Prohibitionists in their crusade against public-houses, it is necessary
to have some knowledge, in their broadest aspects, of the constitution
and powers of the licensing authority and of the gradual extension of
popular control. Under an Act of 1881 the regulation of the traffic
was placed in the hands of elective Licensing Committees, and the first
step in the direction of popular control was taken by the provision
that additional licenses, except in special cases, should not be
granted until they had been demanded by a poll of the ratepayers.
Objections to the granting or renewal of licenses might be made by
private individuals, the police and corporate bodies, and should
specify, as the ground of objection, that the proposed licensee was an
undesirable person, that the premises were unsuitable, or that "the
licensing thereof is not required in the neighbourhood." The words
that I have quoted were seized upon by the Prohibitionists, who had
gathered strength during the following years as a justification for the
refusal of all licenses if they could capture the Licensing Committee.
In Sydenham, a suburb of Christchurch, they were at length successful,
and were confronted with the bitter antagonism of the brewers. After
several years of litigation they were defeated conclusively, and were
thrown back upon an agitation for the amendment of the law.
{198}
The next important measure, that of 1893, was passed by representatives
elected under manhood suffrage, who knew that when they sought a
renewal of confidence they would be called upon to justify their
actions, not only in the eyes of Prohibitionists, but in those of the
newly enfranchised female electors. We shall therefore not be
surprised to find that the Act introduced a great extension of the
principle of popular control. It placed both the election of the
Licensing Committees and the Local Option polls on the basis of adult
suffrage and enlarged the scope of the latter. Previously, as we have
seen, the electors were only allowed to decide as to the advisability
of additional licenses. Herein their power was curtailed, as such
polls were not to be held unless a census had shown that the population
of a district had increased by 25 per cent. in the quinquennial period.
This was a concession to Prohibitionists who would welcome a change
which rendered the increase of licenses more difficult. But the
principal innovation was the control given to the electorate over the
renewal of all publicans' accommodation or bottle licenses. Triennial
polls were to be held, at which they were to be invited to say whether
they desired the continuation, reduction, or abolition of licenses,
subject to the proviso that prohibition would not be deemed to be
carried except by a three-fifths majority of the votes, and that the
poll would be void unless it had been attended by a majority of the
registered electors. {199} Should prohibition not be carried, the
votes in its favour were to be added to those cast for reduction, and,
in the event of reduction, the Licensing Committee were to refuse to
renew the licences of not more than one in four of the publicans in the
district, commencing with those whose licenses had been endorsed, and
proceeding with those who offered little or no accommodation to
travellers. No provision was made for compensation to persons who,
through no fault of their own, might be dispossessed of their licenses.
As the Act declared that the poll should be regarded as void unless
one-half of the electors recorded their votes, it was to the obvious
interest of anti-prohibitionists to abstain from attendance at the
booths, and the figures consequently afford no index of the full
strength of the opposing parties. The Prohibitionists, however, had
little cause to be dissatisfied with the results of their first appeal
to the electorate, which included women as well as men: prohibition was
carried in one case, reduction in fourteen, while in the remainder the
poll was either void or the votes were cast in favour of existing
conditions.
The amending Act of 1895 has made no substantial alterations in the law
in spite of the persistent agitation of Prohibitionists in favour of
prohibition on the vote of a bare majority. It was decreed that
licensing polls should be held concurrently with General Elections,
that voters should {200} be allowed to vote both for prohibition and
reduction, though the two votes could, naturally, no longer be combined
in favour of the latter, that the vote should affect all forms of
licenses, and, in view of the district in which prohibition had been
carried, that, in such cases, the issue should be between the continued
refusal of licenses and their restoration to the former number. Under
the present law, it will be noted, should successive reductions lead to
the cancellation of all licenses, a vote of the electors can never
restore more licenses than existed at the time when the last was doomed
to extinction.
The second poll was taken at the end of 1896 and resulted in the
failure to carry either prohibition or reduction in any district. The
figures were as follows: continuation, 139,249; reduction, 94,226;
prohibition, 98,103. Though the Prohibitionists had been enabled to
increase their vote by nearly 50,000 and had therein sufficient grounds
for the hope of ultimate success, it is probable that they would have
been more successful but for the intemperance of their leaders, who aim
at prohibition alone and care neither for the regulation of the traffic
nor for reduction. They were also handicapped by the frantic efforts
of the brewers, who spent their ample funds freely and were able to
command the votes of many who were interested, either directly or
indirectly, in the trade; and by an alliance between the brewers and
many of the Ministerialists. While the General {201} Election and the
Local Option poll constituted distinct issues, and there was no reason
why a supporter of the Government should feel bound to vote for the
continuation of licenses, it is an undoubted fact that a large number
of the women of the working classes, who might have been expected to be
opposed to the public-houses, voted, on that occasion, in favour of
their retention. At Wellington, where, as at Adelaide, I was struck by
the prevailing orderliness, the only women whom I noted as taking an
active part in the proceedings were canvassing in favour of the brewers.
