FOOTNOTES:

[68] Antonio de Vasconcellos, _Anacephalaeoses, id est Svmma Capita

Actorum Regum Lusitaniae_ (Antverpiae, 1621), p. 79.

[69] See also C. V. B., pp. xcv-vi.

[70] An English Crusader writing from Lisbon speaks of _inter hos tot

linguarum populos_ (_Crucesignati Anglici Epistola de Expugnatione

Olisiponis_, A.D. 1147).

[71] _Colección de Poesías Castellanas_ (1779), vol. i, p. lvii. The

important passages of Santillana’s letter have been so often quoted

that the reader may be referred to them, e.g. in the _Grundriss_, p.

168.

[72] Milá y Fontanals (_De los Trobadores_, p. 522) lays much stress on

the resemblance between Galician and Provençal.

[73] It must be remembered that in the early thirteenth century (1213)

the range of the Galician-Portuguese lyric already extended to Navarre

(C. V. 937).

[74] Guiraut Riquier and Nat de Mons placed Provençal poems on his

lips, which may be taken as an indication that he also wrote in

Provençal. As proof that he wrote poems in Castilian we have a single

_cantiga_ of eight lines (C. C. B. 363: _Señora por amor dios_). The

other poem of the _Cancioneiros_ in Castilian (with traces of Galician)

is by the victor of Salado, Alfonso XI (1312-50), King of Castille and

Leon: _En un tiempo cogi flores_ (C. V. 209).

[75] Their antiquarian interest was recognized over three centuries

ago. Cf. Argote de Molina, _Nobleza de Andalvzia_ (Seuilla, 1588), f.

151 v.: _es un libro de mucha curiosidad assi por la poesia como por

los trages de aquella edad ̃q se veen en sus pinturas_.

[76] Some of King Alfonso’s _Cantigas_ were recited in the same way. C.

M. 172 implies this in the lines:

Et d’esto cantar fezemos

Que cantassen os iograres

And of this we made a song for the _joglares_ to sing.

[77] Their popular origin is borne out by the music. See H. Collet et

L. Villalba, _Contribution à l’étude des Cantigas_ (1911). Cf. also P.

Meyer, _Types de quelques chansons de Gautier de Coinci_ (_Romania_,

vol. xvii (1888), pp. 429-37): _paroles pieuses à des mélodies

profanes_.

[78] Padre Nobrega came upon a crowd of _pobres pedintes peregrinos_ at

Santiago feasting merrily and having _grandes contendas entre si_ as to

which of them was cleverest at taking people in. The trick of one of

them was to declare that, being captive in Turkey, _encommendando-me

muito á Senhora ... achei-me ao outro dia ao romper da alva em terra

de Christãos_ (Simão de Vasconcellos, _Cronica_, Lib. I, § 22). Cf.

Jeronymo de Mendoça, _Jornada de Africa_, 1904 ed., ii. 34, and Frei

Luis de Sousa, _Hist. de S. Domingos_, I. i. 5.

[79] i. e. besides the Spanish _cantiga_ (C. C. B. 363), C. C. B. 359,

which belongs to the _Cantigas de Santa Maria_, and C. C. B. 372, which

consists of a single line.

[80] _El Rei aia tres jograes en sa casa e non mais._

[81] Riquier’s _segriers per totas cortz_ (King Alfonso X (C. M. 194)

speaks of a _jograr andando pelas cortes_). See also C. V. 556. The

word probably has no connexion with _seguir_ (to follow). Possibly

it was used originally to differentiate singers of profane songs,

_cantigas profanas e seculares_. Frei João Alvarez in his _Cronica do

Infante Santo_ has ‘obras ecclesiasticas e _segrãaes_’; King Duarte

counted among _os pecados da boca_ ‘cantar cantigas _sagraaes_’, The

_Cancioneiros_ show that the _segrel_ was far less common than the

_jogral_ in the thirteenth century. For _segre_ (= _saeculum_) see

_infra_, p. 93, n. 2.

[82] For instances see H. R. Lang, _The Relations of the Earliest

Portuguese Lyric School with the Troubadours and Trouvères_ (_Modern

Language Notes_ (April, 1895), pp. 207-31), and C. D. L., pp. xlviii et

seq.

[83] This poet, Fernam Gonçalvez de Seabra or Fernant Gonzalez de

Sanabria (C. V. 338; C. C. B. 330-7; C. A. 210-21, 445-7), apparently

obtained some fame by his mystification, unless the object of his

devotion was as high-placed as the Portuguese princess for love of

whom, according to legend, D. Joan Soarez de Paiva died in Galicia.

