[214] Murray’s Edition of the _Acts of the Parliament of

Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 18. In Shetland the kirk-sessions seem

to have latterly taken upon them the legal powers conferred by

the above Act upon the bishops and other ecclesiastical

authorities, as shown by the following extract from the Session

Records of the parish of Walls. “Kirk of Walls, December 6th,

1772.—This day the Session being informed that Margaret

Abernethy, relick spouse of James Henry, had been, to all

appearance, for a considerable time past, deeply tinted with

the inveterate scurvy, commonly called the Leprosy in this

place, and was now removed to Brabaster in the midst of a

number of children, whose parents were in the greatest fear of

their being infected with that disease by the said Margaret

Abernethy, and that they and others had again and again called

upon the Session to convene the said woman before them, in

order to be sighted, and also to be set apart, if she should be

found unclean, conform to former use and wont, in this and

other parishes of the country: Therefore the Session did, and

hereby do, appoint the officer to require said Margaret

Abernethy to compear before them at this place, next Wednesday,

in order to be examined and inspected, as above

said.”—Extracted from the MS. Session Records of Walls.

[215] In describing the duties of the examiner, De Chauliac

observes, “In primis invocando Dei auxilium debet eos

comfortare, quòd ista passio est salvatio animae et quod non

dubitent dicere veritatem, quia si reperientur Leprosi,

purgatorium animae esset; et si mundus habet eos odio, non

tamen Deus, cum Lazarum Leprosum plus dilexit quam alios. Si

autem non reperientur tales stabunt in pace.”—P. 310.

[216] From the “Statuta Milonis Episcopi Aurelianensis, anno

MCCCXIV. in Synodo autumnali edita,” contained in Martene and

Durand’s _Amplissima Collectio veterum Scriptorum et

Monumentorum_ (Paris, 1733), tom. vii. p. 1286.

[217] _Foedera, Conventiones, Literae et cujuscunque generis

Acta Publica inter Reges Angliae et aliosquosvis Imperatores,

Reges, Pontifices vel Communitates._ Vol. xi. (London, 1710),

p. 635.

[218] Ropemakers were long treated and shunned as lepers,

because their trade was one which at an early part of the

middle ages was principally followed by pilgrims and crusaders

who had returned in a leprous condition from the East.—Ogée’s

_Histoire de Bretagne_. Hensler’s _Abendländischen Aufsatze_,

1790, p. 212.

[219] _Records of the Burgh of Prestwick_, p. 28.

[220] In the list (p. 10) of fifty-eight “burges inhabitant ye

burghe of Prestwik” in 1507, occur the two significant surnames

of “Allane Leppar” and “Adame Leppar.”

[221] _Burgh Records of Glasgow_, presented to the Maitland

Club by Mr. Smith, pp. 1 and 127.

[222] _Memorabilia of Glasgow_, p. 55.

[223] Alexander Jenkins’ _History and Description of the City

of Exeter, and its Environs, Ancient and Modern_, etc. (1806),

p. 384.

[224] _Index Monasticus_, p. 61. _Monasticon Anglicanum_ (2d

edit.), vol. vi. p. 769.

[225] _Notitia Monastica_, p. 211.

[226] Lord Lyttelton’s _History of the Life of Henry II. and of

the Age in which he lived_. (Lond. 1767.) Appendix of

Documents, vol. iv. p. 220.

[227] See _Monasticon Anglicanum_, vol. vi. p. 643, 2d edit.

[228] Leland’s _Itinerary through England and Wales_ (Hearne’s

edit.), vol. iv. p. 105.

[229] _Chron. MS. Henrici Knyghton_, in Bibl. Bodl. lib. ii.

cap. 2; _Monasticon Anglicanum_ (2d edit.), vol. vi. p. 687.

[230] Agnes Strickland’s _Lives of the Queens of England_, vol.

ii. p. 78.

[231] Ryland’s _History of Waterford_, p. 200. Mrs. Gore has

founded one of her latest tales (“The Leper House of Janval”),

on the idea of William, the third son of the Empress Matilda,

becoming a leper. See her _Tales of a Courtier_, vol. ii. p.

55. I am not aware whether the tale is so far historically

accurate, or merely assumed, as I do not recollect to have met

with any notice of the individual history or death of the

prince (the youngest of the three grandsons of Henry I.) who is

the subject of the story.

[232] _Chronicle at large and meere Historie of the Affayres of

England and Kings of the same_ (1569); see p. 506 of edit. of

1809.

[233] _Chronicles_; or _Union of the two Noble and Illustre

Families of York and Lancastre_ (1548); see Hearne’s edit. of

1809, p. 45.

[234] Hollinshed’s _Chronicles of England, Scotland, and

Ireland_, 1577. London, edit. of 1808, vol. v. p. 360.

[235] _History of England_ (1st edit.), vol. iii. p. 315.

[236] Rapin’s _History of England_ (ed. by Tindal), vol. ii. p.

185.

[237] Sharon Turner’s _History of England_, vol. ii. p. 272.

[238] Duchesne’s _Histoire d’Angleterre, d’Ecosse et

d’Irelande_ (Paris, 1614), p. 1010.

[239] Strickland’s _Lives of the Queens of England_, vol. iii.

p. 114.

[240] _The Chronicle of England unto the reigne of King Edward

IV._, by Iohn Hardynge (Ellis’ edit. 1813) p. 370.

[241] Fuller’s _Historie of the Holy Warre_ (3d edit. 1647), p.

94.

[242] Fuller’s _Historie of the Holy Warre_ (3d edit. 1647), p.

101.

[243] _Oeuvres de Rabelais_ (Paris, 1835), p. 666.

[244] Bellenden’s Transl. of Boece’s _Chroniklis of Scotland_,

vol. ii. p. 102 (edit. of 1821). Dempster’s _Historia

Ecclesiastica Gentis Scotorum_ (1627), p. 278.

[245] Spottiswood’s _History of the Church of Scotland_ (edit.

of 1665), p. 21. See also Fiacre’s story in Lesslie _de

Origine, Moribus_, etc., _Scotorum_ (1578), p. 156.

[246] The _Orygynale Cronykil of Scotland_ (Macpherson’s

edit.), vol. ii. p. 136.

[247] I have already shown in Part I. that the name here given

to the leprosy by the old French historian exactly corresponds

with the Anglo-Saxon designation of the disease “_seo mycle

adhl_.” It perhaps deserves to be added that (as appears from a

paper of Dr. Ainslie—_Asiatic Researches_, vol. i. p. 287) the

term “_Peri Vishadi_,” applied to tubercular leprosy by the

Brahmins of Hindustan, also literally signifies “the great

disease.”

[248] Sir John Froissart’s _Chronycles of England, France_,

etc., translated at the command of Henry VIII. by Lord Berners

(London, edit. of 1812), vol. i. p. 19. In p. 28, he again

states, “it fortuned that King Robert was right sore aged and

feble, for he was greatly changed with the great sicknes, so

that there was no way with him but death.”

[249] Froissart, _Histoire et Cronique_ (edit. of 1559), vol.

i. p. 13.

[250] _Collection des Memoires Nationelles_, etc., tom. x. p.

61.

[251] Johnes’ English edit. of _Froissart’s Chronicles_ (1839),

pp. 18 and 26.

[252] _Hemingfordii Chronicon_ (Hearne’s edit. 1731), tom. ii.

p. 270.

[253] Camden’s _Anglica, Normannica_, etc., _a veteribus

Scripta_ (Frankf. 1603), p. 129.

[254] _Ibid._ p. 610.

[255] _Scotorum Historia_ (Paris edit. 1574), p. 308.

Bellenden’s Translation vol. ii. p. 40: “He deceissit in

lepre.”

[256] _Rerum Scoticarum Historia_ (1762), p. 224.

[257] _Collectanea de Rebus Britannicis_, vol. i. p. 552.

[258] _Scalacronica; a Chronicle of England and Wales, from

1066 to 1362_, by Sir Thomas Gray of Heton. Maitland Club

edition (1836), p. 19.

[259] _Chronicon de Lanercost_, 1201-1346, presented in 1839 to

the Maitland Club by Mr. Macdowall.

[260] _Histoire de Bretagne_; par Guy Alexis Lobineau (Paris,

1707), tom. i. p. 135.

[261] Adams on _Morbid Poisons_, p. 287.

[262] Cleland’s _Former and Present State of Glasgow_ (1840),

p. 20.

[263] The five lepers in Papa, in Shetland, about 1736, were

all females; see Part II., page 82, _supra_.

[264] _Monasticon Anglicanum_, vol. vi. (2d edit.), p. 710; and

also Madox’s _Formulare Anglicanum_ (1702), pp. 22, 255, 314,

etc.

[265] Mackarell’s _History and Antiquities of King’s Lynn_

(1738), p. 223.

[266] Bridges’ _History of Northamptonshire_ (1791), vol. i. p.

363.

[267] _History of Shrewsbury_ (1825), vol. ii. p. 173 (engraved

seal of the House).

[268] _Monasticon Anglicanum_, vol. vi. pp. 637 and 643.

[269] _Historie of the Holy Warre_, p. 102.

[270] Hailes’ _Annals of Scotland_ (1797), vol. ii. p. 146.

[271] Jameson’s edition of Barbour’s _Bruce_, Book vi. p. 167.

[272] Kerr’s _History of Robert the Bruce_ (1811), vol. i. pp.

332-3, and vol. ii. p. 474.

[273] Froissart gives the same cause for the Bruce not leading

the expedition in question (see Lord Berners’ Translation of

his _Chronicles_, vol. i. p. 19).

[274] _Chamberlain’s Accounts_ (printed copies), vol. i. p. 37.

Compotum Constabularii de Cardross.

[275] See a beautiful lithograph copy of this interesting

document in the second volume of the Bannatyne Club copy of the

_Liber Sanctae Mariae de Melros_.

[276] Froissart (Berners’ translation), vol. i. p. 29. Shortly

afterwards Froissart states, “And thus, soone after thys noble

Robert de Brouse, Kyng of Scotland, trespassed out of thys

incertayne worlde, and his hart was taken owte of his body and

embawmed, and honourably he was entred in the Abbey of

Donfremlyne.” When the grave of the Bruce was opened at

Dunfermline in 1818, the anatomical appearances of the skeleton

showed that the king’s will had been so far obeyed, the bones

of the chest being found divided in such a way as to have

allowed the removal of the heart. This piece of dissection

seems, at the time at which it was made, to have drawn down the

dreaded vengeance of the Vatican upon Randolph, Earl of Moray,

the king’s nephew, and apparently the operator in this case, in

such a way as forms a strange and startling contrast with the

medical usages observed towards the dead at the present day. I

quote the account, as a curious point in the march of

necroscopic anatomy, from the Appendix to the _Chronicon de

Lanercost_ (p. 428)—“It appears that, by a constitution of

Pope Boniface, the mutilation of a dead body subjected those by

whom it was mutilated to heavy ecclesiastical censures. To free

himself from these censures, Randolph, two years after the

death of King Robert, presented a petition to the Pope, setting

forth that the deceased king had intended to undertake a

crusade against the Saracens, but was prevented by death, and

that in his last will he expressly ordered his heart to be

taken out of his body and carried in such an expedition, which

was done by James de Douglas, who conveyed it into Spain. The

Bishop of Moray was employed to obtain from the Pope a

remission for the crime, dated 8th before the Ides of August,

in the fifteenth year of Pope John’s pontificate.” Raynald, in

his _Annal. Ecclest._, gives the extract A.D. 1329. § 81.

[277] _Compendium Medicinae_ (Lugd. 1510), p. 336.

[278] See the Maitland Club _Burgh Records of Glasgow_, p. 127.

[279] See _Memorabilia of Glasgow_, p. 55.

[280] _Edinburgh Medical and Surgical Journal_, xxvi. p. 15,

_seqq._

[281] _Edinburgh Medical and Surgical Journal_, xxiv. p. 286.

[282] Debes’ _Færoæ et Færoa Reserata_, p. 311.

[283] _Dictionnaire des Sc. Medicales_, tom. xi. p. 419;

Rayer’s _Treatise on the Diseases of the Skin_ (London, 1831),

pp. 740 and 747.

[284] _Memoires de la Soc. Roy. de Medecine_ (1776), p. 167.

[285] _Ibid._ (1782-83), p. 188.

[286] Bellenden’s Translation of Boece’s _History_, p. lviii.