At first sight it seems strange that the brewers should have worked
with the party which had passed the most stringent liquor legislation
on the Statute Book, but it must be remembered that this question had
neither been debated nor divided the House on the ordinary lines of
cleavage. The brewers, many persons maintain, know that they have the
sympathy of the Government which, according to this hypothesis, has
done as little as possible to meet the wishes of the Prohibitionists,
and that only under virtual compulsion, and, in its measure of 1896,
introduced a Bill which would certainly be rejected by the Council and
was calculated to cast ridicule upon the agitation of the
Prohibitionists. It was provided therein that a fourth issue should be
added at the Local Option polls, that of national prohibition, and
that, if it were carried by a three-fifths majority of the votes {202}
recorded in all the districts, it should be unlawful, subject to the
exception mentioned hereafter, to import into the Province any liquor
for any purpose or to distil it in the Province or to manufacture it
for sale or barter. No person selling any spirituous or distilled
perfume, nor any apothecary, chemist, or druggist administering or
selling any spirituous, distilled, or fermented liquor for medicinal
use, should do so otherwise than in such combination as rendered it
unfit for use as a beverage. The Governor might declare, by notice in
_The Gazette_, by what combination of ingredients the articles would be
rendered sufficiently unpalatable. Persons requiring liquor for
medicinal use or use in the arts and manufacturers were to make
applications to Her Majesty's Customs and if their _bona fides_ were
proved, might receive it, for ready money, "in such closed and sealed
bottles or other receptacle as that the liquor therein cannot be poured
out without such seal being first broken," and attached "with a
Government label declaring the kind, quantity, quality, and price of
the liquor, as these may be determined by the Governor." In this
measure the Government seem to have attempted to run with the hare and
hunt with the hounds. The brewers would laugh in their sleeves and the
Prohibitionists would welcome a measure which instituted machinery for
the attainment of national prohibition. If the assumption be correct,
the latter are credited with a lamentable lack of any sense of humour;
from all {203} appearances they are not prepared to allow themselves to
be hoodwinked.
Many of the representatives seem to have had an equally low opinion of
the average intelligence of female electors, as they sought to capture
the votes of domestic servants by a Bill which was rejected by the
Council, in which a weekly half-holiday was decreed to them except in
cases of sickness or death in the family, or where an annual holiday of
not less than fourteen days had been substituted by mutual agreement
between employers and their servants. How the period of rest was to be
enforced was, perhaps wisely, not laid down, as domestics would, in few
cases, be prepared to give information against their employers. Those
among the latter, however, who took the matter seriously would,
presumably, guard themselves against judiciary proceedings by
compelling their servants to be out of the house on the holiday between
three o'clock and half-past nine, whatever might be the state of the
weather. Again, the undoubted evil, that young girls, by the culpable
weakness of their parents, are allowed to parade the streets at night,
was to be cured, according to the Government, by the so-called Juvenile
Depravity Suppression Bill, which failed to meet with acceptance by the
usually docile House of Representatives. Its danger and absurdity can
be gathered, without further comment, from the quotation of one of the
clauses: "Whenever any constable finds any girl" (who is apparently not
over the age of sixteen years) {204} "loitering in the streets or in
out-of-the-way places after the hour of ten of the clock at night, and
he has reason to believe that she is there for improper purposes, the
following provisions shall apply:--
"1. He shall forthwith take her to the nearest beat of another
constable, or, failing him, to the nearest justice or clergyman, or,
failing him, to the nearest house of some married person of good
repute, in whose presence the girl shall be questioned as to her name,
her abode, her parents or guardians, and her reason for being from home
and loitering as aforesaid.
"2. The constable shall then take, or shall cause her to be taken, to
her home, where she shall be handed over to the person in charge of the
house, and the constable shall forthwith on his return from duty make
report of the facts to the officer in charge of the station."
