CHAPTER XXI.

THE COLONY OF SOUTH CAROLINA.

1665-1775.

THE CAROLINAS RECEIVE TWO DIFFERENT CHARTERS FROM THE CROWN

OF GREAT BRITAIN.--ERA OF SLAVERY LEGISLATION.--LAW

ESTABLISHING SLAVERY.--THE SLAVE POPULATION OF THIS PROVINCE

REGARDED AS CHATTEL PROPERTY.--TRIAL OF SLAVES.--INCREASE OF

SLAVE POPULATION.--THE INCREASE IN THE RICE TRADE.--SEVERE

LAWS REGULATING THE PRIVATE AND PUBLIC CONDUCT OF

SLAVE.--PUNISHMENT OF SLAVES FOR RUNNING AWAY.--THE LIFE OF

SLAVES REGARDED AS OF LITTLE CONSEQUENCE BY THE VIOLENT

MASTER CLASS.--AN ACT EMPOWERING TWO JUSTICES OF THE PEACE

TO INVESTIGATE TREATMENT OF SLAVES.--AN ACT PROHIBITING THE

OVERWORKING OF SLAVES.--SLAVE-MARKET AT

CHARLESTON.--INSURRECTION.--A LAW AUTHORIZING THE CARRYING

OF FIRE-ARMS AMONG THE WHITES.--THE ENLISTMENT OF SLAVES TO

SERVE IN TIME OF ALARM.--NEGROES ADMITTED TO THE MILITIA

SERVICE.--COMPENSATION TO MASTERS FOR THE LOSS OF SLAVES

KILLED BY THE ENEMY OR WHO DESERT.--FEW SLAVES

MANUMITTED.--FROM 1754-1776 LITTLE LEGISLATION ON THE

SUBJECT OF SLAVERY.--THREATENING WAR BETWEEN ENGLAND AND HER

PROVINCIAL DEPENDENCIES.--THE EFFECT UPON PUBLIC SENTIMENT.

The Carolinas received two different charters from the crown of Great

Britain. The first was witnessed by the king at Westminster, March 24,

1663; the second, June 30, 1665. The last charter was surrendered to

the king by seven of the eight proprietors on the 25th July, 1729. The

government became regal; and the Province was immediately divided into

North and South Carolina by an order of the British Council, and the

boundaries between the two governments fixed.

There were Negro slaves in the Carolinas from the earliest days of

their existence. The era of slavery legislation began about the year

1690. The first Act for the "_Better Ordering of Slaves_" was "read

three times and passed, and ratified in open Parliament, the seventh

day of February, Anno Domini, 1690." It bore the signatures of Seth

Sothell, G. Muschamp, John Beresford, and John Harris. It contained

fifteen articles of the severest character. On the 7th of June, 1712,

the first positive law establishing slavery passed, and was

signed.[482] The entire Act embraced thirty-five sections. Section

one is quoted in full because of the interest that centres in it in

connection with the problem of slavery legislation in the colonies.

"1. _Be it therefore enacted_, by his Excellency, William,

Lord Craven, Palatine, and the rest of the true and absolute

Lords and Proprietors of this Province, by and with the

advice and consent of the rest of the members of the General

Assembly, now met at Charlestown, for the South-west part of

this Province, and by the authority of the same, That all

negroes, mulatoes, mustizoes or Indians, which at any time

heretofore have been sold, or now are held or taken to be,

or hereafter shall be bought and sold for slaves, are hereby

declared slaves; and they, and their children, are hereby

made and declared slaves, to all intents and purposes;

excepting all such negroes, mulatoes, mustizoes or Indians,

which heretofore have been, or hereafter shall be, for some

particular merit, made and declared free, either by the

Governor and council of this Province, pursuant to any Act

or law of this Province, or by their respective owners or

masters; and also, excepting all such negroes, mulatoes,

mustizoes or Indians, as can prove they ought not to be sold

for slaves. And in case any negro, mulatoe, mustizoe or

Indian, doth lay claim to his or her freedom upon all or any

of the said accounts, the same shall be finally heard and

determined by the Governor and council of this

Province."[483]