[287] See, for example, among non-medical authors, various of

these causes alleged for the disease in Heron’s _History of

Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 266 (unwholesome diet, uncomfortable

lodgings, dirty clothing). Hooker’s _Iceland_, vol. i. p. 189

(ascribes it to former use of woollen garments). Taylor’s

_Index Monasticus_, p. xii. (owing to personal filth, close and

bad lodging, etc.) White’s _Natural History of Selborne_,

Letter 37 (formerly produced by poverty, want of fresh meats,

and vegetables, etc.) etc. etc. Similar opinions are offered in

various medical works.

[288] The Canons of the Anglo-Saxon Church urged it as a duty

upon the charitable to give to the poor, meat, mund, fire,

fodder, bedding, _bathing_, and clothes. Wilkin’s _Leges

Anglo-Saxonicae Ecclesiasticae et Civiles_, p. 94. Turner’s

_History of the Anglo-Saxons_, vol. ii. p. 72.

[289] Hollinshed mentions the “multitude of _chimnies_ latelie

erected” as one of the “three things marvellouslie altered in

England” about the beginning of the sixteenth century.

(_Chronicles of England_, etc. edit. of 1807, vol. i. p. 317;

and Strutt’s _Horda Angel-Cynnan_, 1774, vol. i. p. 104.) When

we consider this we shall scarcely wonder that the smoke of

coals was formerly looked upon as a noted cause of disease, and

was at one time actually prohibited in London and Southwark.

(Stow’s _Survey of London_, p. 925. Evelyn’s _Fumifugium_,

1661. Macpherson’s _Annals of Commerce_, vol. i. p. 474.) In

1307 fires were ordered not to be lighted near the Tower

because the Queen was going to reside there. (Macpherson, _ut

supra_, see the edict in Rymer’s _Foedera_, vol. ii. p. 1057.)

[290] The last Archbishop of Glasgow (says Arnott) put on a

clean shirt once a week.—_History of Edinburgh_, p. 259.

[291] Straw was first used for the king’s bed in 1242, in the

reign of Henry III., whose court was considered the most polite

in Europe. (Dr. Henry’s _History of Great Britain_, vol. iii.

p. 507.) Some estates in England were held by the tenure of the

proprietors finding clean straw for the king’s bed, and litter

for his chamber. (Henry, _ut supra_; Camden’s _Britannia_, vol.

i. p. 311; _Index Monasticus_, p. 12.) In the charter granted

by Robert the Bruce to the Burgh of Ayr, the providing of this

latter item for him and his successors, for three days and

nights, whenever they visited the town, is specially entered in

the reddenda—“Et inveniendo nobis et heredibus nostris per

vices in adventibus nostris et heredum nostrorum apud Are per

tres dies et noctes _literium_ pro aulâ nostrâ.” (_Records of

Prestwick_, p. 128.) The office of rush-strewer was continued

till a late period on the list of the royal household (Craik

and Macfarlane’s _History of England_, vol. i. p. 644.)

[292] _Chronicles_, vol. i. p. 317.

[293] Many of the older medical authors lay down various and

most contradictory lists of articles of food as capable of

producing leprosy—some accusing too great quantities of animal

diet—others blaming too much vegetable diet as the cause,

while a third class, as Theodoric, impugn too free a use of

either or both (nimium usum carnis vaccinae, buballinae,

lentium et omnium leguminum. Theodoric, c. 55). Some authors

state the most strange doctrines on this point. Thus Bernhard

Gordon gravely states, that to partake of fish and milk in the

same meal does induce leprosy (comedere lac et pisces in eadem

mensa inducit Lepram. _Lilium Medicinae_, p. 48). The same idea

is repeated from Avicenna down to our countryman Gilbert, and

it is probably not unworthy of being remarked that the same

prejudice in regard to the influence of a mixed fish and milk

diet prevails, or prevailed till of late, in such opposite

points as Madeira and Hindostan.—(Heberden’s paper on

“Elephantiasis in Madeira,” p. 29; Walker, in _Calcutta Medical

and Physical Transactions_, vol. i. p. 4 of his “Account of the

Medical Opinions of the Hindus on Leprosy.” See also Sir

William Jones’ Works, vol. i. p. 556.)

[294] _History and Chronicles_, vol. i. p. lx.

[295] Marsden’s _History of Sumatra_, containing an account of

the Government, Laws, etc., pp. 151 and 201.

[296] See references formerly given to the works of Mackenzie,

Olafsen, Troil, Barrow, Henderson, Hooker, etc.

[297] Some scattered records of the leper hospital at Hamel en

Aarde by Messrs. Halbeck and Leitner, are to be found in the

_Periodical Accounts relating to the Missions of the Church_,

vol. ix. p. 345, 482, etc., as kindly pointed out to me by Dr.

William Brown. In 1824 the hospital contained 110 lepers.

[298] See Heberden, Adams, and Heineken’s papers, already

referred to.

[299] Hoest’s _Reise nach Marokos_, p. 248, calls the disease

Sghidam (Juddam). Lempriere’s Tour from Gibraltar to Tangier,

Morocco, etc., in 1789, in Pinkerton’s _Collection_, vol. xv.

p. 689, describes the disease as true leprosy. Jackson’s

_Account of the Empire of Morocco_ (1801), gives an account of

the leper hospital or village near Morocco.

[300] Niebuhr states that three different varieties of leprosy

are known in Arabia in modern times—viz. the Bohak, Barras,

and Juddam. “There is (he states) a quarter in Bagdad

surrounded with walls, and full of barracks, to which lepers

are carried by force, if they retire not thither voluntarily.

They come out every Friday to ask for alms.”—(Pinkerton’s

_Collection of Voyages_, vol. xviii. p. 170.)

[301] Dejean in Hensler’s _Abendländischen Aufsatze_, p. 240.

[302] Schilling, _De Lepra_, p. 20. Stedman’s _Narrative of

Five Years’ Expedition in Surinam_ (1796), vol. ii. p. 285.

[303] Bajon’s _Memoires pour servir à l’Histoire de Cayenne_,

etc., vol. i. p. 237. Bancroft’s _Natural History of Guiana_,

p. 385.

[304] Winterbottom’s _Account of the Native Africans in Sierra

Leone_, vol. ii. p. 113.

[305] F. Moore’s _Travels into the Inland parts of Africa_

(1738), p. 130. Mungo Park found the disease among the

Mandingoes.—(See Pinkerton’s _Collection_, vol. xvi. p. 877.)

[306] Whitelaw Ainslie, in the _Transactions of the Royal

Asiatic Society_, vol. i. (1824), p. 282. Robinson, in the

_London Medico-Chirurgical Transactions_, vol. x. (1819), p.

27.

[307] Pococke’s _Description of the East_, vol. ii. p. 122; or

Pinkerton’s _Collection_, vol. x. p. 502.

[308] _Voyages de Pallas en differentes Provinces de Russie_

(Paris, edit. of 1769), vol. i. pp. 651 and 659.

[309] Ulloa’s _Voyage to South America_ (London, edit. of 1762),

vol. i. p. 45, etc. Ulloa states that, at the time of his visit

to Carthagena, all the lepers of the place were confined in the

hospital of San Lazaro, and if any refused to go, they were

forcibly carried thither. The hospital consisted of a number of

cottages, and the ground on which it stood was “surrounded by a

high wall, and had only one gate, and that always carefully

guarded.”

[310] My friend, Dr. Cheyne, lately of San Luis, informs me

that the hospital of San Lazaro, in the city of Mexico, is set

aside for the reception of cases of tubercular leprosy.

[311] As in Ceylon (Marshall’s _Medical Topography of Ceylon_,

p. 43); Mauritius (Kinnis in _Edin. Med. and Surg. Journal_,

vol. xxii. p. 286); Madagascar (_Narrative of Madagascar

Mission_, pp. 208 and 191). I am informed by Dr. Shortt that

one of the group of the Sechelle Islands is used as a leper

station. See further Crawford’s _History of the Indian

Archipelago_ (Edinburgh, 1820), vol. i. p. 34.

[312] As in Java (Cloyer in _Miscell. Naturae Curiosorum_, Dec.

i. Ann. 2 (1683), p. 7); Amboyna (Valentyne’s _Beschreibung von

Amboyna_), vol. ii. p. 249. Clarke’s _Observations on the

Diseases of Long Voyages_, vol. i. p. 128.

[313] Casan, in the _Memoires de la Soc. Medicale d’Emulation_,

vol. v. p. 102. Hillary on _Diseases of Barbadoes_, p. 322.

Alibert’s _Monographie des Dermatoses_, tom. ii. p. 289; Case

from Guadaloupe. Peyssonnel’s Report on the Lepers in

Guadaloupe, in _Philosoph. Trans._ vol. i. p. 38, etc. etc.

[314] As in Scio, according to information given me by Dr.

Clarke. Howard, in his _Account of the principal European

Lazarettoes_, mentions, p. 40, the leper hospital in Scio.

Hennen, in his _Medical Topography of the Mediterranean_,

states that elephantiasis is endemic in one small village in

Cephalonia, p. 275. Savary seems to have met with several cases

in the islands of the Archipelago (_Letters on Greece_, 1788,

p. 110).

[315] It is but proper to add that the tubercular leprosy is

looked upon by some pathologists as a disease not originally

endemic in any part of the New World, and that it was first

imported into and spread through the West Indies, etc., by

subjects brought from Africa. Hillary professes himself certain

upon this point. See his _Observations on the Diseases of

Barbadoes_ (1766), p. 322; and also, for the same opinion,

Schilling’s _Commentationes de Lepra_ (1778), p. 20.

[316] _De Morbis Occultis_, lib. i. c. 12.

[317] _Observationes Chirurgicæ_, lib. iv. obs. 7.

[318] Du Chesne’s _Historiæ Francorum Scriptores Coaetanei_,

tom. v. p. 402. Joinville’s _Histoire de St. Louys_ (1668), p.

121. Sprengel’s _Histoire de Medecine_, tom. ii. p. 373.

[319] Joinville, _ut supra_, p. 121. “A celui jour du Jeudi

Saint, il lave les predz aux meseaux, et puis les baise.”

[320] Du Chesne, _ut supra_, tom. iv. p. 76.

[321] _Historia Angliæ Major_, p. 42.

[322] Ruel’s _Collectio Conciliorum_ (1675), tom. i. p. 1108.

[323] Dupin’s _History of Ecclesiastical Writers_ (London,

edit. 1695), vol. vii. p. 131.

[324] _Manipulus Curatorum_ (Bremen, 1577), p. iv. c. 9.

[325] _Concilia Magnæ Britanniæ_, tom, i. p. 616. Canon lxxii.

[326] Second Part of Henry VI., act iii. sc. 3.

[327] Maundrell’s “Journey from Aleppo to Jerusalem, at Easter,

A. D. 1697,” in Pinkerton’s _Collection_, vol. x. pp. 380-81.

[328] _De Causis et Signis Morborum_ (Leip. edit. 1735), p. 71.

[329] Baron’s _Description of the Kingdom of Tonquin_, p. 104;

or Churchill’s _Voyages_, vol. vi. p. 158.

[330] Richard’s “History of Tonquin,” contained in Pinkerton’s

_Collection_, vol. ix. p. 728.

[331] See various enactments of the French provinces on this

head, given at length in Delamarré’s _Traité de la Police_

(Paris, 1722), vol. i. p. 636.

[332] See the document previously cited from Rymer’s

_Fœdera_, vol. xi. p. 635. I quote the following notice from

Poulson’s _Antiquities of Beverley_ (London, 1829), vol. ii. p.

773, as an instance of what in all probability not unfrequently

took place in these times—viz. the voluntary entrance of

lepers into the lazar-houses: “Item, in the year of our Lord

1394, one Margaret Taillor, a leper, came before the twelve

governors of the town of Beverley in the Guildhall, and prayed

license to have one bed (et petiit licenceam here [habere] unum

lectum) in the leper-house without Keldgate bar, which said

twelve governors, viz. Nicelas Ryse, William Pollesta, etc., by

their common consent have granted.”—_Lansdowne MS._, No. 896,

fol. 116.

[333] Skene alleges that these laws were made by David I., who

died in 1152-53. George Chalmers states, that, from allusion to

them in a charter to Glasgow, bearing date 1176, they were at

least by that time in existence. (_Caledonia_, vol. i. p. 726.)

See further remarks in the Essays of Anderson, Lord Hailes,

etc.

[334] Skene’s _Regiam Majestatem_. The Auld Lawes and

Constitutions of Scotland (edit. of 1774), p. 241.

