The magician became silent, the incense was condensed and assumed a

reddish tint which gradually became more and more diffused. We seemed to

hear the thunder rolling, at first from a distance, then nearer, finally

over our heads. It was as if the tower had been shaken and the vault over

our heads been rent. My knees trembled. Suddenly a flash of lightning shot

through the red mass. The magician extended his staff, as if he had

wished to stop it. He raised his voice anew, strong and powerful amidst

the continued peals of thunder. The smoke grew thin again; from its

wreaths there appeared before the magician in the immediate vicinity of

the circle, and at the opposite end of his staff, a dim apparition, a

figure whose first aspect bereft me of my reason. I felt as if I had

fallen to the floor,--as if I had been lost....

I awakened with the perspiration of agony on my forehead, but fortunately

in my own bed and in the nineteenth century. The view from my window is

cheerful and enlivening. I see a river which bears proud ships, quays

swarming with men, and broad streets with houses in a graceful and light

_renaissance_ style. I lived again in the present which pleased me the

best, next to dreaming of the future....

They strove for something great, however, those learned magicians of the

Middle Ages. Theirs was a mighty imaginative creation. It lies in ruins

never to arise again; but the crumbled _debris_ testify to the belief in

an all-embracing human power and knowledge.

These learned magicians were likewise restless Faust-natures, as distinct

from the usual type of the learned of their time as Faust from the

pedantic _gloss_-proud, unaspiring milk-sop Wagner. While they paid their

tribute of weakness to tradition, and formed their system on received

dicta, it was among them that presentiments of the future began to stir,

and a longing for a clearer light than that with which the scholastics and

doctors _angelici et seraphici_ felt themselves well contented. When the

study of ancient Greece was recommencing, when the dawn of the

_renaissance_ appeared, it was these enthusiastic natures, still groping

among the dreams of magic art, that first began to awake and think. It was

a feeling of the insufficiency of the ruling theology and scholasticism

which had driven them into the temple of "secret philosophy." Since its

pillars were brought from diverse spheres of culture, distrust and fear of

magic had become more universal than directly ecclesiastical; they had

drunk as deeply from profane tradition as from Christian, considering them

both to flow from the same divine source: their writers quote Porphyrius

by the side of John, and the pretender Hermes by the side of Paul. The

courage with which they tried to burst open the portals of the

spirit-world served them afterwards when from the shores of their

childhood's belief they were to venture out on the ocean of thought.

Campanella, Vanini, Giordano Bruno, and Cardanus stand on the dividing

line between dogmatico-fantastical magic and a philosophy in the sense of

the old Greeks and of modern times. If already previously some magicians

of the old type had died from persecution, it was not to be wondered at

that such "atheists" as Vanini and Bruno must now ascend the pile.

The occult sciences of the Middle Ages with their origin not from paradise

and Noah's ark, as believed by their adherents, but from an ancient

Oriental culture and with their power over even the strongest and most

independent souls that could arise under the influence of a Church which

levels all thought, may properly remind those who are willing to forget

it, of a sad but incontestable truth: That humanity may embrace during the

course of many and long centuries with the most candid faith, and

construct with immense labor into a system, dogmas which have been

received without questioning, and which contain more of the false than of

the true, the great antiquity of which does not give them more claim for

validity than is possessed by the error which arose yesterday and vanished

to-day. No special divine influence has saved or will save the generations

from inheriting the errors less than the acquired truths of their

predecessors--no other divine influence, I should say, than the impulse we

feel to think for ourselves in order to attain to clearness.

IV.

THE MAGIC OF THE PEOPLE AND THE STRUGGLE OF THE CHURCH AGAINST IT.