The above section was re-enacted into another law, containing

forty-three sections, passed on the 23d of February, 1722. Virginia

declared that children should follow the condition of their mothers,

but never passed a law in any respect like unto this most remarkable

Act. South Carolina has the unenviable reputation of being the only

colony in North America where by positive statute the Negro was doomed

to perpetual bondage.[484] On the 10th of May, 1740, an act regulating

slaves, containing fifty sections, recites:--

"Whereas, in his Majesty's plantations in America, slavery

his been introduced and allowed, and the people commonly

called negroes, Indians, mulattoes and mustizoes, have been

deemed absolute slaves, and the subjects of property in the

hands of particular persons, the extent of whose power over

such slaves ought to be settled and limited by positive

laws, so that the slave may be kept in due subjection and

obedience, and the owners and other persons having the care

and government of slaves may be restrained from exercising

too great rigour and cruelty over them, and that the public

peace and order of this Province may be preserved: We pray

your most sacred Majesty that it may be enacted."[485]

The first section of this Act was made more elaborate than any other

law previously passed. It bore all the marks of ripe scholarship and

profound law learning. The first section is produced here:--

"1. _And be it enacted_, by the honorable William Bull,

Esquire, Lieutenant Governor and Commander-in-chief, by and

with the advice and consent of his Majesty's honorable

Council, and the Commons House of Assembly of this Province,

and by the authority of the same, That all negroes and

Indians, (free Indians in amity with this government, and

negroes, mulattoes and mustizoes, who are now free,

excepted,) mulattoes or mustizoes who now are, or shall

hereafter be, in this Province, and all their issue and

offspring, born or to be born, shall be, and they are hereby

declared to be, and remain forever hereafter, absolute

slaves, and shall follow the condition of the mother, and

shall be deemed, held, taken, reputed and adjudged in law,

to be chattels personal, in the hands of their owners and

possessors, and their executors, administrators and assigns,

to all intents, constructions and purposes whatsoever;

_provided always_, that if any negro, Indian, mulatto or

mustizo, shall claim his or her freedom, it shall and may be

lawful for such negro, Indian, mulatto or mustizo, or any

person or persons whatsoever, on his or her behalf, to apply

to the justices of his Majesty's court of common pleas, by

petition or motion, either during the sitting of the said

court, or before any of the justices of the same court, at

any time in the vacation; and the said court, or any of the

justices thereof, shall, and they are hereby fully impowered

to, admit any person so applying to be guardian for any

negro, Indian, mulatto or mustizo, claiming his, her or

their freedom; and such guardians shall be enabled, entitled

and capable in law, to bring an action of trespass in the

nature of ravishment of ward, against any person who shall

claim property in, or who shall be in possession of, any

such negro, Indian, mulatto or mustizo; and the defendant

shall and may plead the general issue on such action

brought, and the special matter may and shall be given in

evidence, and upon a general or special verdict found,

judgment shall be given according to the very right of the

cause, without having any regard to any defect in the

proceedings, either in form or substance; and if judgment

shall be given for the plaintiff, a special entry shall be

made, declaring that the ward of the plaintiff is free, and

the jury shall assess damages which the plaintiff's ward

hath sustained, and the court shall give judgment, and award

execution, against the defendant for such damage, with full

costs of suit; but in case judgment shall be given for the

defendant, the said court is hereby fully impowered to

inflict such corporal punishment, not extending to life or

limb, on the ward of the plaintiff, as they, in their

discretion, shall think fit; _provided always_, that in any

action or suit to be brought in pursuance of the direction

of this Act, the burthen of the proof shall lay on the

plaintiff, and it shall be always presumed that every negro,

Indian, mulatto and mustizo, is a slave, unless the contrary

can be made appear, the Indians in amity with this

government excepted, in which case the burthen of the proof

shall lye on the defendant; _provided also_, that nothing in

this Act shall be construed to hinder or restrain any other

court of law or equity in this Province, from determining

the property of slaves, or their right of freedom, which

now have cognizance or jurisdiction of the same, when the

same shall happen to come in judgment before such courts, or

any of them, always taking this Act for their direction

therein."[486]