[335] The economical measures generally adopted for the

sustenance of the poor lepers are only too significantly shown

in the following public statute passed in the Scoon Parliament

of 1386. “Gif ony man brings to the markit corrupt swine or

salmond to be sauld, they sall be taken by the Bailies, and

incontinent, without ony question, sall be sent to the

lepperfolke, and gif there be na lepperfolke, they sall be

destroyed alluterlie (entirely).”—Acts of Robert III. in the

_Regiam Majestatem_, p. 414.

[336] Transcribed from the “Chartulary of Aberdeen” in Wilkin’s

_Concilia Magnæ Britanniæ_, tom. i. p. 616. Canon lxxii.

[337] See the edicts to this effect of the state and city of

Modena, in Muratori’s _Antiquitates Mædii Ævi_, vol. iii. p.

54; the Synodal Statutes in 1247 of the Church of Le Mans, in

Martene and Durand’s _Collectio Veterum Scriptorum_, vol. vii.

p. 1397; _ibid._ p. 1363, etc.; and also the various laws

enacted by the Magistrates of Paris, in Delamarré’s _Traité de

la Police_, vol. ii. pp. 636-7, etc. etc.

[338] _Regiam Majestatem_, Burrow Lawes, chap. 64, p. 241.

[339] Murray’s _Acts of the Scottish Parliament_, vol. ii. p.

18.

[340] _Regiam Majestatem_, p. 273.

[341] _Records of Prestwick_, p. 27.

[342] _Ibid._ p. 28.

[343] _Ibid._ p. 29.

[344] “Liber Statutorum Burgi de Edynburgh”—in the Maitland

Club _Miscellany_, vol. ii.

[345] Strype’s edit. of John Stow’s _Survey of the Cities of

London and Westminster_ (1720), vol. ii. book ii. p. 74.

[346] Stow’s _Survey_, vol. ii. p. 21.

[347] Arnott’s _History of Edinburgh_, p. 258.

[348] _MS. Records of the Town-Council of Edinburgh_, vol. ix.

p. 123.

[349] This and the other laws of St. Magdalene’s, Exeter, are

to be found at p. 30, etc., of an interesting essay of Dr.

Shapter’s of that city, entitled, “A few observations on the

Leprosy of the Middle Ages.” The essay, which was printed for

private circulation, was kindly forwarded to me by the author,

after the publication of the First Part of the present papers.

[350] Matthew Paris’ _Historia Angliæ_. Additamenta, pp. 162

and 168.

[351] _Monasticon Anglicanum_, tom. ii. p. 438.

[352] In former times the churchyards seem to have been the

general resort of beggars. Æneas Sylvius, who visited Scotland

as the Pope’s Legate in the reign of James I., speaks of there

seeing the almost naked paupers (pauperes, pæne nudos; ad

templa mendicantes) supplied with coals as alms.—_Historia de

Europa_, c. 46. Sibbald’s _Chronicle of Scottish Poetry_, vol.

i. p. 176.

[353] We have seen, in a previous page (p. 137, _supra_), that

the lepers met with by Maundrell, in Palestine, in 1697,

carried a kind of “cop,” or, as he expresses it, they came

“with small buckets in their hands to receive the alms of the

charitable.” Evelyn, in his interesting _Memoirs_, alludes to a

curious mode of sending alms to the leper that he saw practised

one hundred years ago in Holland. In his Diary, under the date

of 26th July 1641, he states, “I passed through Deft to the

Hague, in which journey I observed divers leprous poor

creatures dwelling in solitary huts on the brink of the water,

and permitted to aske the charity of the passengers, which is

conveyed to them in a floating box that they cast out.”—Bray’s

edition of _Evelyn’s Memoirs_, etc., vol. i. p. 12.

[354] _Antiquitates Italicæ Medii Ævi_, tom. iii. p. 54.

[355] _Sir Tristrem_, a metrical Romance of the thirteenth

century, edited by Sir Walter Scott (Edinb. 1804),

Introduction, p. 12.

[356] Tytler’s “Historical Inquiry into the ancient state of

Scotland,” _History_ (2d edit.), pp. 305 and 337.

[357] In Robert de Brunne’s translation (made in the reign of

Edward the Third) of Peter Langtoft’s Chronicles, the same term

“mesel” is used as synonymous with leper, and applied to one

designated in the rubrics “Baldeiano Leproso.”

Baldewyn the Meselle, his name so hight, ...

For foul meselrie he comond with no man.

John Trevisa has rendered the lepra of Glanville by “meselry,”

in translating, in 1398, the treatise _De Proprietatibus

Rerum_.—See the London edition of 1535, pp. 109-110.

[358] _Testament of Cresseid_, as previously quoted.

[359] Lord Coke’s _First Institutes of the Laws of England_

(Thomas’ edit.) vol. ii. p. 193, and vol. i. p. 162.

[360] Lindenborg’s _Codex Legum Antiquarum_ (1613), p. 609.

[361] _Observations sur l’Histoire de S. Louys_ (in edit. of

Joinville’s _Life of St. Louis_, 1668. Appendix, p. 34.)

[362] Delamarré’s _Traité de la Police_ (Paris, 1722), vol. ii.

p. 636.

[363] Lobineau’s _Histoire de Bretagne_, vol. i. p. 204;

Mezeray’s _Histoire de France_, tom. ii. pp. 168-69.

[364] _Dictionnaire Historique et Geographique de la Bretagne_

(1778), p. 176.

[365] _Essai Historique sur la ville de Bayeux_ (1829), p. 254,

_seqq._

[366] The other variety of Lycium, described by Dioscorides as

procured in Asia-Minor (Lycia, Cappadocia, etc.), is now

generally supposed to be an extract from the _Rhamnus

infectorius_, or other species of _Rhamnus_. (See Professor

Royle, in _Linnæan Transactions_, vol. xvii. p. 87; Dr. Adams,

in his admirable edition of _Paulus Ægineta_, vol. iii. p.

234.)

[367] _The Manners and Customs of the Romans_, p. 287.

[368] _Scriptores Historiæ Romanæ_, tom. ii. p. 402.

(Heidelberg edition of 1743.)

[369] _Corpus Juris Civilis Digestorum_, lib. iv. tit. vi. leg.

33, sec. 2, p. 142. (Leyden Edit. 1652.)

[370] “Cum te Medicum Legionis secundæ adjutricis esse dicas,

munera civilia quandiu reipublicæ causa abfueris, suspicere non

cogeris. Cum autem abesse desieris, post finitam eo jure

vacationem, si in eorum numero es, qui ad beneficia medicis

concessa pertinent, ea immunitate uteris.”—(_Ibid._ lib. x.

tit. 52, p. 855.)

[371] The whole chapter of Vegetius “Quemadmodum sanitas

gubernetur exercitus,” etc., is so interesting that I will take

the liberty of here quoting it in full:—“Now (what is to be

most specially attended to), I will give directions how the

health of an army is to be preserved, in as far as regards

places for encampment, waters, temperature, medicine, and

exercise. With respect to places, the soldiers should not

remain long near unhealthy marshes, nor in arid situations that

are destitute of the shades of trees; nor on hills without

tents in summer. They ought not to be late in the day in

commencing their march, lest they contract disease from the

heat of the sun and the fatigue of their journey; and, indeed,

in summer, they had better arrive at their destination before

the morning is advanced. In severe weather they should not

pursue their journey through snow and ice at night; nor be

allowed to suffer from scarcity of fuel, or a deficient supply

of clothing. For the soldier who is obliged to endure cold is

neither in a fit state for enjoying health, nor for marching.

Nor should he make use of unwholesome nor of marsh waters. For

a draught of bad water induces, like a poison, disease in those

who drink it. And, moreover, in this case, the unremitting

diligence of the generals, tribunes, and their assistants, as

wielding the highest authority, will be required, so that their

sick comrades may be restored by seasonable articles of food,

and be cured by the skill of the physicians (_arte medicorum_).

For it is difficult to manage with those who are at one and the

same time oppressed with the evils of disease and of war. But

those who are skilled in military affairs have held that daily

exercise contributes more to the health of the soldiers than

the physicians do. Wherefore, they have advised that the foot

soldiers should be regularly exercised during seasons of rain

and snow under cover, and at other seasons openly. In like

manner, they have ordered that the horsemen should assiduously

exercise themselves and their horses, not only on level ground,

but also in steep places, and in parts rendered difficult by

wide ditches, so that nothing new or strange may occur to them

in this respect during the casualties of battle. From all this

may be inferred how much the more diligently an army ought to

be trained in the exercise of arms, seeing, as we do, that the

habit of labour procures alike health in the camp and victory

in the battle-field. If (Vegetius adds) a multitude of soldiers

be permitted during the summer or autumn seasons to remain long

in the same locality, from the corruption of the water, and the

stench of their filth, the atmosphere is rendered insalubrious,

their respiration becomes vitiated, and most dangerous disease

is engendered; and this cannot be remedied by any other means

than by a change of encampment.”—(_De Re Militari_, III. 2.)

[372] _Galeni Omnia Opera_, Ed. Kühn, vol. xiii. p. 604. Celsus

speaks of the possibility of studying human internal anatomy by

looking at the wounds of soldiers, etc. “Interdum enim

gladiatorem in arena, vel _militem in acie_, vel viatorem a

latronibus exceptum sic vulnerari, ut ejus interior aliqua pars

aperiatur.”—_De Medicina_, lib. i. p. 8.

[373] See _Odyssey_, lib. iv. v. 229, etc.

[374] _Euterpe_, II. § 84; _Thalia_, III. §§ 1 and 132.

[375] _Historia Naturalis_, lib. xxvi. c. 1. Pliny states that

the Egyptians even prosecuted the study of morbid anatomy by

dissection:—“In Ægypto, regibus corpora mortuorum ad

scrutandos morbos insecantibus.”—(Lib. xix. c. 5.) Galen

advised those who desired, in his day, to become acquainted

with human osteology, to repair for that purpose to Alexandria,

for this potent reason, that there were two actual human

skeletons preserved in that city.—See Kühn’s edit. of Galen,

vol. ii. p. 220.

[376] _De Vitis, etc., Clarorum Philosophorum_, lib. iii. v. 8.

[377] “In expeditione bellica absque mercede curantur; medici

enim annonam ex publico accipiunt.”—_Bibliothecæ Historicæ_

(Amsterdam edition of 1746), vol. i. p. 92. Lib. i. § 82.

[378] It has been suggested by some authorities, but without

sufficient grounds, that in practice Machaon exercised only the

art of surgery, while Podalirius followed the art of medicine.

Hence, it is argued, Agamemnon, when Menelaus was wounded, did

not send for Podalirius, but Machaon. Arctinus, one of the

early cyclic poets, takes this view.—See Welcker’s _Cyclus

Epicus_: “Ilii Excidium Arctini,” xiii. 2.

[379] See Eustathius’ _Commentarii in Homeri Iliadem_, _loc.

cit._; and Dr. Adams’ _Paulus Ægineta_, vol. ii. p. 426.

Plato, in his _Republic_, discourses as to whether the potion

of Pramnian wine, etc., given to Machaon (whom by mistake he

names Eurypylus), was not too inflammatory in its

character.—(Lib. iii. c. 14.)

[380] The treatise in question, though usually printed amongst

the Hippocratic works, is not admitted to be genuine by any of

the translators or commentators upon Hippocrates, with the

exception of Foes.—See Dr. Adams’ _Works of Hippocrates_, vol.

i. p. 121.

[381] Xenophon’s expression (ιατροὺς κατέστησαν ὀκτω) has been

supposed by some commentators to indicate that eight soldiers,

perhaps previously experienced to some extent in tending the

wounded, were selected and improvised into medical officers,

rather than that eight were chosen out of a greater number of

medical attendants present with the army. But, in all

probability, there were present among the ten thousand Greeks

more than eight men who professed the imperfect medical

knowledge pertaining to the surgeons of that day. In a later

part of the _Anabasis_ (v. 8), Xenophon, in defending himself

against accusations of alleged severity on his part, in the

course of the retreat, to some of the soldiers under his

command, argues for its necessity on the principle that

“physicians also use incisions and caustics for the good of

their patients.” He owns to having urged some, when themselves

unwilling, to continue their march towards the shores of the

Black Sea, through the cold and snows of Armenia, “because,”

says he, “sitting down and rest made the blood to congeal, and

the toes to rot off, which was the case of a great many,”—a

result that lately happened only too frequently to the soldiers

of our own armies on the opposite or Crimean shores of the

Euxine.

