CHAPTER V.

PSEUDO-IDEALISM: JACOBI.

It is hazardous to try to sum up the net result of a philosophy in

a few paragraphs. Since Aristotle separated the pure 'energy' of

philosophy from the activities which leave works made and deeds

done behind them, it need scarcely be repeated that the result of a

philosophical system is nothing palpable or tangible,--nothing on which

you can put your finger, and say definitely: Here it is. The spirit of

a philosophy always refuses to be incarcerated in a formula, however

deftly you may try to charm it there. The statement of the principle

or tendency of a philosophical system tells not what that system is,

but what it is not. It marks off the position from contiguous points

of view; and on that account never gets beyond the borderland, which

separates that system from something else. The method and process of

reasoning is as essential in knowledge, as the result to which it

leads: and the method in this case is thoroughly bound up with the

subject-matter. A mere analysis of the method, therefore, or a mere

record of the purpose and outcome of the system, would be, the one as

well as the other, a fruitless labour, and come to nothing but words.

Thus any attempt to convey a glimpse of the truth in a few sentences

and in large outlines seems foreclosed. The theory of Hegel has an

abhorrence of mere generalities, of abstractions with no life in them,

and no growth out of them. His principle has to prove and verify itself

to be true and adequate: and that verification fills up the whole

circle of circles, of which philosophy is said to consist.

It seems as if there were in Hegel two distinct habits of mind which

the world--the outside observer--rarely sees except in separation.

On one hand there is a sympathy with mystical and intuitional minds,

with the upholders of immediate knowledge and of innate ideas, with

those who find that science and demonstration rather tend to distract

from the one thing needful--who would 'lie in Abraham's bosom all the

year,'--those who would fain lay their grasp upon the whole before they

have gone through the drudgery of details. On the other hand, there

is within him a strongly 'rationalising' and non-visionary intellect,

with a practical and realistic bent, and the full scientific spirit.

Schelling, in an angry mood, could describe him as 'the quintessence

of all that is prosaic, both outside and in[1].' Yet, seen from other

points of view, Hegel has been accused of dreaminess, pietism, and

mystical theology. His merging of the ordinary contrasts of thought

in a completer truth, and what would popularly be described as his

mixing up of religious with logical questions, and the general

unfathomableness of his doctrine,--all seem to support such a charge.

Yet all this is not inconsistent with a rough and incisive vigour

of understanding, a plainness of reason, and a certain hardness of

temperament. This philosopher is in many ways not distinguishable from

the ordinary citizen, and there are not unfrequent moments when his

wife hears him groan over the providence that condemned him to be a

philosopher[2]. He is contemptuous towards all weakly sentimentalism,

and almost brutal in his emphasis on the reasonableness of the actual

and on the folly of dreaming the might-have-been; and keeps his

household accounts as carefully as the average head of a family. And,

perhaps, this convergence of two tendencies of thought may be noticed

in the gradual maturing of his ideas. In the period of his 'Lehrjahre,'

or apprenticeship, from 1793 to 1800, we can see the study of religion

in the earlier part of that time at Bern succeeded by the study of

politics and philosophy at Frankfort-on-the-Main.

His purpose on the whole may be termed an attempt to combine breadth

with depth, the intensity of the mystic who craves for union with

Truth, with the extended range and explicitness of those who multiply

knowledge. 'The depth of the mind is only so deep as its courage

to expand and lose itself in its explication[3]. It must prove its

profundity by the ordered fullness of the knowledge which it has

realised. The position and the work of Hegel will not be intelligible

unless we keep in view both of these antagonistic points.

The purpose of philosophy--as has been pointed out--is, for Hegel--to

know God, which is to know things in their Truth--to see all things in

God--to comprehend the world in its eternal significance. Supposing

the purpose capable of being achieved, what method is open to its

attainment? There is on one hand the method of ordinary science

in dealing with its objects. These are _things,_ found as it were

projected into space before the observer, lying outside one another in

_prima facie_ independence, though connected (by a further finding)

with each other by certain 'accidents' called qualities and relations.

Among the objects of knowledge, there are included, by the somewhat

naïve intellect that accepts tradition like a physical fact, certain

'things' of a rather peculiar character. One of these is God: the

others, which a historical criticism has subjoined, are the Soul and

the World. And whatever may be said of the thinghood, reality, or

existence of the World, there is no doubt that God and the Soul figure,

and figure largely, in the consciousness of the human race as entities,

differing probably in many respects from other things, but still

possessed of certain fundamental features in common, and thus playing a

part as distinct realities amongst other realities.