Should the offence be repeated and the girl's reply be deemed by the
officer in charge of a police station to be unsatisfactory, she may be
brought before a magistrate and be committed to a reformatory or an
industrial school. Some justification, I must add, for the seemingly
depreciatory opinion of the members was afforded by the proceedings at
the convention of the National Council of Women held at Christchurch
early in 1896. This Association, which claims to be non-political and
to focus the views of the women of New Zealand, passed {205}
resolutions in favour of the nationalisation of the land, a compulsory
eight hours' day, and the enactment of a minimum rate of wages; but the
climax was reached when it was resolved that "in all cases where a
woman elects to superintend her own household and to be the mother of
children, there shall be a law attaching a certain just share of her
husband's earnings or income for her separate use, payable if she so
desires it into her separate account." The first portion of this
sentence is mysterious, and seems to be based on the assumption that
the husband has nothing to say in the matter.
The extraordinary legislative activity which I have summarised need
arouse no astonishment, as it is in consonance with the usual practice
of the Parliament of New Zealand. Between the years 1876 and 1894, it
has been computed, 2,972 measures were passed, and of these no less
than 1,602 have already been repealed.
So much for the past: we must now consider briefly the present position
of affairs and the further effects which may be anticipated from female
suffrage.
It is the general impression that while a large majority of the women
voted in 1893 as their husbands and brothers advised them, yet they
were induced, in many instances, by their leagues, which had been
started on independent lines, to support candidates on moral rather
than political considerations. In the following year these leagues,
{206} with the exception of those which placed liquor questions before
all others, were captured by one of the political parties, most of them
by the Ministerialists. An amusing incident occurred in this
connection at Dunedin. Shortly before the last elections it was
decided, at a thinly-attended meeting of the Women's Franchise League,
to support the three Ministerial candidates, although one of them was
an anti-prohibitionist. Thereupon many of the members protested
against the party character given to the association, and called a
meeting, the proceedings at which were thus described by the local
newspaper:--
"The meeting which was held yesterday afternoon in connection with the
Women's Franchise League was, in some respects, the most unique
gathering ever held in the city. There were nearly 200 women present,
and they were divided into two parties--the followers of Mrs. Hatton
and the supporters of Mrs. Don and Mrs. Hislop. At the close of the
opening remarks of the Chairman (the Rev. Mr. Saunders), Mr. Hatton
mounted the platform, and declining to take his seat, the Chairman
threatened to send for a policeman. Then occurred a scene and uproar,
of which it is impossible to give any conception. The noise was
deafening; and attracted to the spot passers-by in the street. Half a
dozen persons occupied the stage, and while some persons were
addressing the meeting, others were engaged in heated argument. Women
{207} stamped on the floor with their feet and parasols, others were
speaking at the highest pitch of their voices; there were hissing and
hooting, and other unwomanly demonstrations. Eventually a portion of
Mrs. Hislop's supporters withdrew to a side room, and the Chairman,
having dissolved the meeting, vacated the chair."[1]
We find, therefore, that, with the exception of ardent Prohihitionists,
women are subordinating their special interests to their increasing
attachment to one or other of the parties; but it does not follow that
they will cease to exercise a direct influence upon legislation. It is
not easy to learn to what extent their views have been modified during
the last few years. The proceedings of the National Council of Women
cannot be taken seriously, and the practical aspirations of the sex
must be sought rather in the points emphasised by the local leagues.
The files of the newspapers, unfortunately, afford little information,
as it was the practise of candidates to speak upon general topics at
their public meetings, and to take part in informal and unreported
discussions with the members of the various women's leagues. On these
occasions, I understand, and I must again except the Prohibitionists,
the women made their views known, but did not seek to exact pledges as
a condition of support. It is believed that they took less interest in
the second elections, but statistics are not yet available for a
comparison {208} of the numbers that went to the poll on the two
occasions. Of 9,332 women who were registered for the City of
Auckland, 6,304 recorded their votes, but I am unable to say whether
the proportion of about seven in ten holds good for the Province.
But, while it is necessary to consider the view of local leagues in
order to form general conclusions as to the trend of female thought, it
is found that, in the absence of one predominating centre, different
issues obtain prominence in different places, and that the vote lacks
the force which would be given to it by concentration. A general
similarity of aims, however, enables an estimate to be formed of the
questions which the women will press upon the attention of Parliament
in the immediate future. The repeal of the C.D. and Totalisator Acts,
amendments of the marriage laws, and greater protection of women and
children against the cruelty of husbands and fathers, are subjects
which are certain again to provoke discussion. Parliament will also be
asked again to admit women within its precincts, as they are no longer
satisfied with the possession of the franchise; but the agitation will,
I think, at present be unsuccessful, partly because, in the only
instance in which a woman has held a public position, the experiment is
regarded as having been a failure. Some three years ago Mrs. Yates was
elected to be Mayor of Onehunga, {209} and was unable to fill the
position satisfactorily. She was a woman of considerable ability, but
of a hasty temper, and came into constant conflict with the
Councillors. Very possibly they did not give her a fair chance; but
the fact remains that the proceedings excited much ridicule, in the
press and elsewhere, and retarded the movement in favour of rendering
women eligible for seats in Parliament.