[382] _De Rebus Gestis Alexandri Magni_, lib. ix. cap. 18. In

lib. iv. cap. 25, an account is given of the extraction of an

arrow from the king’s shoulder, by the surgeon Philip of

Acarnania, who had previously cured Alexander of the attack of

fever which followed on his bathing, when overheated, in the

cold waters of the Cydnus. Curtius speaks (iii. 13) of Philip

as one “inter nobiles medicos,” who were present with the army.

When describing the well-known incident of the fever draught

given by this physician Philip to Alexander, Arrian speaks of

him, not as a medical attendant upon the king, but as one “in

whose extraordinary skill in physic Alexander had great

confidence, because of his success in the camp,” or in

attending upon other members of the army.—(Lib. ii. cap. 4.)

Alexander himself affected some knowledge of medicine. At

least, when Craterus was invalided, and Pausanias, the

physician in attendance upon him, proposed to give him a dose

of hellebore, Alexander (as we are informed by Plutarch) wrote

a letter to Pausanias, expressing his great anxiety about the

case, and desiring him to be cautious in the use of this

medicine. In Alexander’s own chest-wound, as detailed in the

text above, the head of the arrow possibly did not enter the

cavity of the thorax, as its point was, according to Plutarch’s

account, fixed in the bone (the scapula or a rib?). When Julius

Cæsar fell under the daggers of his assassins, out of the

twenty-three wounds which he received, there was none that was

mortal, in the opinion of the surgeon Antistisius, except the

second, a penetrating wound of the breast. (See Suetonius’

_Julius_, c. 82.) After Epaminondas was fatally wounded at the

battle of Mantinea, he refused to allow the iron of the spear

with which he was struck to be extracted till the victory was

decided—aware that, from its site, death from bleeding would

immediately follow—an event which the result

confirmed.—(_Cornel. Nepos_, lib. xv. c. 9.)

[383] At the famous battle at the Lake Regillus, fought 497

years before the commencement of the Christian era, Livy tells

us that after Titus Herminius slew Mamilius, he was himself

struck with a javelin while stripping the body of his enemy;

and on being brought back to the camp victorious, he died on

the first dressing of his wound (inter primam _curationem_

expiraverit).—_Livii Historiarum Libri_, lib. ii. cap. xx. It

is not, however, stated whether this cure of the wound was

attempted by the hand of a military comrade, or by that of a

surgeon. The same historian mentions that a few years later

(B.C. 483), after the battle in which the Romans defeated the

Hetrurians, the surviving consul, M. Fabius, distributed his

wounded soldiers, for the purpose of cure, among the senators

residing in Rome (saucios milites _curandos_ dividit

patribus).—See _Livy_, lib. ii. cap. xlvii. And Tacitus, when

describing the catastrophe resulting from the fall of the

amphitheatre at Fidena, in the reign of Tiberius, states that

those injured and wounded by the accident were received into

the houses of the citizens, and there carefully attended to, as

(he adds) was the custom in former times after great battles

(veterum institutis similis, qui magna post proelia saucios

largitione et cura sustentabant).—_Annal._, lib. iv. c. 63.

[384] See lib. vii. cap. v. “Telorum ejectio.”

[385] Dr. Adams’ Translation, book vi. § lxxxviii. vol. ii. p.

418.

[386] Xiphilin gives the following account from Dion Cassius of

the various difficulties and disasters encountered by Severus,

from the rivers, marshes, woods, stratagems, etc., of the

Caledonians:—“Severus, wishing to reduce the whole island

under his power, entered into Caledonia, and, in marching

through it, encountered the greatest difficulties; for he had

to cut down woods, make roads over mountains, mounds across the

marshes, and bridges over the rivers. He fought no battle, nor

did he ever meet with the forces of the enemy in array; but

they advisedly placed sheep and oxen in the way of our troops,

so that when our soldiers attempted to seize the booty, and

were thus drawn far from the line of march, they were easily

cut off. The waters and lakes, likewise, were destructive to

our men, as by dividing them they fell into the ambuscades

prepared for them; and when they could not be brought off, they

were slain by their comrades, that they might not fall into the

hands of the enemy. Owing to these causes there died not less

than fifty thousand of our troops.”—Xiphilin’s _Excerpta_, p.

305. Severus himself seems to have suffered in his health

during this Scottish campaign; for during the most of it, he

required, says Dion, to be carried, on account of his weakness,

in a closed litter (nam plurimum propter _imbecilitatem_ operta

lectica vehebatur—p. 305). Both Dion (p. 307) and Herodian (p.

153) mention that he was disabled by gout.

[387] Herodian’s account of the labours and difficulties of

Severus in this campaign sufficiently indicates the sources of

malaria and disease to which his army was subjected, and, at

the same time, affords a curious statement regarding the

condition and habits of the ancient Caledonians:—“Severus’

first care (says Herodian) was to throw bridges across the

morasses, that his soldiers might be able to pursue the enemy

over the dangerous places, and have the opportunity of fighting

on firm ground; for as the greater part of the island is

frequently overflowed by the tides, these constant inundations

make the country full of lakes and marshes. In these the

barbarians swim, or wade through them up to their middle,

regardless of mud or dirt, as they always go almost naked; for

they are ignorant of the use of clothes, and only cover their

necks and bellies with fine plates of iron, which they esteem

as an ornament and sign of wealth, and are as proud of it as

other barbarians are of gold. They likewise dye their skins

with the pictures of various kinds of animals, which is one

principal reason for their wearing no clothes, because they are

loath to hide the fine paintings on their bodies. But they are

a very warlike and fierce people, and arm only with a narrow

shield and spear, and a sword hanging by their naked bodies;

unacquainted with the use of habergeons and helmets, which they

think would be an obstruction to their wading through the ponds

and marshes of their country, which, perpetually sending up

thick gross vapours, condense the air and make it always

foggy.”—Hart’s _Herodian_, pp. 153, 154. Dion Cassius, who

lived at the date of Severus’ expedition, gives, when

describing the expedition, an account of our Caledonian

ancestors that is in no degree more flattering. “The

Caledonians,” says he, “both possess rugged and dry mountains,

and desert plains full of marshes. They have neither castles

nor towns; nor do they cultivate the ground; but live on their

flocks and hunting, and the fruits of some trees; not eating

fish, though extremely plenteous. They live in tents, naked,

and without buskins. Wives they have in common, and breed up

their children in common. The general form of government is

democratic. They are addicted to robbery; fight in cars; have

small and swift horses. Their infantry are remarkable for speed

in running, and for firmness in standing. Their armour consists

of a shield, and a short spear, in the lower end of which is a

brazen apple, whose sound when struck may terrify the enemy.

They have also daggers. Famine, cold, and all sorts of labour

they can bear, for they will even stand in their marshes, for

many days, up to the neck in water, and, in the woods, will

live on the bark and roots of trees. They prepare a certain

kind of food on all occasions, of which taking only a bit the

size of a bean, they feel neither hunger nor

thirst.”—Xiphilin’s _Excerpta_, p. 304; and Pinkerton’s

_Inquiry into the Early History of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 438.

[388] See Gordon’s _Journey through Scotland_, p. 75. Bruce, in

his work on _The Roman Wall_, p. 214, speaks of the ancient

city of Borcovicus as likely, when excavated, to prove “the

Pompeii of Britain.” Stukeley, in a similar spirit, declared it

the “Tadmor of Britain.”

[389] It is possible the word may be a contraction for

_ordinatus_ (appointed), and not for _ordinarius_.

[390] _The Roman Wall_: a Historical, etc., Account of the

Barrier of the Lower Isthmus, extending from the Tyne to the

Solway, p. 228.

[391] _Vita Agricolæ_, cap. 36 (Orelli’s edit. vol. ii. p.

441).

[392] Stuart, in his _Caledonia Romana_, p. 340, gives a copy

of a legionary tablet found at Castlecary, which states that

the first Tungrian Cohort had erected 1000 paces (mille passus)

of the wall.

[393] Horsley’s _Britannia Romana_, p. 205. Stuart’s _Caledonia

Romana_, p. 164.

[394] According to Horsley, it was probably under the reign of

Marcus Aurelius that the Tungrian Cohort became stationed at

Castle-steeds, in Cumberland, where they erected an altar to

Jupiter. Lastly (he adds), this Cohort settled at Housesteads,

where we have six or seven of their inscriptions under four or

five different commanders. Here they seem to have continued

till the lowest time of the empire. The _Notitia_ places this

Cohort at Borcovicus (Housesteads).—_Britannia Romana_, p. 89.

[395] _United Service Journal_ for 1841, vol. iii. p. 124.

[396] See Eckhel’s _Doctrina Nummorum Veterum_, vol. i. p. 8,

and vol. vi. p. 495.

[397] _Inscriptiones Romanæ_, p. 68, Fig. 1 and Fig. 2; and p.

269, Fig. 3.

[398] The name of Domitian (see the plate) is erased from the

inscription—a practice which has been followed sometimes in

relation to the names of other Roman tyrants besides him; but

the name of the consul on the stone fixes the date and reign.

[399] _Syntagma Inscriptionum Antiquarum_ (1682), p. 611, 7.

See also Spon’s _Miscellanea Eruditæ Antiquitatis_, 145, 16;

and Dr. Middleton’s Dissertation “De Medicorum apud veteres

Romanos conditione,” in his Works, vol. iv. p. 103.

[400] _Novus Thesaurus Vet. Inscriptionum_, 1046, 5.

[401] In the text I have given the reading of this puzzling

inscription suggested by Hultmann, in his _Miscellanea

Epigraphi_, p. 415, the letters referring to the corps to which

SPORUS was attached being very indistinct—namely, “Medico alar

indianae etheriae astorum.” The inscription, if Hultmann’s

suggestion be correct, indicates the third wing or cohort of

the Asturian or Spanish auxiliaries. The first and second wings

of the Astures (_Astorum_), and the first cohort of them, are

mentioned in the celebrated “Notitia imperii” as located at the

time at which that army-list was made out, at three different

military stations along the line of Hadrian’s wall from the

Tyne to the Solway; and various inscriptions raised by these

troops have been dug up in Northumberland and Cumberland. See

Dr. Bruce’s work, p. 47, 110 and 154. These English slabs all

read _Asturum_, instead of the _Astorum_ of the Notitia, and of

the Italian inscription referred to in the text. Let me add

that inscriptions referring to soldiers of the Ala Indiana or

Indian wing of auxiliary horsemen, have also been found in

England.—See an example in Mr. Akerman’s Archæological Index,

p. 67, and Messrs Buckmann and Newmarch’s Corinium, p. 115.

[402] “In Legione sunt Cohortes decem.”—_Cincius in Aulus

Gellius_, xvi. 4.

[403] _Museum Veronense_, p. 120, 4. See also Gruter’s

_Inscriptiones Romanæ_, tom. i. p. 633, fig. 5. The exact age

of the dead, not as to years only, but as to months, as in the

above tablet, and sometimes even as to days, is a feature

peculiar to Roman monumental inscriptions. And nothing appears

to us more strange and interesting in relation to Roman

monumental tablets, than their total or almost total silence as

to a future state, and the possibility of meeting beyond the

grave. Out of the almost innumerable Roman monumental

inscriptions that have now been copied and published, not one,

as far as I am aware, ventures to refer to the hope of a future

life. They seem to have looked upon the idea of a future state

of existence as poetical imagery only, and not reality; all

doubting, like Tacitus, “si quis piorum manibus locus; si, ut

sapientibus placet, non cum corpore extinguuntur magnæ

animæ.”—_Vita Agricolæ_, cap. 46.

[404] There is, at the end of the third line, an evident

ellipsis of the word _Uxoris_. It is scarcely necessary to add

that, as is well known, these old Roman inscriptions abound in

errors of orthography and grammar.

[405] _De Re Militari_, lib. ii. cap. 10.

[406] Grævius’ _Thesaurus_, vol. x. p. 1021.

[407] _Annal._ lib. i. cap. 71.

[408] _Scriptores Historiæ Romanæ_, tom. ii. p. 355.

[409] _Annal._ lib. i. cap. 65.

[410] _Ibid._ cap. 69.

[411] Livy, lib. iv. cap. 39.