The entire slave population of this Province was regarded as _chattel

property, absolutely_. They could be seized in execution as in the

case of other property, but not, however, if there were other chattels

available. In case of "burglary, robbery, burning of houses, killing

or stealing of any meat or other cattle, or other petty injuries, as

maiming one of the other, stealing of fowls, provisions, or such like

trespass or injuries," a justice of the peace was to be informed. He

issued a warrant for the arrest of the offender or offenders, and

summoned all competent witnesses. After examination, if found guilty,

the offender or offenders were committed to jail. The justice then

notified the justice next to him to be associated with him in the

trial. He had the authority to fix the day and hour of the trial, to

summon witness, and "three discreet and sufficient freeholders." The

justices then swore the "freeholders," and, after they had tried the

case, had the authority to pronounce the sentence of death, "or such

other punishment" as they felt meet to fix. "The solemnity of a jury"

was never accorded to slaves. "Three freeholders" could dispose of

human life in such cases, and no one could hinder.[487] The confession

of the accused slave, and the testimony of another slave, were "held

for good and convincing evidence in all petty larcenies or trespasses

not exceeding forty shillings." In the case of a Negro on trial for

his life, "the oath of Christian evidence" was required, or the

"positive evidence of two Negroes or slaves," in order to convict.

The increase of slaves was almost phenomenal. The rice-trade had grown

to enormous proportions. The physical obstruction gave away rapidly

before the incessant and stupendous efforts of Negro laborers. The

colonists held out most flattering inducements to Englishmen to

emigrate into the Province. The home government applauded the zeal and

executive abilities of the local authorities. Attention was called to

the necessity of legislation for the government of the vast Negro

population in the colony. The code of South Carolina was without an

example among the civilized governments of modern times. It was

unlawful for any free person to inhabit or trade with Negroes.[488]

Slaves could not leave the plantation on which they were owned, except

in livery, or armed with a pass, signed by their master, containing

the name of the possessor. For a violation of this regulation they

were whipped on the naked back. No man was allowed to conduct a

"plantation, cow-pen or stock," that shall be six miles distant from

his usual place of abode, and wherein six Negroes were employed,

without one or more white persons were residing on the place.[489]

Negro slaves found on another plantation than the one to which they

belonged, "on the Lord's Day, fast days, or holy-days," even though

they could produce passes, were seized and whipped. If a slave were

found "keeping any horse, horses, or neat cattle," any white man, by

warrant, could seize the animals, and sell them through the

church-wardens; and the money arising from such sale was devoted to

the poor of the parish in which said presumptuous slaves resided. If

more than seven slaves were found travelling on the highway, except

accompanied by a white man, it was lawful for any white man to

apprehend each and every one of such slaves, and administer twenty

lashes upon their bare back. No slave was allowed to hire out his

time. Some owners of slaves were poor, and, their slaves being trusty

and industrious, permitted them to go out and get whatever work they

could, with the understanding that the master was to have the wages.

An Act was passed in 1735, forbidding such transactions, and fining

the persons who hired slaves who had no written certificate from their

masters setting forth the terms upon which the work was to be done. No

slave could hire a house or plantation. No amount of industry could

make him an exception to the general rule. If he toiled faithfully for

years, amassed a fortune for his master, earned quite a competence for

himself during the odd moments he caught from a busy life, and then,

with acknowledged character and business tact, he sought to hire a

plantation or buy a house, the law came in, and pronounced it a

misdemeanor, for which both purchaser and seller had to pay in fines,

stripes, and imprisonment. A slave could not keep in his own name, or

that of his master, any kind of a house of entertainment. He was even

prohibited by law from selling corn or rice in the Province. The

penalty was a fine of forty shillings, and the forfeiture of the

articles for sale. They could not keep a boat or canoe.