Wherever religious thought divides the empire of the world and humanity

into two absolutely opposed powers, a good and an evil, there it also

distinguishes two kinds of magic: the divine and the infernal. So with the

Persians who knew a white and a black magic. So also in the Middle Ages of

Christianity. The Greeks, on the contrary, knew nothing of this

distinction. The world being to them a harmonious whole, both in moral and

physical respects, magic was with them only a means of finding out and

using the secret powers in the harmonious cosmos; and the wonder-worker

who could not be thought of as deriving his powers from an evil source,

was undoubtedly a favorite of the gods and an equal with the heroes, not

unworthy of statues and temples, if he used his art for the benefit of

humanity. For the rest, magical speculation was with the Greeks more and

more pushed aside by philosophy,--by scepticism and rational

investigation, until on account of the nearer contact between Europe and

Asia, after the death of Alexander, it began again to exercise its

influence, and finally celebrated its triumph in that dualistic form of

religion which by the name of Christianity took possession of the

Occident.

The struggle which the spirit of orientalism waged on its march through

Europe, first against the Hellenic paganism, and then against the

Christian paganism which had penetrated into the Church itself, has been

briefly sketched above. When Christianity had spread later among the

Germanic and Slavic nations, there arose a new process of attraction and

repulsion between it and the natural religions of the barbarians, the

elements of which were partly blended with it and partly repelled by it.

The gods were transformed into devils, but their attributes and the

festivities in their honor were transferred to the saints. Pope Gregory

the Great ordained that the pagan festivities should be changed only

gradually to Christian, and that they were to be imitated in many

respects.[40]

In the time of Boniface there were many Christian priests in Germany who

sacrificed to Thor and baptized in the name of Jesus at the same time. Of

especial influence on the rapid spread of Christianity was the maxim of

Gregory not to be particular in the choice of proselytes, because hope was

to be placed in the better generations of the future. To be allowed to

attend divine service, and to be buried in the churchyard, it was only

necessary to have the benediction of the priest. Gifts to the Church,

pilgrimages, self-scourgings, repeating of prayers in Latin, opened the

gates of heaven to the proselytes easier than virtue and bravery those of

Valhall to the heathen. For the rest the pagan could enter the community

of the Church while retaining his whole circle of ideas. The Church did

not deny, but it confirmed, the real existence of every thing which had

been the object of his faith, but it treated these objects in accordance

with its dualistic scheme, sometimes elevating them to the plane of

sanctity, and again degrading them to something diabolical. Thus, for

instance, it changed the elementary spirits--which the Celts and Germans

believed in--from good or morally indifferent natural beings into fallen

angels, envying man his heavenly inheritance; and if a thinking heathen

could before accept or reject the existence of such beings at his

pleasure, it now, when he had become a proselyte, became a matter of

eternal bliss to believe in them. There was no superstitious idea gross

enough not to receive the signet of the Church; nay, the grosser it was,

the more likely was it to be appropriated. Even so cultured an intellect

as Augustine, the most prominent of the fathers and authors of his time,

declared it to be "insolent" to doubt the existence of fauns, satyrs and

other demoniac beings which lie in wait for women, have intercourse with

them and children by them.[41] Thus was laid the foundation of that

immense labyrinth of superstition in the darkness of which humanity has

groped during the thousand years of the Middle Ages.

