Secondly, that the State may assist producers to dispose advantageously

of their produce. Reference has been made to the contracts which the

Government have entered into with the British India Company for the

carriage of farm and dairy produce. They are now considering the

advisability of assisting cattle-owners, whose resources are severely

strained by the low prices which they obtain in London for their frozen

meat. The principal cause of the low prices and the attitude of the

Premier can be gathered from the following extract from the financial

statement which he delivered in 1896:--

"Our meat I believe to be as good as any in the world, and the cost at

which it can be delivered at a profit at the ports of the Colony will

compare favourably with any other country that I am aware of; and yet

the prices lately obtainable in London are such as barely cover the

charges for freezing, freight, insurance, &c. Something will have to

be done if the industry is to be preserved. The only suggestion I have

received as yet is that the Colony, either individually or in

conjunction with the other Colonies, should take the business of

distribution into its own hands, as it is believed that, whilst the

consumers give good value for our meat, a great part of that value is

absorbed by various graduations of middlemen, leaving, as I have said,

a margin for the {80} producer altogether disproportionate to the real

value of the product. To effect this a large amount of capital will be

required, respecting which I have no proposal to submit, as the matter

is really one for private enterprise to undertake, but I mention the

matter as one requiring speedy and most serious attention, because, if

private enterprise should not be forthcoming to cope with the

difficulty, it may devolve upon Parliament to adopt such measures as

may appear practicable to conserve an important industry which we can

ill afford to lose."

Subsequently, I understand (I was not in Queensland at the time), a

Parliamentary Committee was instructed to consider the question, and

reported in favour of the establishment at London and in the provinces

of depots for the receipt and distribution of frozen meat.

On another occasion, referring to the injury done to the harbour of

Brisbane by excessive towage rates, the Premier said that if private

enterprise could not do it for a less sum, it would be a very simple

thing for the Government to take the matter in hand.

Thirdly, that the State may use its credit, after strict investigation

of the circumstances and upon conviction of the validity of the

security, to enable prospective producers to borrow money at a low rate

of interest. The Sugar Works Guarantee Act, of which I have quoted the

provisions, has led other producers to ask for similar concessions.

The {81} farmers want flour mills and cheap money; the pastoralists and

graziers complain of the tax levied upon them under the Meat and Dairy

Produce Encouragement Acts. Why, they ask, should the sugar industry

be exceptionally favoured? Again, if the Government are to establish

distributing agencies for frozen meat, why not also for other produce?

The Socialists describe these various measures as a spurious form of

socialism calculated to increase the profits of a single class of the

community; but the Government do not trouble themselves about abstract

terms. They have steadily pursued a settled policy, and have

successively assisted the sugar, pastoral, and agricultural interests;

they are prepared, if necessary, to give substantial help to

cattle-owners in the disposal of their produce, and they intend to

propose amendments of the mining laws which will promote the further

development of the industry. Nor have the producers alone been

benefited; the working classes, who are the first to suffer in times of

depression, are sharing in the renewed prosperity of the country, and

have been able to take advantage of the increased demand for their

services.

[1] Quoted, by permission of the author, from an article contributed to

the _Australasian Review of Reviews_ by Mr. J. V. Chataway, one of the

members for Mackay.

[2] See footnote p. 66.

[3] Financial statement 1896, p. 14.

{82}

IV

_THE LAND POLICY OF NEW ZEALAND_

Differences of conditions between Australia and New Zealand--The Public

Works policy--Taxation on land--The Land Act of 1892--The Land for

Settlements Acts--The Government Advances to Settlers Acts--The

encouragement of settlement--The co-operative construction of Public

Works--The unemployed--Continuity of policy.