The cruelties of the code are without a parallel, as applied to the

correction of Negro slaves.

"If any negro or Indian slave [says the act of Feb. 7, 1690]

shall offer any violence, by stricking or the like, to any

white person, he shall for the first offence be severely

whipped by the constable, by order of any justice of peace;

and for the second offence, by like order, shall be severely

whipped, his or her nose slit, and face burnt in some place;

and for the third offence, to be left to two justices and

three sufficient freeholders, to inflict death, or any other

punishment, according to their discretion."

As the penalties for the smallest breach of the slave-code grew more

severe, the slaves grew more restless and agitated. Sometimes under

great fear they would run away for a short time, in the hope that

their irate masters would relent. But this, instead of helping,

hindered and injured the cause of the slaves. Angered at the conduct

of their slaves, the master element, having their representatives on

the floor of the Assembly, secured the passage of the following brutal

law:--

"That every slave of above sixteen years of age, that shall

run away from his master, mistress or overseer, and shall so

continue for the space of twenty days at one time, shall, by

his master, mistress, overseer or head of the family's

procurement, for the first offence, be publicly and severely

whipped, not exceeding forty lashes; and in case the master,

mistress, overseer, or head of the family, shall neglect to

inflict such punishment of whipping, upon any negro or slave

that shall so run away, for the space of ten days, upon

complaint made thereof, within one month, by any person

whatsoever, to any justice of the peace, the said justice of

the peace shall, by his warrant directed to the constable,

order the said negro or slave to be publicly and severely

whipped, the charges of such whipping, not exceeding twenty

shillings, to be borne by the person neglecting to have such

runaway negro whipped, as before directed by this Act. And

in case such negro or slave shall run away a second time,

and shall so continue for the space of twenty days, he or

she, so offending, shall be branded with the letter R, on

the right cheek. And in case the master, mistress, overseer,

or head of the family, shall neglect to inflict the

punishment upon such slave running away the second time, the

person so neglecting shall forfeit the sum of ten pounds,

and upon any complaint made by any person, within one month,

to any justice of the peace, of the neglect of so punishing

any slave for running away the second time, such justice

shall order the constable to inflict the same punishment

upon such slave, or cause the same to be done, the charges

thereof, not exceeding thirty shillings, to be borne by the

person neglecting to have the punishment inflicted. And in

case such negro or slave shall run away the third time, and

shall so continue for the space of thirty days, he or she,

so offending, for the third offence, shall be severely

whipped, not exceeding forty lashes, and shall have one of

his ears cut off; and in case the master, mistress, overseer

or head of the family, shall neglect to inflict the

punishment upon such slave running away the third time, the

person so neglecting shall forfeit the sum of twenty pounds,

and upon any complaint made by any person, within two

months, to any justice of the peace, of the neglect of the

so punishing any slave for running away the third time, the

said justice shall order the constable to inflict the same

punishment upon such slave, or cause the same to be done,

the charges thereof, not exceeding forty shillings, to be

borne by the person neglecting to have the punishment

inflicted. And in case such male negro or slave shall run

away the fourth time, and shall so continue for the space of

thirty days, he, so offending, for the fourth offence, by

order or procurement of the master, mistress, overseer or

head of the family, shall be gelt; and in case the negro or

slave that shall be gelt, shall die, by reason of his

gelding, and without any neglect of the person that shall

order the same, the owner of the negro or slave so dying,

shall be paid for him, out of the public treasury. And if a

female slave shall run away the fourth time, then she shall,

by order of her master, mistress or overseer, be severely

whipped, and be branded on the left cheek with the letter R,

and her left ear cut off. And if the owner, if in this

Province, or in case of his absence, if his agent, factor or

attorney, that hath the charge of the negro or slave, by

this Act required to be gelt, whipped, branded and the ear

cut off, for the fourth time of running away, shall neglect

to have the same done and executed, accordingly as the same

is ordered by this Act, for the space of twenty days after

