholding portion, it is the comparatively
small body of slaveholding professors of religion, it is the minority
of the nation, the very small minority of the Christians of it,
implicated continually; and therefore, if every word produced were
true, the sweeping conclusions from them would be gross fraud on the
prevailing ignorance of all American affairs. But what is most
important to observe, and what must be palpable to the capacity of
every child who has attended to this discussion, the weightiest of Mr.
Thompson's proofs ceased to be proofs at all, the moment the facts,
cant words and circumstances connected are explained. He used words in
one sense which he knows you will understand in another--sporting at
once with your good feelings and your want of minute information while
all the result is false as to us, and unhappy as to every thing
concerned, except "Othello's occupation" which meanwhile is _not_
gone. When decided and perhaps violent terms are used against
"abolition" or "abolitionists" or "anti-slavery" or "the anti-slavery
society," they are adduced to convince you that those who use them are
pro-slavery men: that they understand the terms as you do; and that it
is an expression of rank hostility to all emancipation on the part of
the American tyrants, in whose nostrils according to this gentleman
the slave and freedom equally stink! A metaphor nearly as full of
truth as decency. The fact however is, that although many would
decline the use of the harsh and vindictive language which, caught
from abolitionists, has been turned against them; yet the bulk of the
real sentiments, as brought forward by Mr. Thompson as proofs of
American slavery, on account of American hatred to his peculiar plans,
principles and spirit in attempting its removal, are true, just and
defensible.--And I am ready to advocate and to defend much that he by
a disingenuous citation has made at first odious, and then
characteristic of America. They prove only that he and his coadjutors
are most odious to the country, which is a fact never denied except by
himself or them. And to what has the whole current of his testimony
tended if not to show that they might reasonably have expected and did
a great deal to deserve such a conclusion.--But it is now impossible
to enter again upon these matters and upon the case as presented, he
was willing for the world to pass its verdict. While he would
therefore take no farther notice of any new matter contained in the
last speech, there were several remarks necessary to be made, to
elucidate subjects that had already been several times before them.
The first case was that of Amos Dresser the abolitionist whipped at
Nashville. He would pass over what Mr. T. had said relating to his
(Mr. B.'s) notice of the discrepancy in the number of Elders in the
Nashville Church. He had treated that gentleman with great candor in
the matter, which he had returned with incivility and injustice, and
there he was content to let it rest. But how stood the facts of the
case itself? Amos Dresser is reported to have said that there were
seven elders of the church; that all of them were on the committee of
vigilance of Nashville; that _most_ of them were among his triers, and
that _some_ of them had administered the communion to him the
preceding sabbath. Now let us admit that this is literally
true--(which I believe however is not the case, in at least three
particulars)--how does it justify Mr. Thompson in asserting as he did
at London and elsewhere "that on that Lynch Committee _there sat seven
Elders and one Minister, some of whom_ had sat with the young man at
the table of the Lord on the preceding Sunday"? Mr. Thompson
positively contradicts his own and only witness when he says that all
the seven elders sat as triers;--he enlarges his testimony when he
insinuates that they not only concurred in his punishment, but were
present and active in its infliction; and he infers without the least
authority, and adds it to the words of the witness, that those very
elders who administered the Lord's Supper to Dresser, on Sunday
"ploughed up his back"--as Lynch Committee men on a subsequent day of
the same week. How in the name of common honesty is such deceitful
handling of the truth to be tolerated in a Christian community? Oh!