In the rupture between the Church and the natural religion of the northern

peoples we find, in a certain sense, the same spectacle repeated which we

have seen in the struggle between the Christian and the Greco-Roman

culture. If the Neoplatonicians held up their Appolonius of Tyana as a

type of the Christian sorcerers, Celts, Germans and Northmen had also

their soothsayers endowed with supernatural powers whom the Christian

missionaries must excel in the power of working miracles, if they would

gain consideration for the new religion. There are many accounts of

bishops and priests who have worn gloves of fire, walked on white-hot

iron, and so forth, before the eyes of the astonished heathen. If the

miracles worked by the apostles of Christianity had their source in divine

agencies, then those performed by its opponents must have their origin in

the assistance of the devil. Already here the white magic stood opposed to

the black magic, the immediate and supernatural power of God in His agents

to the devil: and if the chief significance of the Church was to be an

institution for deliverance from the devil; if all her magical usages from

the sacrament to the amulet were so many weapons against his attacks; if

the pagan religions which had succumbed to Christianity were nothing but

varied kinds of the same _devil-worship_, and their priests, seers and

physicians but tools of Satan; then it was natural for all traditions from

the pagan time which the Church had not transformed and appropriated

should be banished within the pale of devil-worship, and partly also that

every act to which supernatural effects were ascribed, but which was not

performed by a Christian priest, or in the name of Jesus, should be

referred to a black magic, partly in fine that the possibility of an

immediate co-operation, a conscious league between the devil and men

should be elevated to a dogma.

A struggle between good and evil, between God and Satan, between church

and paganism, which is carried on with the weapons of miracles by two

directly opposed human representatives of these principles, was a theme

which must by necessity urge the power of creative imagination into

activity, and we find also in one of the oldest monuments of Christian

literature[42] a tale of this character. It is Simon Peter, the rock on

which the Church is built, who fights there against Simon the magician of

Samaria, mentioned in the Acts. When the cities of Asia Minor had

witnessed their emulation in miracle-working, the decisive battle was

fought out to the end in Rome. In the presence of the assembled people,

Simon the magician attempts an ascension into heaven, but falls and breaks

his legs because Simon Peter had commanded the evil spirits who were

carrying the magician towards the sky to let him drop. This fable appears

still further embellished in later ecclesiastical authors. It is soon

accompanied by others, such as that of Cyprianus, Theophilus, Militaris,

Heliodorus, and many others, who from love of earthly glory abjure Christ

and enter into solemn covenants with the devil. In the biography of the

holy Basilius, archbishop of Caesarea and Cappadocia (he was a contemporary

of the apostate emperor Julian), there is a story of a young man who had

obtained from a heathen sorcerer a letter of recommendation to Satan. When

the young man, according to the precept of the magician, had gone to a

heathen grave and there taken out the letter, he was suddenly taken up and

borne to the place where Satan, surrounded by his angels, sat on a throne.

The youth abjured in writing his baptism and swore allegiance to his new

master. But after some time the apostate repented and confessed to the

holy Basilius what he had done. The bishop prayed for him forty days. When

at length the day had come that Satan according to the compact should bear

away his victim, the bishop had the young man placed in the midst of his

congregation. Satan arrived: a battle between him and the bishop

followed--a battle which was carried on with the people stretching forth

their hands imploring God for assistance, and was ended when the compact

fell from the claws of the fiend, and was torn by the bishop. The

before-mentioned Theophilus had likewise pawned his soul to the devil, but

the contract was restored to him after urgent supplication, by the holy

Virgin, after which, warned by his experience, he led a holy life, and

became Saint Theophilus before he closed his eyes. These early legends of

compacts between the devil and men end, as we see, with the sinner's

salvation; not so the later. If we now remember that it was one of the

dogmas proclaimed by the Church that all magical and miraculous arts not

performed by the priests in the name of Jesus were wrought by the devil;

that he gives his adherents power over nature and that the demons as

"_incubi_" and "_succubi_" seek and obtain carnal intercourse with human

beings,[43] we discover already in the ideas of the first Christian

centuries the elements of the sorcery of the Middle Ages. And when we read

further the accusations which the first Christian sects hurled against one

another,--when we learn that the party which was raised by the Council of

Nice to the orthodox position accused the Gnostics, Marcionites and Arians

of devil-worship, confederacy with Satan and sorcery, we meet already here

that union of heresy and sorcery by which the Church of the Middle Ages

acquired such a fearful weapon against dissenters,--a union which must not

be looked upon as a mere casual invention of wickedness and theological

hatred, but as the necessary consequence of the whole dualistic theory of

morals, as the necessary fruit of the belief in devils.