such slave is in his or their custody, that then such owner

shall lose his property to the said slave, to him or them

that will sue for the same, by information, at any time

within six months, in the court of common pleas in this

Province. And every person who shall so recover a slave by

information, for the reasons aforesaid, shall, within twenty

days after such recovery, inflict such punishment upon such

slave as his former owner or head of a family ought to have

done, and for neglect of which he lost his property to the

said slave, or for neglect thereof shall forfeit fifty

pounds; and in case any negro slave so recovered by

information, and gelt, shall die, in such case, the slave so

dying shall not be paid for out of the public treasury. And

in case any negro or slave shall run away the fifth time,

and shall so continue by the space of thirty days at one

time, such slave shall be tried before two justices of the

peace and three freeholders, as before directed by this Act

in case of murder, and being by them declared guilty of the

offence, it shall be lawful for them to order the cord of

one of the slave's legs to be cut off above the heel, or

else to pronounce sentence of death upon the slave, at the

discretion of the said justices; and any judgment given

after the first offence, shall be sufficient conviction to

bring the offenders within the penalty for the second

offence; and after the second, within the penalty of the

third; and so for the inflicting the rest of the

punishments."[490]

If any slave attempted to run away from his or her master, and go out

of the Province, he or she could be tried before two justices and

three freeholders, and sentenced to suffer a most cruel death. If it

could be proved that any Negro, free or slave, had endeavored to

persuade or entice any other Negro to run off out of the Province,

upon conviction he was punished with forty lashes, and branded on the

forehead with a red hot iron, "that the mark thereof may remain." If a

white man met a slave, and demanded of him to show his ticket, and the

slave refused, the law empowered the white man "to beat, maim, or

assault; and if such Negro or slave" could not "be taken, to kill

him," if he would not "shew his ticket."

The cruel and barbarous code of the slave-power in South Carolina

produced, in course of time, a re-action in the opposite direction.

The large latitude that the law gave to white people in their dealings

with the hapless slaves made them careless and extravagant in the use

of their authority. It educated them into a brood of tyrants. They did

not care any more for the life of a Negro slave than for the crawling

worm in their path. Many white men who owned no slaves poured forth

their wrathful invectives and cruel blows upon the heads of innocent

Negroes with the slightest pretext. They pushed, jostled, crowded, and

kicked the Negro on every occasion. The young whites early took their

lessons in abusing God's poor and helpless children; while an overseer

was prized more for his brutal powers--to curse, beat, and

torture--than for any ability he chanced to possess for business

management. The press and pulpit had contemplated this state of

affairs until they, too, were the willing abettors in the most cruel

system of bondage that history has recorded. But no man wants his

horse driven to death, if it is a beast. No one cares to have every

man that passes kick his dog, even if it is not the best dog in the

community. It is _his_ dog, and that makes all the difference in the

world. The men who did the most cruel things to the slaves they found

in their daily path were, as a rule, without slaves or any other kind

of property. They used their authority unsparingly. Common-sense

taught the planters that better treatment of the slaves meant better

work, and increased profits for themselves. A small value was finally

placed upon a slave's life,--fifty pounds. Fifty pounds paid into the

public treasury by a man who, "of wantonness, or only of

bloody-mindedness, or cruel intention," had killed "a negro or other

slave of his own," was enough to appease the public mind, and atone

for a cold-blooded murder! If he killed another man's slave, the law

demanded that he pay fifty pounds current money into the public

treasury, and the full price of the slave to the owner, but was "not

to be liable to any other punishment or forfeiture for the same."[491]

The law just referred to, passed in 1712, was re-enacted in 1722. One

change was made in it: i.e., if a white servant, having no property,

killed a slave, three justices could bind him over to the master whose

slave he killed to serve him for five years. This law had a wholesome

effect upon irresponsible white men, who often presumed upon their

nationality, having neither brains, money, nor social standing, to

punish slaves.

