It was fated, however, that the national leisure requisite for a new

development of English literary genius should commence only with the

restoration of the Stuarts in 1660; and then it was a leisure secured in

very different circumstances from those which would have attended a

perpetuation of Cromwell's rule. With Charles II. there came back into the

island, after many years of banishment, all the excesses of the cavalier

spirit, more reckless than before, and considerably changed by long

residence in continental cities, and especially in the French capital.

Cavalier noblemen and gentlemen came back, bringing with them French

tastes, French fashions, and foreign ladies of pleasure. As Charles II.

was a different man from his father, so the courtiers that gathered round

him at Whitehall were very different from those who had fought with

Charles I. against the Parliamentarians. Their political principles and

prejudices were nominally the same; but they were for the most part men of

a younger generation, less stiff and English in their demeanour, and more

openly dissolute in their morals. Such was the court the restoration of

which England virtually confessed to be necessary to prevent a new era of

anarchy. It was inaugurated amid the shouts of the multitude; and

Puritanism, already much weakened by defections before the event, hastened

to disappear from the public stage, diffusing itself once more as a mere

element of secret efficacy through the veins of the community, and

purchasing even this favour by the sacrifice of its most notorious

leaders.

* * * * *

Miserable in some respects as was this change for England, it offered, by

reason of the very unanimity with which it was effected, all the

conditions necessary for the forthcoming of a new literature. But where

were the materials for the commencement of this new literature?

First, as regards _persons_ fit to initiate it. There were all those who

had been left over from the Protectorate, together with such wits as the

Restoration itself had brought back, or called into being. There was the

old dramatist, Shirley, now in his sixty-fifth year, very glad, no doubt,

to come back to town, after his hard fare as a country-schoolmaster during

the eclipse of the stage, and to resume his former occupation as a writer

of plays in the style that had been in fashion thirty years before. There

was Hobbes, older still than Shirley, a tough old soul of seventy-three,

but with twenty more years of life in him, and, though not exactly a

literary man, yet sturdy enough to be whatever he liked within certain

limits. There was mild Izaak Walton, of Chancery-lane, only five years

younger than Hobbes, but destined to live as long, and capable of writing

very nicely if he could have been kept from sauntering into the fields to

fish. There was the gentlemanly Waller, now fifty-six years of age, quite

ready to be a poet about the court of Charles, and to write panegyrics on

the new side to atone for that on Cromwell. There was the no less

gentlemanly Davenant, also fifty-six years of age, steady to his royalist

principles, as became a man who had received the honour of knighthood from

the royal martyr, and enjoying a wide reputation, partly from his poetical

talents, and partly from his want of nose. There was Milton, in his

fifty-second year, blind, desolate, and stern, hiding in obscure lodgings

till his defences of regicide should be sufficiently forgotten to save him

from molestation, and building up in imagination the scheme of his

promised epic. There was Butler, four years younger, brimful of hatred to

the Puritans, and already engaged on his poem of _Hudibras_, which was to

lash them so much to the popular taste. There was Denham, known as a

versifier little inferior to Waller, and with such superior claims on the

score of loyalty as to be considered worthy of knighthood and the first

vacant post. There was Cowley, still only in his forty-third year, and

with a ready-made reputation, both as a poet and as a prose-writer, such

as none of his contemporaries possessed, and such indeed as no English

writer had acquired since the days of Ben Jonson and Donne. Younger still,

and with his fame as a satirist not yet made, there was Milton's friend,

honest Andrew Marvell, whom the people of Hull had chosen as their

representative in Parliament. Had the search been extended to theologians,

and such of them selected as were capable of influencing the literature by

the form of their writings, as distinct from their matter, Jeremy Taylor

would have been noted as still alive, though his work was nearly over,

while Richard Baxter, with a longer life before him, was in the prime of

his strength, and there was in Bedford an eccentric Baptist preacher, once

a tinker, who was to be the author, though no one supposed it, of the

greatest prose allegory in the language. Close about the person of the

king, too, there were able men and wits, capable of writing themselves, or

of criticising what was written by others, from the famous Clarendon down

to such younger and lighter men as Dillon, Earl of Roscommon, Sackville,

Earl of Dorset, and Sir Charles Sedley. Lastly, not to extend the list

farther, there was then in London, aged twenty-nine, and going about in a

stout plain dress of grey drugget, a Northamptonshire squire's son, named

John Dryden, who, after having been educated at Cambridge, had come up to

town in the last year of the Protectorate to push his fortune under a

Puritan relative then in office, and who had already once or twice tried

his hand at poetry. Like Waller, he had written and published a series of

panegyrical stanzas on Cromwell after his death; and, like Waller also, he

had attempted to atone for this miscalculation by writing another poem,

called _Astraea Redux_, to celebrate the return of Charles. As a taste of

what this poet, in particular, could do, take the last of his stanzas on

Cromwell:--

"His ashes in a peaceful urn shall rest;

His name a great example stands to show

How strangely high endeavours may be blessed,

Where piety and valour jointly go";

or, in another metre and another strain of politics, the conclusion of the

poem addressed to Charles:--

"The discontented now are only they

Whose crimes before did your just cause betray:

Of those your edicts some reclaim from sin,

But most your life and blest example win.