The Constitution of 1852, under which New Zealand obtained responsible

government, differed from those granted to the Australian Provinces in

the creation of Provincial as well as Central Authorities. Owing to

the mountainous character of many parts of both islands, and in the

absence of railways and other facilities for internal transit,

communication had been carried on principally by sea, and settlement,

instead of radiating from one point, as in New South Wales, Victoria,

and South Australia, had been diffused at Auckland, Wellington,

Christchurch, Dunedin, and other places of secondary importance. Under

these circumstances, while it was deemed advisable to create a Central

Government at Auckland, which was transferred to Wellington in 1865,

six elective {83} Provincial Councils were established, which, though

their legislative and executive powers were confined within specified

limits, promoted the continuance of the separate development of the

several portions of the Colony. In 1876 the Provincial Legislatures,

which had in the meanwhile been increased by a division of territories

to ten, were abolished by the Central Government, principally because

they impeded the execution of the national policy of the construction

of public works. The effects of the system, however, are still seen,

especially in the demands made in the House of Representatives that the

different districts shall share in the benefits of any proposed

expenditure of public funds.

Another feature which served to differentiate New Zealand from

Australia was the existence of a warlike native race in the North

Island, which opposed the colonisation of the early settlers. From the

outset, ignorance of each other's language and habits of thought led to

misunderstandings in regard to the disposal of land, which was

complicated by the communal tenure of the Maoris. The appreciation of

this difficulty led to the insertion in the Treaty of 1840, in which

the chiefs purported to cede the sovereignty of New Zealand, of a

provision which reserved to the Crown the right of pre-emption over all

native lands. But the dissatisfaction was not allayed; the natives,

conscious of the steady advances of the {84} settlers and urged to sell

by agents of the Crown, feared that they would gradually be

dispossessed of their territory. A conflict which arose in regard to

some land, and led to fatal results, increased the state of tension,

which culminated, after a struggle in the extreme north, in the

prolonged conflicts of 1860 to 1870. After the pacification the

reciprocal relations began to improve, and are now excellent. The

Maoris are universally respected, have four members in the House of

Representatives, and two in the Legislative Council, and are

represented in the Executive Council by a Minister, who is himself a

half-caste. Numerous attempts have also been made to settle the land

question, notably by the resumption of the right of pre-emption, which

had been waived for a time, and by the constitution, by an Act of 1893,

of a Validation Court for the purpose of considering and finally

settling the titles to lands obtained by Europeans from the natives.

In view of their pre-emptive right, the Government have been bound, in

justice to the Maoris, to make provision for the purchase of such lands

as may be offered to them, though they have not herein initiated a new

policy. From the establishment of Imperial sovereignty to 1870,

successive Governments acquired six million acres in the North Island,

the whole of the Middle Island, with the exception of reserves for the

original owners who were few in number, and Stewart Island. From that

date until 1895, another six {85} million acres had been acquired at an

outlay of a million and a half pounds, and subsequent purchases, from a

large area still under negotiation, amount to about 550,000 acres. New

Zealand has thus disbursed, and is still disbursing, large sums of

money in the purchase of native lands, while Australia and Tasmania

recognised no right of possession on the part of the few degraded

aboriginals; and New Zealand alone is burdened with the payment of

interest upon loans raised to cover the charges of prolonged military

campaigns.