A long time must have been required for the festivals common to the

natural religions of Europe to become extinct or be remodelled into

Christian form. The external practices by which religious ideas obtain a

sensuous expression, possess generally more tenacious power of existence

than the ideas themselves, and continue in existence when these have

disappeared, as the shell after the death of the nautilus. In certain

religions of natural development adoration of the sun and the moon are the

most important. Among the Celtic, Germanic and Slavic tribes, as before

among Hebrews and Phoenicians, these divinities of the light were adored

by kindling fires, by sacrifices and banquets on mountains and in groves,

especially at the time of the vernal equinox (Easter), at the beginning of

May (Valpurge's night), and on the night of the summer solstice. From the

fact that traces of the custom still exist in our own day, though its

original significance is lost, we can all the more safely assume that it

continued to exist without interruption, openly at first, then in secret,

retaining its significance, in spite of the efforts of spiritual and

profane authorities to extirpate it, and assuming more and more in the

popular mind that character of devil-worship with which the Church has

branded these reminiscences, from heathen times. And when finally it

ceased entirely, or was changed into seasons of popular festivity which

had no dangerous suggestiveness even in the eyes of the Church, still the

remembrance of the demoniacal festivals of mountain and grove must have

been inherited from generation to generation, and then it was but another

step to believe that they still continued and were participated in by

persons who practiced magical arts, and had been invested with the

suspicious wisdom of the ancient valas and druids--the female seers and

physicians of the pagans. That the notion of the Witches' Sabbath, which

was celebrated on the night before the first of May, and of the paschal

journey of the witches to Blokulla have this historical origin is very

probable. The ecclesiastical literature from the first half of the Middle

Ages does not leave us without significant hints apparently corroborating

this opinion. St. Egidius, who died in 659 A. D., speaks frequently

against the _fire-worship_, practiced during midsummer nights, which as

inherited from pagan forefathers was accompanied with dancing, and against

the invocation of the sun and moon (which he calls "the demons Hercules

and Diana"), and against worshipping in groves and by trees, springs and

crossroads. The apostle of the Allemans, St. Firminus, who died in 754 A.

D., preaches against the same customs, and especially dwells on the

pertinacity with which old women adhere to the infernal festivals with

their magical songs and dances. Modern authors on the subject in question

speak of a _synodal decree_ which is said to date back to the council of

Ancyra in 314 A. D., and which enjoins the bishops especially to watch the

godless women who, deceived by the delusions of the demons, imagine that

they traverse in the night, in the company of Diana and Herodias and

riding on certain animals, wide tracts of country, and are required to

assemble for a certain number of nights by the command of their mistress.

But although this synodal decree is spurious and belongs to a far later

period and a different locality (it is referred to for the first time in

the ninth century, in a work composed by the Abbot Regino[44]), it is old

enough to deserve our attention here. To the decree is appended a number

of questions which the bishops must put to such women in confession. Among

them are the following, which connect immediately the witch-journey with

heathen traditions:--

"Have you followed the practice inherited from the heathen of considering

the course of the stars, the moon and the eclipses of the new moon? And

have you imagined that by the exclamation 'Conquer, moon' (_vince, Luna_),

you could reproduce its light? When you wished to pray, have you resorted

to other places than the church, as, for instance, to springs, stones,

trees or crossroads? Have you there kindled fires and sacrificed bread or

aught else?"

John of Salisbury, who died A. D. 1182, writes of women who, led by a

"night-queen," assemble and celebrate banquets at which they most relish

children stolen from their cradles. He still supposed that this may not

really be a fact, but only demoniacal illusions, phantasmagorial tricks

played by the devil, and empty dreams, especially as such things happen

among women, and not among men, who possess a stronger reason. The same

view of the case is held by William of Auvergne, bishop of Paris (died A.

D. 1248). But already during the life of this prelate the belief in the

reality of witch-feasts was sanctioned by the authority of Pope Gregory

IX., and every doubt in regard to it was declared to be heresy.