Oh happy prince! whom Heaven hath taught the way

By paying vows to have more vows to pay!

Oh happy age! Oh times like those alone

By fate reserved for great Augustus' throne,

When the joint growth of arms and arts foreshow

The world a monarch, and that monarch you!"

Such were the _personal elements_, if we may so call them, available at

the beginning of the reign of Charles II. for the commencement of a new

era in English literature. Let us see next what were the more pronounced

_tendencies_ visible amid these personal elements--in other words, what

tone of moral sentiment, and what peculiarities of literary style and

method, were then in the ascendant, and likely to determine the character

of the budding authorship.

It was pre-eminently clear that the forthcoming literature would be

Royalist and anti-Puritan. With the exception of Milton, there was not one

man of known literary power whose heart still beat as it did when Cromwell

sat on the throne, and whose muse magnanimously disdained the change that

had befallen the nation. Puritanism, as a whole, was driven back into the

concealed vitals of the community, to sustain itself meanwhile as a

sectarian theology lurking in chapels and conventicles, and only to

re-appear after a lapse of years as an ingredient in the philosophy of

Locke and his contemporaries. The literary men who stepped forward to lead

the literature of the Restoration were royalists and courtiers: some of

them honest cavaliers, rejoicing at being let loose from the restraints of

the Commonwealth; others timeservers, making up for delay by the fulsome

excess of their zeal for the new state of things. It was part of this

change that there should be an affectation, even where there was not the

reality, of lax morals. According to the sarcasm of the time, it was

necessary now for those who would escape the risk of being thought

Puritans to contract a habit of swearing and pretend to be great rakes.

And this increase, both in the practice and in the profession of

profligacy, at once connected itself with that institution of English

society which, from the very fact that it had been suppressed by the

Puritans, now became doubly attractive and popular. The same revolution

which restored royalty in England re-opened the play-houses; and in them,

as the established organs of popular sentiment, all the anti-Puritanic

tendencies of the time hastened to find vent. The custom of having female

actors on the stage for female parts, instead of boys as heretofore, was

now permanently introduced, and brought many scandals along with it.

Whether, as some surmise, the very suppression of the theatres during the

reign of Puritanism contributed to their unusual corruptness when they

were again allowed by law--by damming up, as it were, a quantity of

pruriency which had afterwards to be let loose in a mass--it is not easy

to say; it is certain, however, that never in this country did impurity

run so openly at riot in literary guise as it did in the Drama of the

Restoration. To use a phrenological figure, it seemed as if the national

cranium of England had suddenly been contracted in every other direction

so as to permit an inordinate increase of that particular region which is

situated above the nape of the neck. This enormous preponderance of the

back of the head in literature was most conspicuously exhibited in Comedy.

Every comedy that was produced represented life as a meagre action of

persons and interests on a slight proscenium of streets and bits of green

field, behind which lay the real business, transacted in stews. To set

against this, it is true, there was a so-called Tragic Drama. The tragedy

that was now in favour, however, was no longer the old English tragedy of

rich and complex materials, but the French tragedy of heroic declamation.

Familiarized by their stay in France with the tragic style of Corneille

and other dramatists of the court of Louis XIV., the Royalists brought

back the taste with them into England; and the poets who catered for them

hastened to abandon the Shakespearian tragedy, with its large range of

time and action and its blank verse, and to put on the stage tragedies of

sustained and decorous declamation in the heroic or rhymed couplet,

conceived, as much as possible, after the model of Corneille. Natural to

the French, this classic or regular style accorded ill with English

faculties and habits; and Corneille himself would have been horrified at

the slovenly and laborious attempts of the English in imitation of his

masterpieces. The effect of French influence at this time, however, on

English literary taste, did not consist merely in the introduction of the

heroic or rhymed drama. The same influence extended, and in some respects

beneficially, to all departments of English literature. It helped, for

example, to correct that peculiar style of so-called "wit" which,

originating with the dregs of the Elizabethan age, had during a whole

generation infected English prose and poetry, but more especially the

latter. The characteristic of the "metaphysical school of poetry," as it

is called, which took its rise in a literary vice perceptible even in the

great works of the Elizabethan age, and of which Donne and Cowley were the

most celebrated representatives, consisted in the identification of mere

intellectual subtlety with poetic genius. To spin out a fantastic conceit,

to pursue a thread of quaint thought as long as it could be held between

the fingers of the metre without snapping, and, in doing so, to wind it

about as many oddities of the real world as possible, and introduce as

many verbal quibbles as possible, was the aim of the "metaphysical poets."