During the wars, settlement was necessarily checked in the North

Island, but proceeded in the Middle Island without intermission. At

their conclusion, in 1870, Mr. (now Sir Julius) Vogel, the Colonial

Treasurer, placed before Parliament a comprehensive scheme of public

works, which aimed at the general improvement of means of

communication, a matter of particular importance in the North Island as

being likely to hasten its final pacification. "The leading features

of the policy were: to raise a loan of ten millions, and to spend it

over a course of years in systematic immigration, in the construction

of a main trunk railway throughout the length of each island, in the

employment of immigrants on the railway work, and in their ultimate

settlement within large blocks of land reserved near the lines of

railway, in the construction of main roads, in the purchase of {86}

native lands in the North Island, in the supply of water-power on the

goldfields, and in the extension of the telegraph. The plan, with some

modifications, was authorised by the Legislature. These modifications

mostly related to the amount to be borrowed and to its expenditure; but

there was one alteration which crippled the whole policy. The

reservation of large tracts of Crown land through which the railways

were intended to be made, with a view to the use of that land for

settlement thereon, and as the means of recouping to the Colony a great

part of the railway expenditure, was withdrawn by the Government from

fear of losing the whole scheme. That fear was not unfounded, inasmuch

as provincial opposition to the reservation in question, combined with

the opposition of those who disliked the whole scheme, would have

seriously endangered its existence."[1] The provincial opposition was

due to the fact that, though the disposal of the Crown lands and the

appropriation of the Land Fund were vested by the Constitution Act in

the Central Legislature, each province had in practice been allowed to

frame the regulations for the alienation of land within its district,

and had received the proceeds of sale for its own use. But the

omission of the proposed reservation "has necessitated the frequent

recurrence of borrowing large sums in order to continue work which had

been begun and was useless while {87} it was unfinished, instead of

making, as would have been the case under a proper system of land

reservation, the work itself to a great extent, if not altogether,

self-supporting and self-extending; and that deplorable omission has

also frustrated the anticipated conduct of progressive colonisation

concurrently with the progress of the railways. The result of not

insisting on this fundamental condition has been what should have been

foreseen and obviated. The Provincial Governments sold land in the

vicinity of the intended railways, and expended the proceeds for

provincial purposes; and, as a rule, speculative capitalists absorbed

the land and the profits which should have been devoted to colonisation

and to the railway fund."[2] As the proposed railways would pass

through private as well as Crown lands, Sir Julius Vogel also sought

the power to levy a special rate, in certain circumstances, upon the

persons in the vicinity of the railways who would be benefited by their

construction. He believed that he would thereby prevent

"indiscriminate scrambling for railways," but was equally unable to

induce Parliament to accept his views. The aggregation of large

estates was promoted by the low price, 10s. or even 5s. an acre, at

which the land was for many years sold. 262 freeholders, including

companies, owned in 1891, 7,840,000 acres of land in estates of 10,000

acres and upwards. The Province has, since its {88} foundation, sold

or finally disposed of more than 21 million acres, and has at present

nearly three million acres open for selection. The remaining lands,

exclusive of those in the hands of the Maoris, amount to 16-1/2 million

acres, but comprise large tracts of barren mountainous country in the

Middle Island, and of valueless pumice sand in the North Island. In

most directions, according to the Premier, settlement is already in

advance of the roading operations.

The policy initiated by Sir Julius Vogel in 1870 was carried on by

successive Ministers until 1888, during which time more than 27

millions were borrowed and devoted, for the most part, to the

construction of railways and other public undertakings. Subsequently,

Sir Harry Atkinson and his successor, Mr. John Ballance, realised the

danger of constant reliance upon loans, and greatly reduced the

expenditure, which had become extravagant in the abundance of borrowed

money. Mr. Ballance also reformed the system of direct taxation and

gave an impetus to legislation dealing with the settlement of the land

and the protection of workmen in industrial pursuits.

The existing property tax, at the rate of one penny in the L on all

property, subject to an exemption of L500, was replaced by a graduated

tax on incomes and land values, the principle of graduation having

already been recognised in the case of succession duty. The former

impost was naturally upheld by {89} large owners of property and by all

classes of professional men who had escaped taxation upon their

incomes; while it was distasteful to shopkeepers, who might be taxed on

unsaleable merchandise, and to cultivators of the soil, who found that

their taxes rose in proportion to the improvements which they effected

upon their estates. The Government had little difficulty in passing

their measure, which, subject to slight modifications, is in force at

the present time. Incomes below L300 are not taxed; between L300 and

L1,300 they pay 6d. in the L, above L1,300 a shilling; but the sum of

L300 is deducted from the total income in the assessment of the tax.