what a spectacle would we behold--if I had but the privilege before
some competent tribunal--to take the published accusations of this man
in my hands and force him to reveal on oath the whole grounds on which
he makes them!--Mr. B. then stated that after he entered the house
to-night two packages had been put into his hands, which he could not
examine then, as he was just about to open the discussion. He had
snatched a moment during the interval to glance his eyes over their
contents, and considered it his duty to say a few words in reference
to each. One of them was a little volume from the pen of Dr. Channing,
of Boston, on the subject of slavery, just passing through the press
of an enterprising bookseller of Glasgow, who had done him the favor
of presenting to him, in very kind terms, the first copy of the
edition. They who would take the trouble of looking over the printed
report of Mr. Thompson's second address to the Glasgow Emancipation
Society, would find that in speaking of the Unitarians of America, he
had used the following language:--"One of their greatest men, a giant
in intellect, had already taken the right view of the subject, and
there could not exist a doubt that ere long, he would bring over the
body to the good cause." In this sentence, as it stands in the speech,
at the end of the words "giant in intellect,"--stands a star,--at the
bottom of the page another, before the words "Dr. Channing." Now it so
happens that in this little book, there is a chapter headed
"Abolitionism." I have looked through it casually, within the last
hour; and I beseech you all to read it carefully, and judge for
yourselves, of the utter recklessness with which Mr. Thompson makes
assertions. The other parcel, contained a letter from an American
gentleman residing in Britain, and one half of the New York Spectator,
of October 1, 1835. Under the head of editorial correspondence, is an
article above a column and a half in length devoted in great part to
Mr. Thompson. Amongst other passages, it adverts to his doings at
Andover, and the charges made against him there, on such weighty
authority; and in that connexion has the following explicit paragraph:
Mr. Thompson in conversation with some of the students
repeatedly averred that every slaveholder in the United
States OUGHT TO HAVE HIS THROAT CUT; or DESERVED TO HAVE HIS
THROAT CUT; although he afterwards publicly denied that he
had said so. But the proof is direct and positive. In
conversation with one of the theological students in regard
to the moral instruction which ought to be enjoyed by the
slaves, he distinctly declared THAT EVERY SLAVE SHOULD BE
TAUGHT TO CUT HIS MASTER'S THROAT! I state the fact--knowing
the responsibility I am assuming, and challenge a legal
investigation.
On this tremendous document, I make but two remarks--The first is that
Francis Hall & Co. the publishers of the Spectator, were in character
and fortune, perfectly responsible to Mr. Thompson. The second is,
that if Mr. Thompson's rule of judgment was just, in that branch of
this same case--in the exercise of which he declared that another
paper in New York could never be got to publish his exculpatory
certificates in regard to this very transaction, _because_ the
publisher knew them to be true; then we are irresistibly bound on his
own showing to conjecture, that for the same reason he declined taking
up the challenge of the Spectator. There was only one more topic on
which he seemed called on to remark; and that he had several times
passed over, out of consideration of delicacy. It had all along been
his aim to use as little freedom as possible with the names of
individuals--and he could declare, that he had implicated by name, no
one except out of absolute necessity--that he had forborne to say true
but severe things of several who had been most unjustly commended
during this discussion--and had omitted of the very few he had
censured by name, decidedly worse things, than those he had uttered of
them--and which he might have uttered both truly and pertinently.
Amongst the cases of rather peculiar forebearance, was the oft cited
one, of a misguided young man, by the name of Thome, who went from
Kentucky to New York to repeat a most audacious speech which was no
doubt prepared for him, before an assembly literally the most _mixed_
that was ever convened in that city: having delivered which, he
departed with the pity or contempt of 9 10ths of all the decent people
in it, and went I know not whither, and dwells I know not where. The
victory as there trumpeted, and now celebrated, of which he was part
gainer, consisted of two portions--the destruction of the colonization
cause--and the degradation of Kentucky, his native state. The death of
the Society was signalised by a subscription of six thousand dollars
on the part of its friends; and the infamy of Kentucky was
illustrated by the ready stepping forward of four of her sons to
confront and confound the ingrate who commenced his career of manhood
by smiting his parent in the face. Who made the defence, may be
surmised from Mr. Thompson's bitterness--I will not trust myself to
repeat his name. But this thousands can testify--that never was a
great cause more signally successful--never were folly and wickedness
more thoroughly beaten into the dust--never did any community heap
more cordial and unanimous applause upon an effort of great and
successful eloquence.
And now, Sir, (said Mr. B., addressing Dr. Wardlaw, the Chairman of
the meeting)--I repeat the expressions of my regret, that these last
moments allowed to me should have been required for any other purpose
than that which so sacredly belonged to them. Exhausted by a series of
most exciting, and to me perfectly new contentions, I am altogether
unequal to the task, which I should yet esteem myself degraded if I
did not attempt in some way to perform.
To this large committee which has so kindly taken up this subject--so
considerately provided for every contingency--so delicately considered
all my wishes, and even all my weaknesses--to these respected
gentlemen surrounding us upon this platform, whose conduct amid very
peculiar circumstances has been towards me, full of candor, honor,
courtesy and Christian kindness, it would have been most gross
ingratitude, to have forborne this public expression of my regard and
cordial thanks.
For yourself, Sir, what can I say more, or how could I say less, than
that in that distant country, which I love but too fondly, there are
scores, there are hundreds, who would esteem all the trials through
which this strife has led me, and all the weight of responsibility
which my posture has forced me to assume, more than counter-balanced
by the privilege of looking upon your venerated face. It is good to
live for the whole world; and it is but just to receive in recompense
the world's thanks.