Some of them, like Donne and Cowley, were men of independent merit; but

the style of poetry itself, as all modern readers confess by the alacrity

with which they avoid reprinted specimens of it, was as unprofitable an

investment of human ingenuity as ever was attempted. At the period of the

Restoration, and partly in consequence of French influence, this kind of

wit was falling into disrepute. There were still practitioners of it; but,

on the whole, a more direct, clear, and light manner of writing was coming

into fashion. Discourse became less stiff and pedantic; or, as Dryden

himself has expressed it, "the fire of English wit, which was before

stifled under a constrained melancholy way of breeding, began to display

its force by mixing the solidity of our nation with the air and gaiety of

our neighbours." And the change in discourse passed without difficulty

into literature, calling into being a nimbler style of wit, a more direct,

rapid, and decisive manner of thought and expression, than had beseemed

authorship before. In particular, and apart from the tendency to greater

directness and concision of thought, there was an increased attention to

correctness of expression. The younger literary men began to object to

what they called the involved and incorrect syntax of the writers of the

previous age, and to pretend to greater neatness and accuracy in the

construction of their sentences. It was at this time, for example, that

the rule of not ending a sentence with a preposition or other little word

began to be attended to. Whether the notion of correctness, implied in

this, and other such rules, was a true notion, and whether the writers of

the Restoration excelled their Elizabethan predecessors in this quality of

correctness, admits of being doubted. Certain it is, however, that a

change in the mechanism of writing--this change being on the whole towards

increased neatness--did become apparent about this time. The change was

visible in prose, but far more in verse. For, to conclude this enumeration

of the literary signs or tendencies of the age of the Restoration, it was

a firm belief of the writers of the period that then for the first time

was the art of correct English versification exemplified and appreciated.

It was, we say, a firm belief of the time, and indeed it has been a

common-place of criticism ever since, that Edmund Waller was the first

poet who wrote smooth and accurate verse, that in this he was followed by

Sir John Denham, and that these two men were reformers of English metre.

"Well-placing of words, for the sweetness of pronunciation, was not known

till Mr. Waller introduced it," is a deliberate statement of Dryden

himself, meant to apply especially to verse. Here, again, we have to

separate a matter of fact from a matter of doctrine. To aver, with such

specimens of older English verse before us as the works of Chaucer and

Spenser, and the minor poems of Milton, that it was Waller or any other

petty writer of the Restoration that first taught us sweetness, or

smoothness, or even correctness of verse, is so ridiculous that the

currency of such a notion can only be accounted for by the servility with

which small critics go on repeating whatever any one big critic has said.

That Waller and Denham, however, did set the example of something new in

the manner of English versification,--which "something" Dryden, Pope, and

other poets who afterwards adopted it, regarded as an improvement,--needs

not be doubted. For us it is sufficient in the meantime to recognise the

change as an attempt after greater neatness of mechanical structure,

leaving open the question whether it was a change for the better.

It was natural that the tendencies of English literature thus enumerated

should be represented in the poet-laureate for the time being. Who was the

fit man to be appointed laureate at the Restoration? Milton was out of the

question, having none of the requisites. Butler, the man of greatest

natural power of a different order, and possessing certainly as much of

the anti-Puritan sentiment as Charles and his courtiers could have desired

in their laureate, was not yet sufficiently known, and was, besides,

neither a dramatist nor a fine gentleman. Cowley, whom public opinion

would have pointed out as best entitled to the honour, was somehow not in

much favour at court, and was spending the remainder of his days on a

little property near Chertsey. Waller and Denham were wealthy men, with

whom literature was but an amusement. On the whole, Sir William Davenant

was felt to be the proper man for the office. He was an approved royalist;