For instance, an income of L2,000 pays L60, at the rate of L25 upon

L1,000, and L35 upon L700. The ordinary land-tax is a penny in the L

on all freehold properties of which the unimproved value exceeds L500;

between L500 and L1,500 exemption is allowed on L500; between L1,500

and L2,500 the exemption decreases by L1 for every L2 of increased

value, being extinguished at the latter amount. Should the value

exceed L5,000, a graduated land-tax is also levied, which rises

progressively from half a farthing, until it reaches twopence upon

estates of the unimproved value of L210,000 and upwards. All

improvements are excluded from the assessment of the taxable amount:

they are defined to include "houses and buildings, fencing, planting,

draining of land, clearing from timber, scrub or fern, laying down in

grass or {90} pasture, and any other improvement whatsoever, the

benefit of which is unexhausted at the time of valuation." Under this

provision rural owners have every encouragement to improve their

properties, as the more they do so, the smaller becomes the proportion

of the total value of their estates on which they are liable for

taxation. Owners are allowed, for the purposes of the ordinary, but

not of the graduated land-tax, to deduct from the unimproved value of

their land the amount of registered mortgages secured upon it; and

mortgagees pay one penny in the L upon the sum total of their

mortgages, but are not subject to the graduated tax. A return,

published under the assessment of 1891, shows, however, that rural

owners are obtaining less benefit from the exemption of improvements

than the owners of urban lands. The figures are as follows:--

Actual Value, Value

including of Unimproved

improvements. improvements. value.

Counties ... 85,818,167 27,922,735 57,880,233

Boroughs ... 36,406,862 18,442,562 17,907,662

Total ... L122,225,029 L46,365,297 L75,787,895

It thus appears that land is taxed, on an average, at 49 per cent. of

its actual value inclusive of improvements in boroughs, and at 67-1/2 per

cent. in counties; {91} but it must be remembered that, as the urban

population is not concentrated in one centre, land values have not been

inflated to any great extent, and that much of the rural land has

either recently been settled or is held in large blocks in a

comparatively unimproved condition. The improvement or sale of such

properties would, the Government believed, be promoted by the

imposition of the tax. The Minister of Labour (the Hon. W. P. Reeves)

expressed this view in the clearest terms: "The graduated tax is a

finger of warning held up to remind them that the Colony does not want

these large estates. I think that, whether partly or almost entirely

unimproved, they are a social pest, an industrial obstacle, and a bar

to progress." Similar feelings are, apparently, entertained towards

the absentee owner, who, if he has been absent from or resident out of

the Province for at least three years prior to the passing of the

annual Act imposing the tax, is required to pay an additional 20 per

cent. upon the amount of graduated land-tax to which he would otherwise

be liable. The income and land taxes produce a revenue about equal to

that formerly derived from the property tax, and are collected from far

fewer taxpayers, the respective numbers being 15,808 and 26,327 in a

population of some 700,000 persons. The benefits have been felt

principally by tradesmen, miners, mechanics, labourers, and small

farmers. Of 91,500 owners of land, 76,400 escape payment of the

land-tax. It {92} may be noted, incidentally, that a permissive Act of

1896 authorises such local bodies as adopt it to levy rates on the

basis of the unimproved value of land. Much anxiety has been felt by

large landowners and owners of urban property throughout Australasia at

the successive adoption of a tax on unimproved values by South

Australia, New Zealand, and New South Wales. They fear that it is the

first step towards the national absorption of land values advocated by

Henry George, but forget that the Governments of New South Wales and

New Zealand, in respect of exemptions, and of New Zealand and South

Australia, in respect of graduation, have introduced features in their

systems of taxation which cause them to be fundamentally distinct from

his proposals. The Bill passed through the Victorian Assembly in 1894,

but rejected by the Council, also provided for exemptions.