[412] _De Bello Africano_, cap. xxi. The exigencies of war

sometimes converted the stronger soldiers into the only

available transport corps for the sick and wounded. Xenophon

speaks in the _Anabasis_ (lib. iii. cap. iv.), of the number of

Greeks capable of fighting being diminished, because some

soldiers were employed in carrying the wounded, and others in

carrying the arms of the latter. One anecdote subsequently told

by Xenophon seems to show that, occasionally at least, if not

as the common rule, one soldier was deemed capable of carrying

a sick or wounded companion. For he informs us, that towards

the end of the expedition, when publicly accused of being

sometimes too severe to the soldiers during the long retreat of

the Greeks, the only person who came forward to substantiate

the charge, was a soldier whom he had compelled to carry a sick

comrade, and who, it turned out, had subsequently dug a pit to

bury the invalid before he was completely dead. The army held

that Xenophon had not beaten the complainant so much as he

actually deserved for this conduct.—_Anabasis_, lib. v. cap.

8.

[413] _Inscriptiones Regni Neapolitani Latinæ_, No. 2701.

[414] _Atti e Monumenti de fratelli Arvali_, vol. ii. p. 826.

[415] In the fragmentary list of the two old Roman fleets

stationed at Misenum and Ravenna, collected from various

inscriptions by Mommsen (p. 477), it is not uninteresting to

find the ships—sixteen or eighteen centuries ago—bearing

names exactly the same as those borne by our modern royal and

commercial navies; as The Cupid, The Diana, Mars, Neptune,

Ceres, The Fortune (_Fortuna_), The Victory (_Victoria_), The

Hope (_Spes_), The Faith (_Fides_), The Triumph (_Triumphus_),

Providence (_Providentia_), The Peace (_Pax_), The Tiber

(_Tiberis_), The Nile (_Nilus_), etc.

[416] Thus when Cato the younger, after the battle of Thapsus,

committed suicide at Utica, by stabbing himself in the abdomen,

his friends rushed into his room, on hearing him fall, and

among them his attendant physician, Cleanthes, who replaced the

uninjured bowels, and began to staunch and sew up the gash. But

on recovering from his state of syncope, Cato thrust aside the

surgeon, tore asunder the wound, pulled out the entrails, and

speedily expired.—(See Plutarch’s Life of him, and Hirtius’

_Commentar. De Bell. Africano_, cap. 88.) Cicero and Seneca

have written applaudingly of Cato’s suicide. Lucan invests him

with all godlike virtues; and various modern writers have

spoken in enthusiastic terms of his unbending moral dignity and

magnanimity of character. But one anecdote, mentioned by

Plutarch, seems calculated to detract not a little from our

modern estimate of the mental character of this “the last and

greatest of the Romans.” In stabbing himself, Cato could not,

according to Plutarch, strike sufficiently hard to produce an

immediately fatal wound, in consequence of inflammation in his

hand, which had required to be dressed by Cleanthes; for a few

hours before death, Cato,—that alleged “paragon of Roman

virtue,”—had severely injured his fist by striking one of his

slaves in the mouth with it.

[417] The death of Pansa, the consul, at the battle of Mutina,

in the year B.C. 48, is detailed by Suetonius and Tacitus in

such a way as proves that Glycon attended the army as surgeon

to Pansa, and took professional care of the consul when he was

wounded. In fact, Glycon was thrown into prison, after Pansa’s

death, upon a suspicion of having poisoned his wounds.—(See

Tacitus’ _Annal._ lib. i. cap. 10; Suetonius’ _Octavius_, cap.

11.) M. Brutus, in a letter to Cicero, begs the interference of

Cicero in favour of Glycon, and pleads his innocence of the

deed imputed to him.—(Cicer. ad Brut. 6.)

[418] Kühn’s Edit. of Galen, vol. xiv. pp. 649, 650.

[419] _Histoire de la Médicine_, vol. ii. p. 54 (Jourdan’s

Translation). “Scribonius Largus vivait sous le règne de

l’Empereur Claude, qu’il suivit dans ses campagnes

d’Angleterre.”

[420] Wilkins’ Edition of Browne’s Works, vol. iii. p. 467.

[421] “_Medicis_ ministrisque conaretur persuadere, senem ut e

medio quam primum quoquo modo tollerent.”—Lib. iii. p. 412. The

Emperor Marcus Aurelius died in Pannonia, when prosecuting a

war against the German tribes. Dion Cassius alludes to the

physicians who were in attendance upon Aurelius during this

long campaign, when adverting to the report that the emperor’s

death was caused by them, in order to promote his son and

successor Commodus (“peremptus a _Medicis_ qui Commodo

gratificabantur.”—_Excerpta_, p. 252). But Capitolinus, the

principal authority regarding the biography of Aurelius, does

not even advert to the report. On the other hand, he describes

Aurelius’ fatal illness as one of seven days’ duration, and

states that the emperor only dismissed Commodus from his

presence on the last day, lest he should communicate the

disease to him. (“Septimo die gravatus est; et solum filium

admisit; quem statim dimisit, _ne in eum morbus

transiret._”—_Scriptores Historiæ Romanæ_, vol. ii. p. 298.)

[422] Lib. iii. p. 413. “Nam et _Medicos_ supplicio affecit,

quod sibi parum obtemperaverant, jubenti senis maturare necem.”

This, as stated in the text, was one of the first, if not the

first, act of cruelty which Caracalla committed after Severus’

death. Dion affirms that, after murdering his brother Geta, he

ordered about 20,000 of Geta’s supposed friends to be put to

death; and amongst others he condemned to death, according to

Spartian, a class which is medically not uninteresting—namely,

all those who wore amulets or charms about their necks for the

cure of agues, a custom which would appear to have been much in

use both among the Greeks and Romans.—See Hart’s Herodian, p.

177.

[423] As a further not uninteresting record of the habits of

these times, as contrasted with our own, let me add (though the

topic is not altogether medical), that after Severus died at

York, worn out, according to Herodian, more by grief than by

disease (moerore magis quam morbo consumptus), his body was

burned, and the ashes left by the corpse inclosed in an urn of

alabaster with perfumes (odoribus).—Herodian, p. 413. His

sons, with their own hands, lighted the funeral pile. Dion

states that, shortly before his death, Severus sent for the urn

that was destined to contain his ashes, and addressed it in

terms too truly significant of the vanity and emptiness of the

highest earthly ambition and the greatest earthly success: “_Tu

virum capies quem totus orbis terrarum non cepit._”—Dion, p.

307.

[424] _Antiquitates Neomagenses, sive Notitia rarissimarum

rerum Antiquariarum_, etc. (1678), pp. 97, 99. When describing

these two medicine-stamps (which are interesting as having been

the first rediscovered in modern times), Schmidt ingenuously

states:—“De illis quid sentiam, non facile dixerim, sæpe mecum

cogito, quid sibi illa velint. Ego tamen _nihil_ adhuc

affirmare audeo.”—P. 98. Hugo Grotius, in his _Respublica

Hollandiæ_ (1630), speaks of Schmidt as “antiquitatum omnium

cultor summus, cujus commentarium de Noviomagi oppidi

(_Nymegen_) antiquitate avidissime expectamus.”—P. 123.

[425] _Miscellanea Eruditæ Antiquitatis_ (1685), pp. 236-238.

[426] “Smetius vir eruditus nobis exhibet lapides duos virides

quadratos, in margine scriptos, quarum usum se ignorare

fatetur. Ego vero puto fuisse opercula pyxidum in quibus

unguenta, olea, atque collyria reservabant

Pharmacopolae.”—Spon, in his _Miscellanea Eruditæ

Antiquitatis_, p. 236.

[427] Haym’s _Tesoro-Brittanico_ (1720), vol. ii. Letter in

Preface.

[428] Caylus’ _Recueil Antiquites_ (1761), vol. i. p. 225.

Count Caylus states (p. 226) that the Abbé Le Bœuf, in 1729,

expressed the following opinion in relation to one of these

Roman stones that was shown him:—“La regarda comme un moule

qui servoit à marquer sur la cire les drogues d’un Médecin

Romain, on comme une formule de recette pour la confection d’un

médicament.” See also vol. vii. (1767), p. 261.

[429] _Antiquitatis Medicæ Selectæ._ Jena, 1772.

[430] _Christophori Saxii Epistola de Veteris Medici Ocularii

Gemma Sphragide, prope Trajectum ad Mosam eruta._ 1774.

[431] _Archæologia; or Miscellaneous Tracts relating to

Antiquity_, vol. ix. (1789), p. 227.

[432] _Dissertation sur l’Inscription Grecque_ ΙΑϹΟΝΟϹ ΛΥΚΙΟΝ.

Paris, 1826.

[433] _Cinq Cachets Inedits de Médecins-Oculistes Romains._

Paris, 1845. To M. Sichel, one of the most learned of living

physicians, I am indebted for various valuable suggestions in

collecting the materials for the present essay.

[434] _Observations sur les Cachets des Médecins-Oculistes

Anciens, à-propos de Cinq Pierres Sigillaires inedites._ Paris,

1846.

[435] _Mémoires de la Société des Antiquaires de Picardie_,

tom. viii. p. 575. (1846). Notice sur un Cachet d’Oculiste

Romain trouvé à Amiens.

[436] The three found in Italy have all been discovered in the

more northern parts of that kingdom,—viz. the first at Genoa,

the second at Sienna, and the third at Verona. See notices of

them in Spon’s _Miscellanea Eruditæ Antiquitatis_, p. 237;

Muratori’s _Thesaurus Inscriptionum_, D. viii. 4; and Maffei’s

_Museum Veronense_, p. 135.

[437] Kühn’s Edit. of Galen, vol. xiv. pp. 766-777.

[438] Some of the ancient collyria were gravely averred to

possess properties that were optical, rather than medical. Thus

Alexander Trallianus gives a receipt for a very complex

collyrium, which, when anointed upon the eyes, enabled those

who used it to gaze upon the sun even without harm (Possis

etiam solem citra noxam intueri).—_De Arte Medica_, lib. ii.

p. 174.

[439] “Etiam Asclepiades plurimam et optimam tum aridorum tum

liquidorum collyriorum conscripsit silvam.” See Kühn’s edit. of

_Galen_, vol. xii. p. 226. Asclepiades, who enjoyed during his

life high professional popularity at Rome, seems to have

flourished in the century preceding the commencement of the

Christian era; and the expression of Galen (_sylva

collyriorum_) consequently shows us the great number and extent

of the collyria known and used even at that early period. For

notices of the time and character of Asclepiades, see Pliny’s

_Historia Naturalis_, lib. xxv. cap. 7; Grumpert’s _Asclepiades

Bithyni Fragmenta_, Vinar. 1794; Burdach’s _Scriptorum de

Asclepiade Index_, Leipzig, 1800.

[440] In the following passage Galen tersely enumerates the

very varied general ingredients, and general therapeutic

effects, of the numerous collyria used by the Roman

practitioners of his day:—“Nam et liquores, et succi, et

semina, et fructus, et plantarum particulæ, ocularibus

compositionibus induntur, veluti etiam non pauca ex iis, quæ

metallica appellantur; aliqua quidem extreme austera, et

acerba, atque aeria; aliqua vero his moderatiora et tamen

fortia; quemadmodum item aliqua omnia mordacitatis expertia, ac

lenissima per lotionem reddita.”—_De Compositione Medicam.

secundum Locos_, cap. i.; Kühn’s edition, vol. xii. p. 699.

[441] Celsus, in the same way, enumerates and describes the

collyria of Philon, of Dionysius, of Cleon, of Theodotius, of

Euelpides (_qui ætate nostra maximus fuit ocularius medicus_),

of Nileus, of Hermon, etc. See his _Medicinæ Libri_, lib. vi.

[442] Appellantur talia a medicis collyria _libiana_ et

_cygni_, ob colorem quidem album.—Galen, _de Compos. Med.

secundum Locos_, cap. i. Kühn’s edition, vol. xii. p. 708.

[443] See Stuart’s _Caledonia Romana_, p. 154; _New Statistical

Account of Edinburghshire_, p. 254, etc., for descriptions of

the Roman remains at Inveresk.

[444] _Medicæ Artis Principes: De Medicamentis Liber_, p. 273.

[445] _Medicæ Artis Principes: De Compositione Medicamentorum

Liber Comp._ xxvi. p. 198.

[446] Kühn’s Edit. of _Galen_, vol. xii. pp. 753 and 774.

[447] Cornarius’ Latin Translation in _Medicæ Artis Principes_,

p. 432.

[448] Kühn’s Edit. of _Galen_, vol. xii. p. 699.

[449] _P. Dioscoridis Opera quæ extant Omnia._ (Edit. Saraceni,

1698) p. 21, lib. i. cap. xxv.