The latter wrote in the first years of the thirteenth century (C.

V. 937, _Randglosse_ xi). They are the only two Galician-Portuguese

poets--besides King Dinis--mentioned in Santillana’s letter.

[84] _Poetica_, ll. 126, 130. Much of the information of this _Poetica_

(printed in C. C. B.) may be gleaned from the _Cancioneiros_, but it

shows how carefully the different kinds of poem were distinguished.

There were apparently special names for poems to trick and deceive: _de

logr’ e d’arteiro_, and for festive laughter poems: _de risadelha_ (or

_refestela_?) = _de riso e mote_. Santillana’s _mansobre_ is, it seems,

a misprint for _mordobre_. It occurs again in the _Requesta de Ferrant

Manuel contra Alfonso Alvarez_ (_Canc. de Baena_, 1860 ed., i. 253):

Sin lai, sin deslai, sin cor, sin descor.

Sin dobre, mansobre, sensilla o menor.

Sin encadenado, dexar o prender.

[85] e. g. C. V. 300: _Por Deus, se ora, se ora chegasse Con el mui

leda seria._

[86] _q’coi_ (C. V. M.), _qual cór_ (C. V. B.). D. Carolina Michaëlis

de Vasconcellos proposes _quiça_ (cf. C. V. 1006, I. 8).

[87] _Aqueste cantar da egoa que non andou na tregoa_ (C. V. 956).

[88] Or D. Joan Garcia de Guilhade. See C. A. M. V. ii. 407-15.

[89] C. V. 28-38, 343-61, 1097-1110; C. A. 235-9; C. C. B. 373-6.

[90] A large number of _cantigas_ by the same hand would emphasize the

monotony of the kind and provide an unwelcome mirror for contemporary

bards. Of Roy Queimado (fl. 1250) other love-lorn poets said that he

was always dying of love--in verse.

[91] Soares de Brito in his _Theatrum_ mentions ‘Ferdinandus Garcia

_Esparavanha_, optimus poeta’ (= _bom trovador_).

[92] See p. 31.

[93] See _Randglosse_ xii. An incidental interest belongs to this poem

of eighteen dodecasyllabic lines from the fact that in C. V. B. it is

printed in thirty-six lines, as a proof of the early predominance of

the _redondilha_.

[94] Cf. the Provençal passage in Milá y Fontanals, _De los

Trobadores_, p. 62.

[95] He thus overlapped Dante’s life by four years at either end.

[96] T. A. Craveiro, _Compendio_ (1833), cap. 5: _D. Diniz trouxe a

idade de ouro a Portugal_.

[97] A late echo of the early (Alfonso X) legislation against the

_jogral_ is to be found in King Duarte’s _Leal Conselheiro_, cap. 70:

_Dos Pecados da Obra_. These include _dar aos jograaees_. Nunez de Leam

translates _joglar_ as _truão_ (1606).

[98] C. V. 80-208 (= C. D. L. 1-75, 77-128, 76) and C. C. B. 406-15 (=

C. D. L. 129-38). C. V. 116 = C. V. 174.

[99] _Cronica del Rei D. Diniz_, 1677 ed., f. 113 v.

[100] _Mandou hum livro delles escrito por sua mão a seu avò ... o

qual eu vi na livraria do Real Convento do Escurial, em folha de papel

grosso, de marca pequena, volume de tres ou quatro dedos de alto, de

letra grande, latina, bem legivel, e o que ly era de Louvores a Nossa

Senhora, e outras cousas ao divino_ (_Eva e Ave_, 1676 ed., pp. 128-9).

This interesting passage is not included in those quoted in C. A. M.

V. ii. 112-17; it is obviously the source of no. 17. It does not imply

that the poems were exclusively religious. Can the book three or four

fingers in height have been the _Canc. da Ajuda_ (460 millimètres) from

which a section of sacred poems may have been torn? If so the letters

_Rey Dõ Denis_ (C. A. M. V. i. 141) would explain the attribution to

King Dinis.

[101] The language of C. M. and the Portuguese _Cancioneiros_ was of

course the same. Identical phrases occur.

[102] He twice visited Oxford, he says, in order to see the library,

which he describes--_hũa das grandes cousas do mundo_ (_Eva e Ave_,

1676 ed., p. 156). At the Escorial he also examined an original

manuscript of St. Augustine (ibid., p. 150).

[103] C. C. B. 406-15.

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