But how, it may be asked, has an equitable assessment of the land been

secured for the purposes of the tax? Any owner who is not satisfied

with the value placed upon his land on the assessment roll, may require

the Commissioner to reduce the assessment to the amount specified on

the owner's return, or to purchase the land at the sum mentioned on the

owner's return of its actual value inclusive of improvements. The

Commissioner is bound to make the reduction unless the Government

approve of the acquisition of the land. A reasonable balance is thus

struck: the Government are unwilling to {93} have a large amount of

land thrown on their hands, while the owner does not take the risk of

the resumption of the land at an inadequate valuation. Disputes

between the Commissioner and owners have, in most cases, been adjusted

satisfactorily; but the Government decided to buy the Cheviot Estate of

85,000 acres, which lies close to the sea in the Middle Island. Upon

its purchase they at first let the pastoral lands temporarily at the

rate of L8,862 a year, while their surveyors laid out the country and

supervised the construction of roads. The results of the transaction

were, in 1896, eminently satisfactory; the capital value of the estate

then stood at L271,700, and the annual rental at L14,300; and the few

inhabitants engaged in pastoral pursuits had been replaced by 216

settlers and their families, who were reported to be of a good class

and to have done a large amount of work in the improvement of their

lands.

The principal Act dealing with the alienation of Crown Lands is that of

1892, which consolidates and amends former legislation. Crown Lands

are divided into urban, suburban, and village lands, which are sold by

auction at an upset price, and rural lands, which are again subdivided

according to their adaptability for cultivation or pasturage. When

townships are being laid out on Crown Lands, one-tenth of the

superficial area is to be reserved for purposes of recreation, and a

similar extent as a nucleus of municipal property, to be {94} vested

subsequently as an endowment in the local authority in addition to the

reserves necessary for all public purposes. At the option of the

applicant, lands may be purchased for cash, or be selected for

occupation with the right of purchase, or on lease in perpetuity.

Selectors are limited to 640 acres of first-class land, or 2,000 acres

of second-class land, the maximum being inclusive of any lands which

they may already hold. The object of this provision is to prevent

existing landowners from aggregating large estates by the purchase of

Crown Lands. Cash sales are effected at a price of not less than 20s.

and 5s. per acre, respectively, for first-class and second-class land,

and entitle the selector to a free-hold title upon the expenditure of a

prescribed amount on improvements. Land selected under occupation with

the right of purchase is subject to a rental of 5 per cent. upon the

cash price, under lease in perpetuity, which is for 999 years, to a

rental of 4 per cent.; and strict conditions of residence and

improvement are, in both cases, attached and rigidly enforced. At the

expiration of ten years, a licensee under the former tenure may, upon

payment of the upset price, acquire the freehold or may change the

license for a lease in perpetuity. The latter is the perpetual lease

of the previous Acts, denuded of the option of purchase and of the

periodical revaluation of the rent, and is, in the latter respect,

reactionary, as the State gives up its right to take advantage of any

unearned increment. {95} Subsidies amounting to one-third of the rent

of land taken up under any of the above tenures and one-fourth of the

rent of small grazing-runs are paid to local authorities for the

construction of roads, but must be expended for the benefit of the

selectors from whose lands such moneys are derived. The Act of 1892

also authorises the Governor to reserve blocks of country, as special

settlements or village settlements, for persons who may desire to take

up adjacent lands. The Village Settlements have been successful when

they have been formed in localities in which there was a demand for

labour; the Special Settlements comparative failures, because many of

the members of the associations had neither the requisite means nor

knowledge of rural pursuits. Pastoral land is let by auction in areas

capable of carrying not more than 20,000 sheep or 4,000 head of cattle;

or in small grazing-runs not exceeding, according to the quality of the

soil, 5,000 or 20,000 acres in area. The dominant feature in the Act,

in its application to pastoral as well as agricultural land, is the

strict limitation of the area which may be held by any one person;

rightly or wrongly, the Government are determined that the Crown Lands

shall not pass into the hands of large holders. The principal

transactions of the last three years are thus summarised, the figures

for 1894 covering the period from April, 1893, to March, 1894, and so

for the other years:

{96}

1894. 1895. 1896.

No. AREA. No. AREA. No. AREA.

Acres. Acres. Acres.

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