[450] _Naturalis Historia._ Leyden edit. of 1635, vol. ii. p.

474.

[451] Kühn’s Edit. of _Galen_, vol. xii. p. 770.

[452] _Ibid._ pp. 785 and 773.

[453] Kühn’s edit. of _Galen_, vol. xii. p. 715.

[454] See Milligan’s _Celsus_, p. 296.

[455] _Medicæ Artis Principes_, lib. ii. p. 170.

[456] _Ibid._ lib. iii. p. 432. Our own Pharmacopœias long

retained similar terms. The London Pharmacopœia, for

example, for 1662, contains an electuary termed _Diacrocuma_,

an _Emplastrum Oxycrocum_, etc.

[457] Cornarius’ Latin edition of _Aetius_, 1549, p. 371; and

Venice Greek edit. p. 126.

[458] Dr. Adams’ Sydenham Society edition, vol. i. p. 419; and

the Basle Greek edition of 1538, p. 76.

[459] See Dr. Adams’ edition, vol. iii. p. 551, as compared

with the Basle edition, p. 78.

[460] The central figure shows the size of the stone, and the

intagliate inscription on one side. The other figures show its

three inscriptions as they read from left to right when stamped

on wax.

[461] See Scribonius Largus in _Medicæ Artis Principes_, p.

209; Marcellus Empiricus, in _ibid._ p. 326.

[462] Kühn’s edit. of _Galen_, vol. xii. p. 751.

[463] _Ibid._ p. 772.

[464] _Ibid._ p. 760.

[465] _Ibid._ vol. xi. p. 715.

[466] _Medicæ Artis Principes: De Medicamentis Lib._, p. 280.

[467] Spon also (see his _Miscellanea Eruditæ Antiquitatis_, p.

236) supposed the Nymegen and Genoa medicine-stamps (the only

specimens known to exist at the time at which he wrote) to have

belonged to some of those practitioners (_Myropolæ_ or

_Unguentarii_) who professed to cure diseases principally by

the external application of oils, ointment, and friction,—a

form of charlatanry not altogether unknown in this, the

nineteenth century. According to Pliny, Prodicus, a disciple of

Hippocrates, founded the mode of cure termed “Iatraleptice.” By

this means (adds Pliny) he opened a road to riches to the

slaves and rubbers themselves employed by the physicians

(reunctoribus quoque medicorum ac mediastinis vectigal

invenit). See his _Historia Naturalis_, lib. xxiv. cap. i. in

Leyden edition of 1695, vol. iii. p. 187.

[468] Kühn’s _Galen_, vol. xii. p. 787, 786, and 769. Actuarius

gives a formula for a collyrium _melinum_, but it is a copy of

the last of Galen. See _Medicæ Artis Principes_, p. 309.

[469] _Antiquitates Medicæ Selectæ_, p. 55.

[470] _Historia Naturalis_, lib. xiii. tom. ii. p. 37. Dr.

Adams’ edition of _Paulus Ægineta_, vol. iii. p. 592.

[471] _Historia Naturalis_, vol. iii. lib. xxxv. p. 423.

Scribonius Largus gives (cap. 90, p. 231) a formula, with the

_alumen melinum_ as one of its ingredients. See the same _Oleum

Melinum_ described by Dioscorides, lib. i. cap. 55, p. 31.

[472] Quemadmodum viridium emplastrorum plurima propter

æruginem præpollentem talia fiunt, præsertim quæ sunt ex ipsis

coloratiora; ita quoque Melina. Sed viridia æruginem incoctam

habent, Melina vero coctam quidem sed mediocriter; nam si

amplius coquas, bicolora emplastra quibusdam appellata,

quibusdam gilva, efficies. Solent Medici viridia, simpliciter,

Melina, et rufa, nominare, etc.—Galen _de Compositione

Medicamentorum per Genera_, cap. vi.—Kühn’s edit. vol. xiii.

p. 503.

[473] See _Archæologia_, vol. ix. p. 228.

[474] Aetius’ _Tetrabiblos_, Cornarius’ edit. p. 359.

[475] De Medicam. Liber.: _Med. Artis Principes_, p. 281.

[476] De Compos. Med.: _Ibid._ p. 660.

[477] Paulus Ægineta’s _Works_. Dr. Adams’ Translation, vol.

iii. p. 551.

[478] Cornarius’ Translation, p. 435.

[479] Opobalsam, the “succus a plaga” of the Syrian balsam

tree. See _Pliny._ lib. xii. c. 25.—Dioscorides, in describing

its origin, effects, etc., specially recommends it as a

detergent application in dimness of sight (quæ pupillis

tenebras offundunt, exterget).—Lib. i. cap. xviii. p. 18.

[480] The inscription on the Daspich stone is “Q. VALLERI SEXTI

STACTUM AD CALIGINES OPOBALSAMATUM.” Paulus Ægineta gives a

special collyrium under the designation of “Collyrium from

opobalsam”—_Collyrium ex opobalsamo._ See Dr. Adams’

Translation in the Sydenham Society Edition, vol. iii. p. 554.

The opobalsam is a frequent ingredient in the various collyria

described by Galen, Aetius, etc.

[481] _Catalogue of Antiquities, Coins, etc., in the possession

of the Society of Antiquaries of London_, by Albert Way, Esq.

1847, p. 12.

[482] _Archæologia_, vol. ix. p. 227.

[483] For the purpose of explanation, I have changed the order

of the sides, bringing forward as the second what Mr. Gough

gives as the fourth side.

[484] Kühn’s _Galen_, vol. xii. p. 781.

[485] Sectio xxiv. De Collyriis, p. 662.

[486] _Tetrabiblos_, Sermo iii. cap. 110, p. 434.

[487] _De Arte Medica_, lib. ii. cap. v. p. 175.

[488] Dr. Adams’ Translation, vol. iii. p. 554; and vol. i. p.

421.

[489] Thus, for example, the ingredients in the collyrium

Thalasseros, as given by Paulus Ægineta, are “calamine, 8

ounces; verdigris, 2 ounces; Indian ink, 8 ounces; white

pepper, 4 ounces; median juice, 1 ounce; opobalsam, 2 ounces;

and gum, 6 ounces.”—_Ibid._ vol. iii. p. 554.

[490] Kühn’s edit. of _Galen_, vol. xii. pp. 786 and 787.

[491] _Commentar. in App._ vi. 31. _De Simplic. Med._ ix. 39.

Dr. Adams’ _Paulus Ægineta_, vol. iii. p. 420. Plautus, in his

_Mostellaria_ (Act i. scene iii. v. 106), enumerates in the

same line the _Cerussa_ and _Melinum_ as among the number of

the cosmetic paints used at the toilets of the Roman ladies:—

Non isthanc aetatem oportet pigmentum ullum attingere

Neque _cerussam_, neque _melinum_, neque ullam aliam offuciam.

[492] See Duchelais’ _Observations_, p. 75; Tochon’s

_Dissertation_, pp. 26 and 64; Maffer’s _Museum Veronense_, p.

135; Johanneau in _Melanges d’Archeologie_, p. 177; for

accounts of stamps inscribed with the legend _Diamysus ad

Veteres Cicatrices_.

[493] _Medicinalium Collectorum_, lib. xiii. p. 499.

[494] _Tetrabiblos_, Sermo iii. cap. 37, p. 382.

[495] Galen defines Cicatrices and Albugo of the eye as

follows:—“_Cicatrix_ appellatur ubi nigro oculi ex alto ulcere

membranae crassities supervenit, ut color _albior_ apparet.

_Albugo_ nihil a cicatrice differt, nisi quod ex ulcere major

cicatrix simul et crassior in iride nascitur.”—Kühn’s Edit.

vol. xiii. p. 775.

[496] See _Tetrabiblos_, Sermo iii. cap. 40, 37.

[497] _Medicæ Artis Principes._ De Collyriis, cap. 72 and 73,

p. 665.

[498] Dr. Adams’ Translation, vol. i. p. 418.

[499] _De Arta Medica_, lib. ii. cap. vi. p. 175. Perhaps the

medical idea of staining the cicatrices of the eyes was

suggested by the circumstance, that the Romans, like the

ancient Egyptians, occasionally had recourse to dyeing or

staining their eyebrows in the decorations of the toilet. On

the substances (_calliblephara_) used for this purpose, see

Pliny, lib. xxiii. cap. 4, and lib. xxxv. cap. 16. Juvenal

alludes to the practice in his Second Satire, v. 93:—

Ille supercilium madida fuligine tactum

Obliqua producit acu, pingitque trementes

Attollens oculos.

[500] See _Medicæ Artis Principes_. De Medicam. p. 280.

[501] In the Minutes of the Society of Antiquaries for 17th

November 1757, the word is copied as DELICATA.

[502] Thus Nicolaus Myrepsus describes the “Collyrium nominatum

_Sol_;” the “Collyrium _Aster_, hoc est stella;” the “Collyrium

dictum _Lumen_.” See his _Opus de Compositione Medicamentorum_,

sect. xxiv. cap. 2, 22, 3, etc. Trallianus describes the

collyrium _Phos_, etc., p. 174. Aetius gives, p. 352, a formula

for the collyrium _Uranium_. See also Oribasius, p. 50. Perhaps

I ought to have stated earlier, that in quoting the works of

Oribasius, Aetius, Myrepsus, Trallianus, Scribonius Largus, and

Marcellus, I always refer, except when it is otherwise

specified, to the writings of these authors as contained in

Stephen’s collated edition of the “_Medicæ Artis Principes post

Hippocratem et Galenum_” (Paris, 1567).

[503] _De Simplic. Medicam._ Kühn’s Edit. vol. xii. p. 152.

[504] See _Gentleman’s Magazine_ for 1778, p. 472.

[505] This form of Greek designation, consisting of the name of

the principal ingredients in a formula, preceded by the initial

DIA, was long retained in pharmaceutical nomenclature. The

London Pharmacopœia of 1677, for instance, has upwards of

twenty medicines or formulæ commencing with DIA, as the _Pulvis

Diasennæ_, the _Electuarium Diacinnamomum_, the syrup named

_Diacodium_, etc. Almost the only remnant of this type of

nomenclature that is retained in modern medical language, is to

be found in the well-known term _Diachylon_ plaster. The

inventor of the _Diachylon_ plaster—Menecrates—lived about

the time of Tiberius, and, according to the inscription still

preserved at Rome upon his marble tombstone (See Gruter’s

_Inscriptiones_, p. 581), he was the author of not less than

155 medical works, few or no fragments of which remain. His

plaster has greatly outlived the productions of his pen. The

medical poet, Damocrates, who wrote several pharmaceutical

works, put Menecrates’ directions for preparing the _Diachylon_

into Greek Iambic verse.—See Galen _de Compos. Medicam. sec.

Genera_, vol. xiii. p. 996.

[506] _Opera_, lib. i. cap. 77, p. 43. See, also, on its

properties, Galen’s _Works_, by Kühn, vol. xii. p. 127; Adams’

_Paulus Ægineta_, vol. iii. p. 349.

[507] _Tetrabiblos_, Sermo iii. cap. cix. p. 429.

[508] _De Methodo Medendi_, lib. vi. cap. v. p. 310.

[509] Dr. Adams’ _Paulus Ægineta_, vol. i. p. 417.

[510] Kühn’s Edition, vol. xii. p. 774.

[511] _Ibid._ p. 746.

[512] _Ibid._ p. 257.

[513] _Ibid._ vol. vi. p. 876.

[514] Mackenzie. _Treatise on Diseases of the Eye_ (1830), pp.

140 and 141.

[515] Frankincense, saffron, and myrrh, form, as we have seen,

prominent ingredients in the ancient collyria. Actuarius lays

down the differences among the therapeutical effects of these

three eye-medicines, with the following rare

subtlety:—“_Crocus_ et _Myrrha_ hoc inter se dissident, quod

ille moderate adstringat, hæc vero citra adstrictionem non

instrenue discutiat, humiditatesque exsiccet: suntque

generosiora facultatibus quam _Thus_, quapropter etiam

discutiunt magis, verum quod detergendi vi careant: in ulcerum

curatione thuri ceu inferiora cedunt.”—_De Methodo Medendi_,

lib. vi. cap. v. p. 305.

[516] Kühn’s Edit. vol. xii. p. 60.

[517] Dr. Adams’ Edit. vol. iii. p. 217.

[518] _Medicinalium Collect._ lib. xi. p. 425.

[519] _De Arte Medica_, lib. ii. p. 173.

[520] Milligan’s Edit. of _Celsus_, p. 290, lib. vi. 13.