And you, my respected auditors, whose patience I must needs have so
severely taxed, and who have borne with much that possibly has tried
you deeply, you who have given me so many reasons to thank you, and
not one to regret the errand that brought me here; if in the course of
providence, you or yours, should be thrown on whatever spot my resting
place may be, you need but say, "I come from Glasgow, and I need a
friend," and it shall go hard with me, but I will find a way to prove,
that kindness is never thrown away.
But even as we part, let us not forget that cause which has chained us
here so long. We are free. Alas! how few can utter these words with
truth! We are Christian men. Alas! what multitudes have never heard
our Master's name. Oh! how horrible must slavery be, when God himself
illustrates the power of sin by calling it bondage! Oh! how sweet
should union with Christ be thought, when he proclaims it glorious
liberty! Freedom and redemption are in our hands; the heritage in
trust for a lost world. It is not then our own souls only, but our
divine Lord, and our dying brethren, that we sin against and rob, when
we mismanage or pervert this great inheritance. We needs must labor;
but let us do it wisely. And though we may differ in many things, in
this at least we can agree, to importune our heavenly Father to
prosper by his constant blessing what we do aright, and overrule by
his continued care all that we do amiss. (Cheers.)
* * * * *
MR. THOMPSON then rose amidst much cheering, and said, Sir, after the
valedictory address to which we have just listened, it would ill
become me to touch upon any topic calculated to disturb feelings which
I trust and believe that address has awakened in the breasts of this
assembly. Sir, it is my conviction, that I and those with whom it is
my joy and honor to act, in the advancement of the cause of Universal
Emancipation, are much misunderstood. We are represented as the
violent, acrimonious, ferocious and sanguinary foes of the
slaveholder; when, if he could look into our inmost hearts, he would
discover no enmity to him abiding there, but on the contrary, an
earnest desire to promote his safety, his honor, and his happiness. If
we act as we do, it is not that we love him less, but that we love
truth and freedom more. It is not with us a matter of choice that we
pursue our present course, but one of stern imperative duty; because
we believe that God will vouchsafe his blessing only to those who
preach the doctrine of an immediate, entire, and uncompromising
discharge of duty, leaving to Him the consequences flowing from
obedience to His law. To discover truth wherever it is hidden, should
be the aim and effort of every rational mind. It has been my desire to
arrive at truth upon the great question of Slavery; and after much
investigation, and many conflicts, I have reached the conclusion, that
slaveholding is sinful; that man cannot hold property in man; that to
do right, and to do it _now_, fearless of results, is the doctrine of
the Bible; and that a simple and strict compliance with the Divine
Law, is man's noblest and safest course. These being my settled views,
I say to the slaveholder, give immediate freedom to your slaves. To
the non-slaveholder, I say, preach a pure doctrine; grapple with the
prejudices and fears of the community around you; strive to raise the
tone of public morals, and create a public sentiment unfavorable to
the continuance of slavery. To the private Christian, I say, betake
yourself to prayer, and the study of the Scriptures; and invoke a
blessing upon every righteous instrumentality for the overthrow of the
abomination. To the minister of the gospel, I say, be bold for God;
cry aloud, and spare not, till the merchants of the earth cease to
make merchandise of slaves, and the souls of men.
Much fault is found with our measures. What, Sir, are our measures,
but the simplest means of making known our principles? Having
deliberately and prayerfully adopted certain views, we take the
ordinary, common sense, every day methods of making those views known,
and of recommending them to the adoption of others. Believing slavery
to be sin, is it strange that we hate it, and speak strongly
respecting it? Believing immediate emancipation _a duty_, is it
strange that we pray, and preach, and print about it? That we take all
peaceful means of making known the great truth; of warning men against
the danger of delay; and exhorting them to repentance? The
abolitionists have done no more. To have done less, would have been to
prove themselves unfaithful to the high and heaven-born principles
they profess. They court investigation. They scatter their
publications on the winds to be read by all. They have not an office
nor a book that is not open to the inspection of all. Their language
to all who suspect their motives or their designs is, "search us, and
know our hearts; try us, and know our thoughts; and see if there be
any wicked way in us." If in the ardor of their zeal, and inherited
infirmities, and surrounded by influences, from which none of us are
exempt; they sometimes apply epithets and bring charges with too
little discrimination, "something should be pardoned to the spirit of
liberty;" something granted to the advocates of outraged humanity; to
those, who, remembering them that are in bonds as bound with them,
plead as for mothers, children, sisters, and brothers; at present lost
to all the joys and purposes of life. Sir, I think it hard that on all
occasions like these, the heaviest artillery should be levelled
against the abolitionists, and the small arms only directed against
the slaveholder. I call upon those who act with such gentleness
towards the latter individual; who are so fearful of doing him
injustice and so readily to discover in him any thing that is amiable
in character, or extenuating in conduct, to exercise some small
portion of the same candor and kindness, and consideration towards the
former. Let not _that_ man be most hateful in their eyes, who of all
others is most earnestly engaged for the deliverance of the slave.