Given such objects, it is natural for a reflecting mind to attempt

to make out a science of God and a science of the Soul, just as of

other 'things.' And to these, a system-loving philosopher might add a

science of the world (Cosmology)[4]. It was felt, indeed, that these

objects were peculiar and unique. Thus, for example, as regards God,

it was held necessary by the logician who saw tradition in its true

light to prove His existence': and various arguments to that end were

at different times devised. With regard to the human Soul, similarly,

it was considered essential to establish its independent reality as a

thing really separate from the bodily organism with which its phenomena

were obviously connected,--to prove, in short, its substantial

existence, and its emancipation from the bodily fate of dissolution and

decay. With reference to the World, the problem was rather different:

it was felt that the name suggested problems for thought rather than

denoted reality. How can we predicate of the whole what is predicable

of its parts? This or that may have a beginning and a cause, may have

a limit and an end: but can the totality be presented under these

aspects, without leading to self-contradiction? And the result of

these questions in the case of 'Cosmology' was to shed in the long run

similar doubts on 'Rational' Theology and 'Rational' Psychology.

Practically this metaphysical science--which is so called as dealing

with a province or provinces of being _beyond_ the ordinary or natural

_(physical)_ realities--treated God and the Soul by the same terms

(or _categories_) as it used in dealing with 'material' objects. God

e. g. was a force, a cause, a being; so, too, was the Soul. The main

butt of Kant's destructive _Criticism of pare Reason_ is to challenge

the justice of including God and the Soul among the objects of

science,--among the things we can know as we may know plants or stars.

To make an object of knowledge (in the strict sense), to make a thing,

the prerequisite, Kant urges, is perception in space and time. Without

a sensation--and that sensation, as it were, laid out in place and

duration--an object of science is impossible. No mere demonstration

will conjure it into existence. And with that requirement the old

theology and psychology, which professed to expound the object-God and

the object-soul, were ruled out-of-order in the list of sciences, and

reduced to mere dialectical exercises. The circle of the sciences,

therefore, does not lead beyond the conditioned,' beyond the regions

of space and time. It has nothing to say of a 'first cause' or of an

ultimate end.

Such was the result that might fairly be read from Kant's _Criticism of

pare Reason_,--especially if read without its supplementary sequels,

and, above all, if read by those in whom feeling was stronger than

thought, or who were by nature more endowed with the craving for faith

than with the mind of philosophy. Such a personality appeared in J.

H. Jacobi, the younger brother of a poet not undistinguished in his

day. Amid the duties of public office and the cares of business, he

found time to study Spinoza, the English and Scotch moralists, and

above all to follow with interest the development of Kant from the year

1763 onwards. His house at Düsseldorf was the scene of many literary

reunions, and Jacobi himself maintained familiar intercourse with

the leaders of the literary and intellectual world, such as Lessing,

Hamann, Goethe. His first considerable works were two novels, in

letters,--Allwill, begun in a serial magazine in 1775, and Woldemar,

begun in another magazine in 1777; both being issued as complete works

in 1781. Both turn on a moral antithesis, and both leave the antithesis

as they found it. _Here_ pleads the advocate of the heart: 'it is the

heart which alone and directly tells man what is good': 'virtue is a

fundamental instinct of human nature': the true basis of morals is an

immediate certainty; and the supreme standard is an 'ethical genius'

which as it were discovered virtue and which still is a paramount

authority in those exceptional situations in life when the 'grammar

of virtue' fails to supply adequate rules, and where, therefore, the

immediate voice of conscience must in a 'licence of sublime poesy[5]'

dare, as Burke says, to 'suspend its own rules in favour of its own

principles.' _There_, on the other hand, is the champion of reason,

who declares all this sentimentalism 'a veritable mysticism of

antinomianism and a quietism of immorality[6]': 'To humanity,' he says,

'and to every man (every complete man) principles, and some system

of principles, are indispensable.' Woldemar concludes with the pair

of mottoes: 'Whosoever trusts to his own heart is a fool,' and 'Trust

love: it takes everything, but it gives everything.'