[521] See the Aldine Greek edition of his works, p. 118.

[522] _De Medicamentis Liber_, cap. viii. p. 280.

[523] _De Methodo Medendi_, lib. vi. p. 93. _Tochon_, p. 32.

[524] _Recueil de Monuments Antiques_, tom. i. p. 281.

[525] _Cinq Cachets Inedits des Oculistes_, p. 13.

[526] _Bottin: Melanges d’Archæologie_, p. 114.

[527] _Observations sur les Cachets_, p. 41.

[528] On the properties and uses of _Mulsum_ in ocular

medicine, see a full account in the Second Book of Alexander

Trallianus, p. 176.

[529] “Mollissimum genus earum _Penicilli_, oculorum tumores

levant ex mulso impositi: iidem abstergendæ lippitudini

utilissimi: eosque tenuissimos et mollissimos esse

oportet.”—_Naturalis Historiæ_, liber xxxii. cap. xi. p. 289.

In regard to the locality from which these sponges were

procured, Pliny afterwards adds,—“Trogus autor est, circa

Lyciam _Penicillos_ mollissimos nasci in alto, unde ablatæ sint

spongiæ.”—_Ibid._ p. 290.

[530] “_Penicillo_ fovere oculos oportet, ex aqua calida

expresso, in qua ante vel myrti vel rosæ folia decocta

sint.”—_Milligan’s Celsus_, liber vi. cap. vi. sec. 9, p. 288.

When describing venesection at the bend of the arm, Celsus uses

the word _Penicillum_ to imply the pledget or compress applied

after the operation with the view of arresting the

bleeding—“Deligandum brachium super-imposito expresso ex aqua

frigida _Penicillo_.”—Lib. vi. cap. xi. p. 65.

[531] _Milligan’s Celsus_, lib. vi. cap. vi. p. 284.

[532] “Quo gravior vero quæque inflammatio est, eo magis leniri

medicamentum, debet, adjecto vel albo ovi, vel muliebri lacte.

At si neque medicus, neque medicamentum præsto est, sæpius

utrumlibet horum in oculis _Penicillo_ ad id ipsum facto

infusum, id malum lenit.”—_Ibid._ lib. vi. cap. vi. sec. 8, p.

286.

[533] Deinde in balneo aqua calida quamplurima caput atque

oculos fovere; tum utrumque _Penicillo_ detergere et ungere

caput iridis unguento.—Lib. vi. cap. vi. p. 287. Scribonius

Largus uses the analogous expression—“_Penicillo_

abstergeretur,” p. 232.

[534] Igitur aversum specillum, inserendum, deducendæque eo

palpebrae sunt: deinde exigua _Penicilla_ interponenda, donec

exulceratio ejus loci leniatur.—_Ibid._ lib. vii. cap. vi. p.

342. After removing nasal polypi, he recommends a styptic tent,

or, “aliquid ex _Penicillo_,” to be introduced into the

nostrils (lib. vii. cap. x. p. 355). See also lib. vii. cap.

iv. p. 324; and lib. viii. cap. ix. p. 425.

[535] _Archæologia_, vol. ix. p. 240.

[536] In his chapter on diseases of the eyes, after giving the

formula for the _Basilicon_ collyrium of Euelpides—which was

composed of poppy tears, cerussa, Asian stone, gum, white

pepper, saffron, and _psoricum_—Celsus adds:—“Now there is no

simple which by itself is called _Psoricum_; but a certain

quantity of chalcitis, and a little more than half its quantity

of cadmia, are rubbed together with vinegar, and this being put

into an earthen vessel, covered over with fig leaves, is

deposited under ground for twenty days, and being taken up

again it is powdered, and is thus called _Psoricum_.”—See

Greive’s _Celsus_, p. 343.

[537] “Psoricum is formed by mixing two parts of chalcitis with

one of litharge, triturating them in vinegar, and, having put

them into a new pot, by burying them in dung for forty

days.”—See Adams’ _Paulus Ægineta_, vol. iii. p. 421.

[538] Kühn’s Edit. vol. xiv. p. 767.

[539] Galen in Kühn’s Edit. vol. xii. p. 717.

[540] _Princ. Art. Medicæ, De Methodo Medendi_, lib. vi. p.

305.

[541] _Tetrabiblos_, pp. 434, 435.

[542] _De Compositione Medicamentorum_, p. 199.

[543] _De Medicamentis Liber_, pp. 274 and 275.

[544] The inscription on the Jena stamp is as follows (see

Tochon’s _Dissertation_, p. 66): PHRONIMI DIAPSORICUM OPOBAL.

AD CLAR.

[545] The inscription alluded to runs thus:—PHRONIMI DIASMYRN.

POST IMPE. LIP. EX OV. Or, when extended,—“_Phronimi

Diasmyrnes post impetum lippitudinis ex ovo._”—_Tochon_, p.

66. _Phronimus_ is the name, of course, of the occulist or

proprietor.

[546] Cornarius’ Edit.; or Dr. Adams’ Edit. vol. iii. p. 550.

[547] _Med. Art. Princ. De Methodo Mendendi_, lib. vi. p. 310.

[548] For example, in the stamp found at Maestricht, and

described by Saxe, there occurs the inscription _C. Lucci

Alexandri Crocodes_ AT _aspritudines_, instead of AD

_aspritudines_. See Tochon’s _Dissertation_, p. 68.

[549] These figures of the Wroxeter stamp are copies of those

originally published of it by Mr. Parkes in the _Gentleman’s

Magazine_ for 1810, vol. lxxx. p. 617.

[550] _Beauties of England and Wales_ (1813), vol. xiii. p.

191.

[551] _Salopia Antiqua_, p. 126.

[552] See a copy of it in Gruter’s _Inscriptiones Antiquæ Orbis

Romanæ_, tom. ii. p. 896, No. iii.

[553] See Le Clerc’s _Histoire de la Médecine_, pp. 421 and

568.

[554] See, for example, Adams’ _Paulus Ægineta_, vol. iii. pp.

551 and 555, where the collyria _Diasmyrnum_ and _Isotheon_ are

directed “to be used with an egg”—(“Usus cum _ovo_ est,”

according to the Latin translation of Cornarius, p. 671, etc.)

Celsus directs the _Collyrium Philetis_ to be used “vel _ex

ovo_, vel ex lacte.” Galen repeatedly employs the same

expression in giving his directions about collyria, as in vol.

xii. pp. 746, 747, 749, 754, etc.

[555] _Med. Art. Princ. Synopsis_, liber iii. p. 51.

[556] Kühn’s Edit. of _Galen_, vol. xiii. pp. 877 and 879.

[557] _Ibid._ vol. xii. p. 761.

[558] The same title or designation of ΑΝΙΚΗΤΟΣ (the

unconquered) was assumed by some of the Indo-Greek kings of

Bactria. Philosenus (who reigned in the east of Bactria), and

Antialcides, Lysias, and Archebias (who reigned in the west),

according to Grotefend’s classification, all appropriated this

title to themselves. See Werlhof’s _Handbuch der Griechischen

Numismatik_, pp. 72 and 73.

[559] The Unguentum _Nardinum_ was one of the favourite

ointments used by the Romans for anointing the hair previous to

crowning it with the garland at their festive symposiums.—See

Horace’s _Carmina_, lib. ii. carm. xi. “Assyriaque _Nardo_

Potamus uncti.”

[560] Thus Plautus, in his _Miles Gloriosus_, act iii. sec. ii.

v. 11, speaks of wine mixed and flavoured with the perfume of

Nard—

Demisit _Nardini_ unam amphoram cellarius.

Horace, in one of his odes addressed to Virgil (_Carmina_, lib.

iv. c. 12), invites his brother poet to a drinking-party,

provided Virgil will earn his wine by bringing some spikenard;

and he declares that a small box of the perfume shall draw a

whole cask of wine from the storehouses of Sulpicius.

_Nardo_ vina merebere.

_Nardi_ parvus onyx eliciet cadum

Que nunc Sulpiciis accubat horreis.

The _onyx_, or alabaster box, mentioned in these lines of

Horace, was made of a kind of gypsum, and was used for

containing the more precious ointments, under the belief, as we

are told by Pliny (lib. xxxv. cap. 12), that this material

prevented the fragrance of the ointments from being dissipated

(quoniam optime servare incorrupta dicitur). In explanation of

the great use of ointments among the Romans, it is to be

remembered that they then formed their only vehicle for the

enjoyment of perfumes, the art of distillation being altogether

unknown to them.

[561] _Tetrabiblos_, Sermo III. cap. cxiii. pp. 436-8.

[562] Hujus auxilii actiones ac efficaciam dicere non est

facile. Audientes enim vix crediderint. Nam desperatas

affectiones ad naturalem statum revocat.—_Ibid._ p. 438.

[563] _Journal of the British Archæological Association_, vol.

iv. p. 280.

[564] Sichel’s _Cachets Inedits_, p. 15; and Duchalais’

_Observations sur les Cachets_, p. 35. See also _Mémoire de la

Commission des Antiquaires de Department de la Côte-d’Or_, vol.

x. p. 338; or _Rapport sur deux Cachets Inedits d’Oculistes

Romains_; Dijon, 1841.

[565] See _Medicæ Artis Principes_,—Oribasius, p. 50; _Paulus

Ægineta_, p. 672.

[566] See, for example, Kühn’s _Galen_, vol. xiv. p. 409.

[567] _Illustrations of the Remains of Roman Art in

Cirencester, the site of the Antient Corinium_, p. 117.

[568] See, for example, Gruter’s _Inscriptiones Romanæ_, vol.

ii. p. DCCLXXXIII. 2; CML. 3; MXXVII. 4.

[569] Notice of a stamp used by a Roman oculist or empiric,

discovered in Ireland. _Archæological Journal_, p. 354.

[570] Much stranger relics than Roman coins or medicine-stamps

have been found in Ireland. Above fifty Chinese porcelain

seals, with legends, etc., inscribed upon them in ancient

Chinese characters, have now been discovered in different parts

of Ireland, and generally in localities indicating that they

had lain entombed for many long ages. See Smith in _London and

Edinburgh Philosophical Journal_ for March 1840; and Getty’s

_Notices of Chinese Seals found in Ireland_, Belfast, 1850.

[571] See Ledwich’s _Antiquities of Ireland_, p. 45—Roman

coins found at New Grange. A celebrated passage in Tacitus

proves that, even as early as the first century of the

Christian era, the Irish seaports were better known to the

merchants of these times than those of Britain were—(“Melius

aditus, portusque per commercia, et negotiatores cogniti”). See

_Agricolæ Vita_.

[572] Hildebrand states, that in the northern or Scandinavian

districts of Europe there have been found “Roman silver coins

from about the middle of the first to the commencement of the

third century (Vespasianus to Severus Alexander); but

especially those of Hadrianus, Antoninus Pius, Aurelius, and

Commodus. Along with them,” he continues, “are sometimes found

various bronze articles, as statuettes, vases, and ornaments of

various kinds of Roman workmanship, and apparently of the same

age. These coins, etc., are usually found about the islands of

Gothland and Oland, and in Scanïa. The coins are worn and

clipped, so that often the legends and reverses are defaced,

and the portrait alone tells by whom they were struck. The

reason of this is (he suggests), that the coins came to the

north after long voyages. As the Roman eagles were never

planted on Swedish soil, these coins, etc., must either have

been brought by the northern pirates from Roman possessions, or

by merchants trading with Roman subjects. Only one gold coin

(of Titus), and one ? (of Faustina the elder), are as yet known

to have been found in the North.” See Hildebrand’s _Monnaies

Anglo-Saxonnes du Cabinet Royal de Stockholm_. Introduction,

pp. vi. vii. note.

[573] See the _Pharmacopœia Londonensis_ for 1662, p. 48.

[574] See Ainslie’s _Materia Indica_, vol. i. p. 513; and

Royle’s _Antiquities of Hindoo Medicine_, p. 102.

[575] I shall quote Galen’s own graphic account of his personal

visit and observations:—“At the mine in Cyprus, in the

mountains of the Soli, there was a great cave dug in the

mountain, at the right side of which, that is to say, on our

left hand as we entered, there was a passage into the mine, in

which I saw certain specimens of the three substances stretched

upon one another like zones, the lowest being that of _sori_,

upon it _chalcitis_, and then that of _misy_. In process of

time the chalcitis changes into misy by degrees, and the sori

can change into chalcitis, but requires a much longer space of

time. So that it is no wonder that these three substances

should be possessed of homogeneous (similar) powers, as

differing from one another in tenuity and density of their

parts—the grossest being the sori, and the finest the misy,

whereas chalcitis possesses an intermediate power. When burnt,

they become more attenuant, but less styptic.”—Adams’ _Paulus

Ægineta_, vol. iii. note, p. 400. (Kühn’s _Galen_, vol. xii. p.