The Prohibitionists do not count upon much legislative assistance
during the next three years, as the number of members of the House of
Representatives who are in favour of prohibition upon the vote of a
bare majority was reduced by the last election. They believe that if
the "National Option" Bill be re-introduced, the Council may seize upon
that fact as a ground for again rejecting it. In the meanwhile, they
will concentrate their efforts upon the education of the electorate,
and have, as I have shown, no reason to be discouraged by the results
of the second local option poll.
"Equal wages for equal work" is a new cry of the female voters. They
believe that if the Government were to introduce the principle of equal
wages for similar work as between the men and women in the Civil
Service, private employers would gradually follow the example. This
proposal has the support both of those who desire to raise the wages of
women and of those who think that they would no longer be {210} able to
compete with men in the search for employment. It might have been
expected that the habit which women have now acquired of meeting
together for the discussion of a common policy would have inclined them
to the formation of Trades Unions; but it is too early to look for
indirect results from female suffrage, which has hitherto had no
appreciable effect upon the rate of wages of women. Nor has it
modified the domestic instincts of the vast majority of the sex.
Lastly, the women of the working classes, almost without exception, are
in favour of pensions to the aged and needy, and regard objections
based on the deterrence of thrift or the difficulty of raising the
necessary funds as factitious and disingenuous. Herein, as in some of
the other matters to which I have referred, we see the principal danger
of female suffrage in New Zealand, the tendency of the women to
subordinate reason to sentiment. They note the prevalence of an evil,
and believe that if the State decrees its cessation it will promptly
cease to exist. But we must cherish the hope, though the justification
for it is not yet manifest, that as the women become accustomed to the
exercise of their power, they will no longer take a purely emotional
view of the problems which engage their attention. At the same time,
as we have seen, they have promoted several unobtrusive but eminently
useful reforms which would have had less chance of acceptance in a
House elected {211} by men. It is in this direction, and not in
attempts to make people virtuous or sober by Act of Parliament, that we
may anticipate the best results from the enfranchisement of the women
of New Zealand.
[1] _Otago Daily Times_, November 2, 1896.
{212}
IX
_THE EVOLUTION OF A FEDERAL GOVERNMENT_
The five self-governing Provinces of the mainland of Australia have
been evolved from the Crown Colonies of New South Wales, South
Australia, and Western Australia by the successive detachment of
Victoria and Queensland from the former and the gradual growth of the
system of responsible government, and are separated by lines of
demarcation which, except where the Murray or one of its tributaries
forms the boundary, are purely arbitrary and have not been drawn in
accordance with any distinctive geographical features. In the exercise
of fiscal autonomy as regards their reciprocal relations, they have
adopted protective tariffs which have not only impeded the interchange
of commodities, but in some cases diverted trade from its natural
course. New South Wales, indeed, after a period of protection, has
reverted to the policy of free trade, while the tariffs of Queensland
and Western Australia are directed mainly to the {213} acquisition of
revenue; but they are actually protective, as are, avowedly and to a
high degree, those of Victoria and South Australia. Under these
circumstances, and as the result of insufficient intercourse,
antagonistic interests have been created and jealousies aroused which
are a source of anxiety to those who consider the future of Australia.
The dangers which would be likely to arise from the independent
development of the Provinces were recognised at an early date. At the
time of the suggested separation of the district of Port Phillip from
New South Wales and of the discussion of the new constitutions which
were about to be granted, it was proposed by the Imperial Authorities
that the government should be in the hands of a General Assembly and
local Provincial Councils, but it was objected by the colonists that,
in the absence of regular means of communication, any scheme which
included the creation of a central legislature and executive would be
found to be impracticable. In deference to their views the idea was
allowed to drop, and no attempt was made to secure unity of action
between the Provinces, except that, in 1850, the Governor of New South
Wales received a commission as Governor-General of Australia and
Governor of Victoria, South Australia and Tasmania, the administrators
of which obtained the rank of Lieutenant-Governor. They were to be
superseded in their authority by the former when he was in {214} their
territories, but were instructed to correspond directly with the
Colonial Office. It is not clear to what extent the Governor-General
was expected to direct the administration of the other Provinces. Some
writers maintain that his pre-eminence was purely titular and intended
as a compliment to the Mother Colony. In any case, when, a few years
later, responsible government was established and the Governors
gradually became little more than figure-heads of the Executive, the
matter ceased to be of any importance.