In 1740, May 10, the following Act became a law, showing that there

had been a wonderful change in public sentiment rejecting the

treatment of slaves:--

"XXXVII. And _whereas_, cruelty is not only highly

unbecoming those who profess themselves christians but is

odious in the eyes of all men who have any sense of virtue

or humanity; therefore, to restrain and prevent barbarity

being exercised towards slaves, _Be it enacted_ by the

authority aforesaid, That if any person or persons

whosoever, shall wilfully murder his own slave, or the slave

of any other person every such person shall, upon conviction

thereof, forfeit and pay the sum of seven hundred pounds

current money, and shall be rendered, and is hereby declared

altogether and forever incapable of holding, exercising,

enjoying or receiving the profits of any office, place or

employment, civil or military, within this Province: And in

case any such person shall not be able to pay the penalty

and forfeitures hereby inflicted and imposed, every such

person shall be sent to any of the frontier garrisons of

this Province, or committed to the work house in

Charlestown, there to remain for the space of seven years,

and to serve or to be kept at hard labor. And in case the

slave murdered shall be the property of any other person

than the offender, the pay usually allowed by the public to

the soldiers of such garrison, or the profits of the labor

of the offender, if committed to the work house in

Charlestown shall be paid to the owner of the slave

murdered. And if any person shall, on a sudden heat of

passion, or by undue correction, kill his own slave, or the

slave of any other person, he shall forfeit the sum of three

hundred and fifty pounds, current money. And in case any

person or persons shall wilfully cut out the tongue, put out

the eye, castrate, or cruelly scald, burn, or deprive any

slave of any limb or member, or shall inflict any other

cruel punishment, other than by whipping or beating with a

horse-whip, cow-skin, switch or small stick or by putting

irons on, or confining or imprisoning such slave, every such

person shall, for every such offence, forfeit the sum of one

hundred pounds, current money."[492]

It may be said truthfully that the slaves in the colony of South

Carolina were accorded treatment as good as that bestowed upon

horses, in 1750. But their social condition was most deplorable. The

law positively forbid the instruction of slaves, and the penalty was

"one hundred pounds current money." For a few years Saturday afternoon

had been allowed them as a day of recreation, but as early as 1690 it

was forbidden by statute. In the same year an Act was passed declaring

that slaves should "have convenient clothes, once every year; and that

no slave" should "be free by becoming a christian,[493] but as to

payments of debts" were "deemed and taken as all other goods and

chattels." Their houses were searched every fortnight "for runaway

slaves" and "stolen goods." Druggists were not allowed to employ a

Negro to handle medicines, upon pain of forfeiting twenty pounds

current money for every such offence. Negroes were not allowed to

practise medicine, nor administer drugs of any kind, except by the

direction of some white person. Any gathering of Negroes could be

broken up at the discretion of a justice living in the district where

the meeting was in session.

Poor clothing and insufficient food bred wide-spread discontent among

the slaves, and attracted public attention.[494] Many masters

endeavored to get on as cheaply as possible in providing for their

slaves. In 1732 the Legislature passed an Act empowering two justices

of the peace to inquire as to the treatment of slaves on the several

plantations; and if any master neglected his slaves in food and

raiment, he was liable to a fine of not more than fifty shillings. In

May, 1740, an Act was passed requiring masters to see to it that their

slaves were not overworked. The time set for them to work, was "from

the 25th day of March to the 25th day of September," not "more than

fifteen hours in four-and-twenty;" and "from the 25th day of September

to the 25th day of March," not "more than fourteen hours in

four-and-twenty."

The history of the impost-tax on slaves imported into the Province of

South Carolina is the history of organized greed, ambition, and

extortion. Many were the gold sovereigns that were turned into the

official coffers at Charleston! With a magnificent harbor, and a

genial climate, no city in the South could rival it as a slave-market.