226.)

[576] See his Edition of _Paulus Ægineta_, vol. iii. notes in

pp. 253, 400, and 402.

[577] _Opera_, lib. v. cap. 117, p. 370.

[578] Kühn’s Edit. of _Galen_, vol. xii. p. 228.

[579] _Opera_, lib. xv. p. 515, and lib. xiv. p. 483.

[580] Dr. Adams’ Sydenham Society Edition, vol. iii. p. 253.

[581] Kühn’s Edit. vol. xii. p. 701.

[582] _Hist. Nat._ lib. xxxiv. c. xii. v. iii. p. 399.

[583] See Milligan’s Edit. p. 194, Misy _sanguinem suppremit_;

p. 197, _rodit_; p. 199, _crustas inducit_, etc.

[584] See _De Methodo Medendi_, lib. vi. pp. 305-308.

[585] Viper wine (_Vinum Viperinum_) and viper broth (_Jus

Viperinum_) had long a place in the London Pharmacopœia; and

still longer the vipers were retained in it as an ingredient in

the celebrated but multifarious Theriaca Andromache, which,

with its discordant farrago of seventy and odd ingredients, was

only expelled about a hundred years ago from the British

Pharmacopœias. (See Alston’s _Materia Medica_, vol. ii. p.

517; Hill’s _Materia Medica_, p. 829; Quincy’s _Dispensatory_,

p. 400; Mead’s _Essay on the Viper_, 1745, etc.)

[586] Perhaps this incantation was but a remnant of that ophite

worship which appears to have in former times prevailed so

generally throughout the world. On the ancient extent of

serpent-worship in the old world, see Stukeley’s _Abury_, p.

32; Colonel Tod’s _History of Rajasthan_; the Rev. J. B.

Deane’s learned Treatise on the Worship of the Serpent, and his

observations on various ancient Dracontia, or ophite temples in

England, France, etc., in the _Archæologia_, vol. xxv. p. 180,

etc. Latterly, the observations of Mr. Squier would seem to

show that the same type of worship was, in long past times,

diffused as extensively over the new world. (See his late work,

entitled _Serpent Symbol, and the Worship of the Reciprocal

Principles of Nature in America_.) The supposed connection of

the serpent and serpent-worship with the healing art has been

handed down to us emblematically in the serpent symbol with

which the caduceus of Æsculapius is always represented as

surrounded. The Romans regarded the serpent as a symbol of

health, and we find it figured as such on some of the coins of

Augustus and Claudian.

[587] _Aphrodisiacus, sive, Collectio Auctorum de Lue Venerea._

Venet. 1566-67; and Lugd. Batav. 1728.

[588] _De Morbis Venereis._ Paris, 1740.

[589] _Abhandlung über die Venerischen Krankheiten._ Göttingen,

1788.

[590] See also a collection by Grüner of the opinions of many

authors, who wrote in the end of the fifteenth or beginning of

the sixteenth century, as to the disease being new and

unknown,—in his _Morborum Antiquitates_, p. 69, _seq._

[591] _Aphrodisiacus, sive de Lue Venerea._ Jena, 1789.

[592] _Vide_ Grüner’s _Aphrodisiacus_, p. 38.

[593] _De Morbis Venereis_, 1740.

[594] _Ueber die Venerischen Krankheiten_, 1788.

[595] _The History, etc., of the Venereal Disease._ London,

1841.

[596] _Sur l’Origine de la Maladie Venerienne._ Paris, 1752.

[597] _Geschichte der Lustseuche._ Altona, 1783.

[598] Grüner’s _Aphrodisiacus_, p. 115.

[599] Grüner’s _Aphrodisiacus_, p. 86.

[600] See _Extracts from the Council Register of the Burgh of

Aberdeen_, edited by my friend Mr. John Stuart, and published

by the Spalding Club.

[601] By an evident clerical error this word is mis-spelled

“vakis” in the copy of the edict contained in the Town-Council

records.

[602] _History of Scotland_, by John Lesley, Bishop of Ross, p.

76.

[603] _The Chronicles of Scotland_, by Robert Lindsay of

Pitscottie, vol. i. p. 249.

[604] Two of these entries were published by Mr. Pitcairn, in

the _Criminal Trials of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 117. My friend

Mr. Joseph Robertson, Superintendent of Searches in the

Literary and Antiquarian Department of the General Register

House, most kindly collated for me the other entries, while

looking over the Treasurer’s accounts for another purpose.

[605] Pitcairn’s _Criminal Trials_, vol. i. p. 110.

[606] Pitcairn’s _Criminal Trials_, vol. i. p. 232.

[607] See Mr. Laing’s admirable edition of Dunbar’s _Poems_,

vol. i. p. 115.

[608] Lyndsay’s _Warkis_ (1592), p. 262.

[609] See Dunbar’s _Poems_, vol. ii. p. 24.

[610] _Astruc_, p. 634.

[611] _Historical, etc., Account of the Principal Families of

the name of Kennedy_, p. 17.

[612] Cleland, in 1st Part of the _Transactions of the Glasgow

and Clydesdale Statistical Society_, p. 13.

[613] See Grunbeck, in _Tractatus de Pestilentia Scorra_, c. 8;

and Brant, in his poetical Eulogium _De Scorra Pestilentiali_—

“Nec satis extremo tutantur in orbe Britanni.”

[614] _A Brieffe and Necessary Treatise touching the Cure of

the Disease now usually called Lues Venerea._

[615] See Mr. Beckett’s papers in the _Philosophical

Transactions_ for 1718.

[616] _Archæologia_, vol. xxx. pp. 358 and 359.

[617] Holdtfeldt’s _Chronik_, p. 6. Astruc (p. 116) points to

the same fact in regard to Paris, where two leper hospitals

existed when syphilis began; but the syphilitic patients were

not sent to them, but to other houses specially hired for the

purpose.

[618] See Dr. Cleland’s “Extracts,” in _Transactions of Glasgow

Statistical Society_, Part i. p. 13, etc.

[619] _Parliamentary History_, vol. iii. p. 44; Henry’s

_History of Great Britain_, vol. xii. p. 219; the _Life and

Reign of King Henry VIII._, by the Right Hon. Edward Lord

Herbert of Cherbury, 1572, p. 295.

[620] See his _Consilium pro reverendissimo Episcopo et

Hungariæ Vicerege_; in Luisinus’ Collection, vol. ii. p. 6.

[621] _Astruc_, p. 113 (English Edition).

[622] Tytler’s _History of Scotland_, vol. iv. p. 319.

[623] _De Morbo fœdo et occulto, his temporibus affligente._

[624] The simple and newly elected Pontiff, Adrian VI., when

writing to his Legate at the Diet of Nuremberg, A.D. 1522, in

the same spirit observes, “We are well aware that for many

years past the holy city has been a scene of many corruptions

and abominations. The infection has spread from the head

through the members, and has descended from the popes to the

rest of the clergy.”—_Pallav. Op._, vol. i. p. 160; _Sarpi_,

p. 25.

[625] See _Claud. Espencæi Opera Omnia_, p. 479. The morals of

those assembled at the “sacred” Councils of the Church showed,

perhaps, in these days, little or no amendment upon the morals

of Rome itself. At the great Council of Constance, for example,

held in the fifteenth century, there were, according to the

long list of those present, as given by Lenfant, “seven hundred

common women” whose habitations were known to Ducher; whilst

the Vienna list of the same Council sets down the list of

“meretrices vagabundæ” as fifteen hundred in number (Lenfant’s

_History of the Council of Constance_, vol. iv. pp. 414, 416).

This Council was summoned together by that misnamed “Vicegerent

of God on earth,” Pope John XXIII., a man who, according to his

own secretary, Thierry de Niem, was guilty of “all the mortal

sins, and of a multitude of abominable acts not fit to be

named” (Niem _de Vita Joh. XXIII._, ap. Von’der Hardt, tom. ii.

p. 391.) Among other matters, the Procurators of the Council

publicly accused him before it of “cum uxore fratris sui, et

cum sanctis monialibus incestum, cum virginibus stuprum, et cum

conjugatis adulterium, et alia incontinentiae crimina” (Concil.

Constan. Sess. xi., Binius, tom. iii. p. 874). Yet this same

“infallible” Council of Constance, as it termed itself, called

together, as it was, professedly for the cure of the evils and

doctrines of the Church and Papacy, principally distinguished

itself in history by burning John Huss and Jerome of Prague for

preaching from the Scriptures the pure and simple gospel of

Jesus Christ.

[626] Nicol. de Clemangiis, _Opera_ (edit. Lydii), p. 22.

[627] _Opera_, tom. vi. col. 296 (ed. of 1617). The history of

these and other dark times shows us, however, occasional bright

and isolated glimpses of the existence of true Christianity in

general society and in the cloisters. In the personal history

of Luther, for example, few circumstances are more interesting

than the fact of Staupitz, the Vicar-General of the Order of

Augustine Monks of Germany, earnestly and tenderly assisting

the young and distressed monk of Erfurth to arrive at a

knowledge of salvation by faith alone (as laid down in the

Scriptures—a copy of which he presented to him), and not by

works.

[628] See Sir John Dalyell’s _Fragments of Scottish History_,

p. 11.

[629] _Polydor. Vergilii Angl. Histor._ (Bull 1570), p. 633.

[630] See his _History of Great Britain_, vol. vi. p. 434.

[631] See the whole details given more fully and broadly in the

_Letters relating to the Suppression of Monasteries_, published

by the Camden Society, p. 58, etc.

[632] See his _Supplication of Beggars_, presented to Henry

VIII. in 1530.

[633] “Insuper hoc tempore (A.D. 1282) apud Invirchethin in

hebdomada paschæ, sacerdos parochialis Johannes, Priapi

prophana parans, congregatis ex villa puellulis, cogebat eas,

choreis factis, Libero patri circuire; ut ille feminas in

exercitu habuit, sic iste, procacitatis causa membra humana

virtuti seminariæ servantia super asserem artificiata ante

talem choream præferebat, et ipse tripudians cum cantantibus

motu mimico omnes inspectantes et verbo impudico ad luxuriam

incitabat,” etc. See the _Chronicon de Lanercost_, p. 109.

[634] George Bannatyne’s _Ancient Scottish Poems_ (1770), p.

42.

[635] _King James’s Works_, p. 301.

[636] _Cardani, Philosophi ac Medici, Opera_, tome ix. p. 135.

[637] Yet we find the Archbishop, who left some bastard

offspring, when writing as an author, violently and virtuously

declaiming against “all kind of lichorie.” See fol. li., etc.,

of “The Catechisme set furthe by the Most Reverend Father in

God, John Hamilton, Archbishop of St. Andrews,” printed at St.

Andrews, 1552. Perhaps the Archbishop held some of the other

commandments in little more respect than the seventh, if we may

judge by one of his sayings regarding Queen Mary, when a girl

of nine or ten years of age, as reported by Sir James Melville

in his _Memoirs_, p. 73. There is no wonder that Sir James

found it difficult or impossible to translate the coarse saying

of the Scotch Primate for the polite ears of Montmorency the

Constable of France. See _Memoirs of his own Life_, p. 21.

[638] See the edicts in Wilkins’s _Concilia Magnæ Britanniæ_,

tom. iv. pp. 47-8.

[639] See the forthcoming _Statuta Ecclesiæ Scoticanæ_, p. 155,

edited for the Bannatyne Club by Mr. Joseph Robertson; also

Wilkins’s _Concilia_, iv. 20.

[640] See his note to Bannatyne’s _Scottish Poems_, p. 210.

[641] _Book of Bon Accord_, p. 377; Keith’s _Historical

Preface_, p. xv.; _Aberdeen Magazine_, 1796, p. 270.

[642] See Prescott’s _Ferdinand and Isabella_, vol. ii. p. 354.

In Spain, indeed, it was recognised and sanctioned by law, till

the scandal was uprooted by strong hand of Ximenes.

[643] _History of Edinburgh_, p. 497.

THE END.

_Printed by_ R. & R. CLARK, _Edinburgh_.

End of Project Gutenberg's Archaeological Essays Vol. 2, by James Y. Simpson