In 1780 Jacobi had his historic conversation with Lessing at

Wolfenbüttel[7]. The talk turned on Spinoza. For many years the

philosophy of Spinoza had seemed to vanish from the world. His name

was only heard in a reference of obloquy, as if it were dangerous to

be even suspected of infection with the taint of Atheism. But both

Lessing and Jacobi had found him out. The former saw in him an ally in

that struggle for higher light and wider views which he undertook in

a spirit and with a scope hardly surmised by those he usually wrought

with. Jacobi, on the contrary, saw in him personified the conjunction

of all those irreligious tendencies which all philosophy in some degree

exhibited: the tendency to veil or set aside God and personality. 'I

believe,' says Jacobi, as he began the conversation 'in an intelligent

personal cause of the world.' 'Then I am going,' replied Lessing, 'to

hear something quite new': and he dryly put aside the other's rhapsody

on the 'personal extra-mundane deity with the remark 'Words, my dear

Jacobi, words.' Jacobi's work _Letters on the doctrine of Spinoza_

(it appeared in 1785) was the beginning of a controversy in which

Mendelssohn and Herder took part, and in which Goethe took an interest

under Herders tutorship. To the exact philological study of Spinoza

it did not contribute much: for the Spinoza whom Herder and Goethe

saw as their spiritual forefather was transfigured in their thought

to a figure to which Leibniz had almost an equal right to give his

name. He upheld to them the symbol of the immanence of the divine in

nature: he was the leader in the battle against 'philistine' deism and

utilitarianism.

With the Kantian criticism of the pseudo-science of theology Jacobi had

in one way no fault to find. That reasoning by its demonstration cannot

find out God, was to him an axiomatic belief. But the 'man of feeling'

felt uneasy at the trenchant methods of the Königsberg man of logic.

He seemed to see the world of men and things passing under Kant's

manipulation into a mere collection of phenomena and ideas of the mind.

Still more was he sensible to the loss of his God. That surrogate of an

argument for theism which Kant seemed to offer in the implications of

the Moral Law did not give what Jacobi wanted. Mere morality is a cold

and mechanical principle--he thinks--compared with that infinite life

and love which we deem we have in God. The son of man, he felt, was, in

virtue of an indwelling genius of conscience, supreme over the moral

law: how much more, then, the Absolute and Eternal on a higher grade of

being than its mechanical regularities!

If the way of reasoning will not carry us to the Absolute, still

less (and that is whither Jacobi wishes to reach) to God, there must

be another way: for something in him, which may be called Faith

or Feeling, Spiritual Sense or Reason, proclaims itself certain

of the reality both of God and Nature. There _is_ an objective

reality--outside and beyond him--yet somehow to be reached by a daring

leap,--whereby, out of sheer force of will, he, shutting his eyes

to the temporal and the mechanical, finds himself carried over the

dividing gulf into the land of eternal life and love.

'I appeal' he says in his latest utterances[8] 'to an imperative, an

invincible feeling as the first and underived ground of all philosophy

and all religion,--to a feeling which lets man become aware of and

alive to the fact that he has a sense for the supersensuous.' 'As it

is religion which makes man man,' he continues, 'and which alone lifts

him above the animals, so it also makes him a philosopher.' Such an

organ for the supersensuous is what in his later writings he calls

_Vernunft_ (Reason) and distinguishes from _Verstand_ (Understanding).

'This reason,' says Coleridge (to whom we owe this use of the terms in

English) in the _Friend,_ 'is an organ bearing the same relation to

spiritual objects as the eye bears to material phenomena,' It is 'that

intuition of things which arises when we possess ourselves as one with

the whole and is opposed to that 'science of the mere understanding'

in which 'transferring reality to the negations of reality (to the

ever-varying framework of the uniform life) we think of ourselves

as separated beings, and place nature in antithesis to the mind, as

object to subject, thing to thought, death to life.' But this Reason

is even more than this. It is the direct contact with reality, which

it affirms and even _is._ It apprehends the _me_ and the _thee,_ it

apprehends above all the great _Thee,_ God: apprehends, and we may even

say appropriates[9]. And it apprehends them at one bound--in one _salto

mortale_--because it is really in implicit possession of them. Call the

step a miracle, if you will: you must admit, he adds, that 'some time

or other every philosophy must have recourse to a miracle[10].'

And yet the asseveration rings false--it shows a womanish wilfulness

and weakness in its reiteration. He has the reality; yet he has it

not. 'Were a God known,' he says in one place, 'He would not be God.'

He yearns with passionate longing to find the living and true: he

feels himself and the Eternal clasped in one: his faith effects the

reality of things hoped for. But, he adds, 'We never see the Absolute':

the primal light of reason is but faint. It is but a presage--a

pre-supposition--of the Everlasting. This reason, in short, needs

discipline and development, it needs the ethical life to raise it:

'without morality no religiosity,' he says. 'Light,' he complains,

'is in my heart,' but at the moment I want to bring it into the

understanding, the light goes out.' And yet he knows--and Coleridge

repeats--'the consciousness of reason and of its revelations is only

possible in an understanding.'