At the same time the connection between heresy and witchcraft was revived

and confirmed by the Church, so that all heretics were to be considered as

the sworn subjects of the devil, and initiated into sorcery, even though

not all sorcerers and witches were necessarily heretics. The Church at

this time threatened by several newly arisen sects, had recourse to every

expedient to uphold its hierarchy and the unity of confession. In the year

1223 Gregory IX. promulgated a letter which exhorted to a crusade against

the Stedinghs, a sect which had spread themselves in Friesland and Lower

Saxony. He accused them of worshipping and having secret communion with

the prince of darkness. According to the papal edict the Stedinghs

considered the devil as the real and the good deity, expelled by the other

and the evil from heaven, but returning thither in the fulness of time,

when the usurper on account of his extreme tyranny, cruelty and injustice

had made himself hated by the race of men and had finally become convinced

of his own incapability and powerlessness. In truth if such a belief had

sprung up it would not have been strange. Everywhere the power and the

influence of the devil was seen, but nowhere God's, if not in the bloody

and terrible laws and oppressive social system which were declared by

spiritual and profane authorities to be divine. The very theory by which

the Church sought to save for God his attribute of omnipotence--the theory

of consent, according to which the devil exercises such power only by

God's permission--this very theory was suited to augment the confusion and

the terror. "Never," says Bunsen,[45] "has there been a time when a divine

and universal government was so much despaired of as in the Middle Ages."

Bunsen inclines to the view of the French historian Michelet, that from

the thirteenth to the fifteenth century, after the Waldenses and

Albigenses in France had been exterminated by Romish persecution, and the

lower classes had been reduced to serfs, a religion of despair, a real

Satanic _cultus_ sprang up, and that the Witches' Sabbath was in fact

founded upon nightly congregations, in which thousands of brutalized men

driven by misery and oppression gathered themselves together in order to

worship the devil and invoke his aid. But there exists no absolutely

certain historical fact to prove that such meetings have really taken

place. We consider it more probable, as pointed out above, that the

Witches' Sabbath was as it were the lingering twilight, constantly

deepening, and constantly painted in more monstrous colors, after the day

of the degraded festivals in the religion of nature,--an incubus of

imagination which oppressed the bosom of humanity buried in a world of

dreams; and that nothing more than the belief in its reality, which the

Church sanctioned, was necessary to produce the phenomena we describe. The

Waldenses and the Albigenses were treated like the Stedinghs. "Let the

judges know," writes an inquisitor, "that the sorcerers, the witches and

the devil-workers are almost all Waldenses. The Waldenses are by

profession, essentially and formally, devil-workers; and though not all

conjurers, still conjuration and Waldenseism have much in common." The

highest authorities of the Church constantly nourished that awe of the

devil and his tools which filled the mind, and they could do it without

scruple, being themselves seized by the same terror. Thus John XXII.

promulgated, A. D. 1303, two letters, in which he complains that he

himself, not less than countless numbers of his sheep, was in danger of

his life by the arts of sorcerers who could send devils into mirrors and

rings, and make away with men by their words alone. He mentions especially

that his enemies have sought to kill him by piercing dolls which they had

baptized with his name by needles, invoking the aid of the devil. It is

needless to point out what influence such proclamations from Christ's

vicar, the infallible head of the Church, would exercise over the common

mind. The dualistic philosophy ripened more and more until that terrible

crisis which broke out in the fifteenth century. That crisis was preceded

by the trial of the Templars and by several great but local

witch-processes, with subsequent executions, until finally, Dec. 5th,

1484, the bull of Pope Innocent VIII., "Ad forturan rei memoriam,"

appeared. This bull with its companion, the "Witch-hammer" (Malleus

Malificarum), composed by the monk and inquisitor Sprenger, brought the

evil to its climax. Hell was no longer a mere product of the imagination:

we see it established on earth in dread reality and stretching its

dominion over all Christendom.

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