With an abundant supply from without, and a steady demand from within,

the officials at Charleston felt assured that high impost-duties could

not interfere with the slave-trade; while the city would be a great

gainer by the traffic, both mediately and immediately.

Sudden and destructive insurrections were the safety-valves to the

institution of slavery. A race long and cruelly enslaved may endure

the yoke patiently for a season: but like the sudden gathering of the

summer clouds, the pelting rain, the vivid, blinding lightning, the

deep, hoarse thundering, it will assert itself some day; and then it

is indeed a day of judgment to the task-masters! The Negroes in South

Carolina endured a most cruel treatment for a long time; and, when

"the day of their wrath" came, they scarcely knew it themselves, much

less the whites. Florida was in the possession of the Spaniards. Its

governor had sent out spies into Georgia and South Carolina, who held

out very flattering inducements to the Negroes to desert their masters

and go to Florida. Moreover, there was a Negro regiment in the Spanish

service, whose officers were from their own race. Many slaves had made

good their escape, and joined this regiment. It was allowed the same

uniform and pay as the Spanish soldiers had. The colony of South

Carolina was fearing an enemy from without, while behold their worst

enemy was at their doors! In 1740 some Negroes assembled themselves

together at a town called Stone, and made an attack upon two young

men, who were guarding a warehouse, and killed them. They seized the

arms and ammunition, effected an organization by electing one of their

number captain; and, with boisterous drums and flying banners, they

marched off "like a disciplined company." They entered the house of

one Mr. Godfrey, slew him, his wife, and child, and then fired his

dwelling. They next took up their march towards Jacksonburgh, and

plundered and burnt the houses of Sacheveral, Nash, Spry, and others.

They killed all the white people they found, and recruited their ranks

from the Negroes they met. Gov. Bull was "returning to Charleston from

the southward, met them, and, observing them armed, quickly rode out

of their way."[495] In a march of twelve miles, they had wrought a

work of great destruction. News reached Wiltown, and the militia were

called out. The Negro insurrectionists were intoxicated with their

triumph, and drunk from rum they had taken from the houses they had

plundered. They halted in an open field to sing and dance; and, during

their hilarity, Capt. Bee, at the head of the troops of the district,

fell upon them, and, having killed several, captured all who did not

make their escape in the woods.

The Province was thrown into intense excitement. The Legislature

called attention to the insurrection,[496] and declared legal some

very questionable and summary acts. In 1743 the people had not

recovered from the fright they received from the insurrection. On the

7th of May, 1743, an Act was passed requiring every white male

inhabitant, who resorted "to any church or any other public place of

divine worship, within" the Province to "carry with him a gun or a

pair of horse pistols, in good order and fit for service, with at

least six charges of gun-powder and ball," upon pain of paying "twenty

shillings."

As there was a law against teaching slaves to read and write, there

were no educated preachers. If a Negro desired to preach to his

fellow-slaves, he had to secure written permission from his master.

While Negroes were sometimes baptized into the communion of the

Church,--usually the Episcopal Church,--they were allowed only in the

gallery, or organ-loft, of white congregations, in small numbers. No

clergyman ventured to break unto this benighted people the bread of

life. They were abandoned to the superstitions and religious

fanaticisms incident to their condition.