A word before we part, for my honored co-adjutors on the other side of
the Atlantic. Should this be the last address of mine ever delivered
and recorded for perusal when I am gone to give account of my sayings
upon earth, I can with every feeling of sincerity aver, that to the
best of my knowledge and belief, there is not to be found on the face
of the earth at the present time, engaged in any religious or
benevolent enterprise, a body of men more pure in their motives, more
simple and elevated in their aim, more dependent upon divine aid in
their efforts, or, generally speaking, more unexceptionable in their
measures, than the _immediate_ abolitionists of the United States of
America. It has been my high privilege to mingle much with devoted
Christians of all denominations in my native land, and to enjoy the
friendship of some of the noblest and most laborious of living
philanthropists; but I have not yet seen the wisdom, the ardor, the
humanity or the faith of the abolitionists of America exceeded.
Another word and I have done. It is for one whom I love as a brother,
and to whom my soul is united by a bond which death cannot dissolve;
of one, who, though still young, has for ten years toiled with
unremitting ardor, and unimpeached disinterestedness in the cause of
the bleeding slave; of one, who, though accused of scattering around
him fire-brands, arrows and death; though branded as a madman, an
incendiary, and a fanatic; though denounced by the State, and reviled
by a portion of the church, possesses a soul as peaceful and as pure
as ever tenanted our fallen nature. I speak not to exalt him or
gratify his love of praise. I know he seeks not the honor that cometh
from man, nor the riches that perish in the using. He looks not for
his reward on earth. With the approbation of his conscience, he is
content; with the blessing of the perishing, he is rich; with the
favor of God, he is blessed forever. He seeks no monumental marble, no
funeral oration, no proud escutcheon, no partial page of history to
perpetuate his name. He knows that when resting from his labors, the
tears of an enfranchised race
Shall sprinkle the cold dust in which he sleeps,
Pompless, and from a scornful world withdrawn:
The laurel, which its malice rent, shall shoot,
So watered, into life, and mantling throw
Its verdant honors o'er his grassy tomb.
That man is WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. Sir, I thank God for having given
him to the age and country in which he lives. He is a man
pre-eminently qualified for the mighty work in which he has engaged.
May the God of the oppressed bless him, and keep him humble, and cheer
him onwards in his rugged path! May his lion heart never be subdued!
May his eloquent pen never cease to move while a slave breathes to
require its advocacy! Heaven grant, and I can ask no more, that the
wish of his heart may be fulfilled; and that the time may soon come,
when, looking abroad over his beloved country with the soul of a
Patriot, and the eye of a Philanthropist and a Christian, he shall not
be able to discover in State, or city, or town, or hamlet, a lingering
trace of a tyrant or a Slave!
I shall not, Sir, attempt (turning to the Chairman,) to express the
feelings of my heart towards _you_, or my opinion of the manner in
which you have discharged the duties of the Chair, through four of the
evenings of this discussion. I cordially unite with the gentleman
opposite, in thanking you for the dignity and strict impartiality with
which you have borne yourself. I know you look for the reward of your
labors of love in another and a better world. In that world may we all
meet! There our jars and discords will be at an end. There we shall
see, eye to eye; and know, even as we are known. There, in the
presence of one Saviour, our joys, our voices, our occupations will be
_one_; and there I trust that we, who have been antagonists on earth,
will together meet and celebrate the glories of a common redemption
from the sorrows and the sins of earth. (Mr. Thompson resumed his seat
amidst loud and long continued cheers.)
* * * * *
MR. THOMPSON moved that the cordial thanks of the meeting be given to
the Rev. Dr. WARDLAW, for his able, dignified, and impartial conduct
in the chair, and also to Dr. KIDSTON, who presided on Thursday
evening, which was carried with acclamation.