he had, in fact, been laureate to Charles I. after Ben Jonson's death in

1637; and he had suffered much in the cause of the king. He was, moreover,

a literary man by profession. He had been an actor and a theatre-manager

before the Commonwealth; he had been the first to start a theatre after

the relaxed rule of Cromwell made it possible; and he was one of the first

to attempt heroic or rhymed tragedies after the French model. He was also,

far more than Cowley, a wit of the new school; and, as a versifier, he

practised, with no small reputation, the neat, lucid style introduced by

Denham and Waller. He was the author of an epic called _Gondibert_,

written in rhymed stanzas of four lines each, which Hobbes praised as

showing "more shape of art, health of morality, and vigour and beauty of

expression," than any poem he had ever read. We defy anyone to read the

poem now; but there have been worse things written; and it has the merit

of being a careful and rather serious composition by a man who had

industry, education, and taste, without genius. There was but one

awkwardness in having such a man for laureate: he had no nose. This

awkwardness, however, had existed at the time of his first appointment in

the preceding reign. At least, Suckling adverts to it in the _Session of

the Poets_, where he makes the wits of that time contend for the bays--

"Will Davenant, ashamed of a foolish mischance,

That he had got lately, travelling in France,

Modestly hoped the handsomeness of 's muse

Might any deformity about him excuse.

"And surely the company would have been content,

If they could have found any precedent;

But in all their records, either in verse or prose,

There was not one laureate without a nose."

If the more decorous court of Charles I., however, overlooked this

deficiency, it was not for that of Charles II. to take objection to it.

After all, Davenant, notwithstanding his misfortune, seems to have been

not the worst gentleman about Charles's court, either in morals or

manners. Milton is said to have known and liked him.

Davenant's laureateship extended over the first eight years of the

Restoration, or from 1660 to 1668. Much was done in those eight years both

by himself and others. Heroic plays and comedies were produced in

sufficient abundance to supply the two chief theatres then open in

London--one of them that of the Duke's company, under Davenant's

management; the other, that of the King's company, under the management

of an actor named Killigrew. The number of writers for the stage was very

great, including not only those whose names have been mentioned, but

others new to fame. The literature of the stage formed by far the largest

proportion of what was written, or even of what was published. Literary

efforts of other kinds, however, were not wanting. Of satires, and small

poems in the witty or amatory style, there was no end. The publication by

Butler of the first part of his _Hudibras_ in 1663, and of the second in

1664, drew public attention, for the first time, to a man, already past

his fiftieth year, who had more true wit in him than all the aristocratic

poets put together. The poem was received by the king and the courtiers

with shouts of laughter; quotations from it were in everybody's mouth;

but, notwithstanding large promises, nothing substantial was done for the

author. Meanwhile Milton, blind and gouty, and living in his house near

Bunhill Fields, where his visitors were hardly of the kind that admired

Butler's poem, was calmly proceeding with his _Paradise Lost_. The poem

was finished and published in 1667, leaving Milton free for other work.

Cowley, who would have welcomed such a poem, and whose praise Milton would

have valued more than that of any other contemporary, died in the year of

its publication. Davenant may have read it before his death in the

following year; but perhaps the only poet of the time who hailed its

appearance with enthusiasm adequate to the occasion was Milton's personal

friend Marvell. Gradually, however, copies of the poem found their way

about town, and drew public attention once more to Cromwell's old

secretary.

The laureateship remained vacant two years after Davenant's death; and

then it was conferred--on whom? There can be little doubt that, of those

eligible to it, Butler had, in some respects, the best title. The author

of _Hudibras_, however, seems to have been one of those ill-conditioned

men whom patronage never comes near, and who are left, by a kind of

necessity, to the bitter enjoyment of their own humours. There does not

seem to have been even a question of appointing him; and the office, the

income of which would have been a competence to him, was conferred on a

man twenty years his junior, and whose circumstances required it

less--John Dryden. The appointment, which was made in August, 1670,

conferred on Dryden not only the laureateship, but also the office of

"historiographer royal," which chanced to be vacant at the same time. The

income accruing from the two offices thus conjoined was 200_l._ a-year,

which was about as valuable then as 600_l._ a-year would be now; and it

was expressly stated in the deed of appointment that these emoluments were

conferred on Dryden "in consideration of his many acceptable services done

to his majesty, and from an observation of his learning and eminent

abilities, and his great skill and elegant style both in verse and prose."

At the time of the Restoration, or even for a year or two after it, such

language could, by no stretch of courtesy, have been applied to Dryden. At

that time, as we have seen, though already past his thirtieth year, he was

certainly about the least distinguished person in the little band of wits

that were looking forward to the good time coming. He was a stout,

fresh-complexioned man, in grey drugget, who had written some robust

stanzas on Cromwell's death, and a short poem, also robust, but rather

wooden, on Charles's return. That was about all that was then known about

him. What had he done, in the interval, to raise him so high, and to make

it natural for the Court to prefer him to what was in fact the titular

supremacy of English literature, over the heads of others who might be

supposed to have claims, and especially over poor battered old Butler? A

glance at Dryden's life during Davenant's laureateship, or between 1660

and 1670, will answer this question.

The Three Devils: Luther's, Milton's, and Goethe's; With Other Essays · 第 9 / 18 段