In 1704 an Act was passed "_for raising and enlisting such slaves as

shalt be thought serviceable to this Province in time of Alarms_." It

required, within thirty days after the publication of the Act, that

the commanders of military organizations throughout the Province

should appoint "five freeholders," "sober and discreet men," who were

to make a complete list of all the able-bodied slaves in their

respective districts. Three of them were competent to decide upon the

qualifications of a slave. After the completion of the list, the

freeholders mentioned above notified the owners to appear before them

upon a certain day, and show cause why their slaves should not be

chosen for the service of the colony. The slaves were then enlisted,

and their masters charged with the duty of arming them "with a

serviceable lance, hatchet or gun, with sufficient amunition and

hatchets, according to the conveniency of the said owners, to appear

under the colours of the respective captains, in their several

divisions, throughout" the Province, for the performance of such

"public service" as required. If an owner refused to equip or permit

his slave to respond to alarms, he was fined five pounds for each

neglect, which was to be paid to the captain of the company to which

the slave belonged. If a slave were killed by the enemy "in the line

of duty," the owner of such slave was paid out of the public treasury

such sum of money as three freeholders, under oath, should award. The

Negroes did admirably; and four years later, on the 24th of April,

1708, the Legislature re-enacted the bill making them militia-men. The

last Act contained ten sections, and bears evidence of the pleasure

the whites took in the employment of Negroes as their defenders. If a

Negro were taken prisoner by the enemy, and effected his escape back

into the Province, he was emancipated. And if a Negro captured and

killed an enemy, he was emancipated, but if wounded himself, was set

free at the public expense. If he deserted to the enemy, his master

was paid for his loss.

Few slaves were manumitted. The law required that masters who

emancipated their slaves should make provisions for transporting them

out of the Province. If they were found in the Province twelve months

after they were set free, the manumission was considered void, except

approved by the Legislature.

From 1754 till 1776 there was little legislation on the subject of

slavery. The pressure from without made men conservative about

slavery, and radical on the question of the rights and liberties of

the colonies. The threatening war between England and her provincial

dependencies made men humane and patriotic; and during these years of

anxiety and excitement, the weary slaves breathed a better atmosphere,

and enjoyed the rare sensation of confidence and benevolence.

FOOTNOTES:

[482] An eminent lawyer, chief justice of the Supreme Court of the

State of ----, and a warm personal friend of mine, recently said to

me, during an afternoon stroll, that he never knew that slavery was

ever established by statute in any of the British colonies in North

America.

[483] Statutes of S.C., vol. vii. p. 352.

[484] Virginia made slavery statutory as did other colonies, but we

have no statute so explicit as the above. But slavery was slavery in

all the colonies, cruel and hurtful.

[485] Statutes of S.C., vol. vii. p. 397.

[486] Statutes of S.C., vol. vii. pp. 397, 398.

[487] Ibid., vol. vii. pp. 343, 344.

[488] This Act, passed on the 16th of March, 1696, was made

"perpetual" on the 12th of December, 1712. It remained throughout the

entire period. See Statutes of S.C., vol. ii, p. 598.

[489] Statutes of S.C., vol. vii. p. 363.

[490] Statutes of S.C., vol. vii. pp. 359, 360.

[491] Statutes of S.C., vol. vii. 363.

[492] Ibid., vol vii. pp. 410. 411.

[493] The following is the Act of the 7th of June, 1690. "XXXIV Since

charity, and the christian religion, which we profess, obliges us to

wish well to the souls of all men, and that religion may not be made a

pretence to alter any man's property and right, and that no person may

neglect to baptize their negroes or slaves, or suffer them to be

baptized, for fear that thereby they should be manumitted and set

free, Be it therefore enacted by the authority aforesaid, that it

shall be, and is hereby declared, lawful for any negro or Indian

slave, or any other slave or slaves whatsoever, to receive and profess

the christian faith, and be thereinto baptized; but that

notwithstanding such slave or slaves shall receive and profess the

Christian religion, and be baptized, he or they shall not thereby be

manumitted or set free, or his or their owner, master or mistress lose

his or their civil right, property, and authority over such slave or

slaves, but that the slave or slaves, with respect to his servitude

shall remain and continue in the same state and condition that he or

they was in before the making of this act."--_Statutes of S.C._, vol.

vii. pp 364, 365.

[494] In 1740 an Act was passed requiring masters to provide

"sufficient clothing" for their slaves.

[495] Hist. S.C. and Georgia, vol. ii. p. 73.

[496] Statutes of S.C., vol. vii. p. 416.

History of the Negro Race in America from 1619 to 1880. Vol 1 Negroes as Slaves, as Soldiers, and as Citizens · 第 12 / 19 章