'There seem to be one or two motives acting upon Jacobi. The 'plain

man,' especially if he be of high character and of 'noble' religiosity,

has a feeling that the lust of philosophising disturbs the security of

life, and endangers things which are deservedly dear to him. In such

an one the 'enthusiasm of logic'--the calm pursuit of truth at all

costs, so characteristic of Lessing--is inferior to the 'enthusiasm

of life,'--a passion in which the terrestrial and the celestial are

inextricably blended, where one clings to God as the stronghold of

self, and sets personality--our human personality--in the throne of

the Eternal. He will be all that is noble and good, if only he be not

asked utterly to surrender self. So, too, Jacobi's God--or Absolute

(for he leaves his 'non-philosophy' so far as to use both names), is

rather the final aim of a grand, overpowering yearning, than a calm,

self-centred, self-expanding life which carries man along with it.

It would be, he feels, so very terrible, if at the last there were

no God to meet us--to find the throne of the universe vacant. Avaunt

philosophy, therefore! Let us cling to the faith of our nature and our

childhood, and refuse her treacherous consolations! With the central

proposition of Jacobi, Hegel, for one, is not inclined to quarrel. He

too, as he asks and answers the question as to the issues of this and

of the better life, might say

'Question, answer presuppose

Two points: that the thing itself which questions, answers,--_is,_ it

knows;

As it also knows the thing perceived outside itself--a force

Actual ere its own beginning, operative through its course,

Unaffected by its end,--that this thing likewise needs must be;

Call this--God, then, call that--Soul, and both the only facts for me.

Prove them facts? that they o'erpass my power of proving proves

them such:

Fact it is, I know, I know not something which is fact as much.'

But when Jacobi goes on to say that it is the supreme and final duty

of the true sage 'to unveil reality,'--meaning thereby that, given the

feeling, he has only to

'Define it well

For fear divine Philosophy

Should push beyond her mark and be

Procuress to the Lords of Hell,'

Hegel withdraws. It is the duty of philosophy to labour to make the

perception--the fleeting, uncertain, trembling perception--of faith,

a clear, sure, inwardly consistent knowledge: to show, and not merely

to assert, that 'the path of (this world's) duty is the way to (that

world's) glory.' There is, Hegel himself has said more than once,

something opposed to ordinary ways of thinking in the procedure of the

philosopher. To the outsider, it seems like standing on your head.

It involves something like what, in religious language, is termed

conversion--a new birth--becoming a new man. But though such a change

always seems to culminate in a moment of sudden transformation,--as if

the continuity of old and new were disrupted, the process has a history

and a preparation. Of that pilgrim's progress of the world-distracted

soul to its discovery of its true being in God, philosophy is the

record: a record which Hegel has written both in the _Phenomenology of

Mind_, and, more methodically, in his _Encyclopaedia._ The passage from

nature to God--or from man's limitations to the divine fullness--must

be made, he urged, in the open day and not in the secret vision when

sleep falls upon men. When the aged Jacobi read these requirements of

Hegel, he wrote to a friend: 'He may be right, and I should like once

again to experiment with him all that the power of thinking can do

alone, were not the old man's head too weak for it[11].'

'For a philosophy like this,' says Hegel[12], 'individual man

and humanity are the ultimate standpoint:--as a fixed invincible

finitude of reason, not as a reflection of the eternal beauty, or as

a spiritual focus of the universe, but as an ultimate sense-nature,

which however with the power of faith can daub itself over here and

there with an alien supersensible. Let us suppose an artist restricted

to portrait-painting; he might so far idealise as to introduce in the

eye of a commonplace countenance a yearning look, and on its lips a

melancholy smile, but he would be utterly debarred from depicting the

Gods, sublime over yearning and melancholy--as if the delineation of

eternal pictures were only possible at the cost of humanity. So too

Philosophy--on this view--must not portray the Idea of man, but the

abstraction of a humanity empirical and mingled with short-comings, and

must bear a body impaled on the stake of the absolute antithesis; and

when it clearly feels its limitation to the sensible, it must at the

same time bedeck itself with the surface colour of a supersensible,

and point the finger of faith to a something Higher.

'But the truth cannot be defrauded by such a consecration if finitude

be still left subsisting; the true consecration must annihilate it.

The artist, who fails to give actuality the true truth by letting

fall upon it the ethereal illumination and taking it completely in

that light, and who can only depict actuality in its bare ordinary

reality and truth (a reality however which is neither true nor real)

may apply the pathetic remedy to actuality, the remedy of tenderness

and sentimentality, everywhere putting tears on the cheeks of the

commonplace, and an O God! in their mouth. No doubt his figures in

this way direct their look over the actual heavenwards, but like

bats they belong neither to the race of birds nor beasts, neither to

earth nor heaven. Their beauty is not free from ugliness, nor their

morals without weakness and meanness: the intelligence they haply may

show is not without banality: the success which enters into it is

not without vulgarity, and the misfortune not without cowardice and

terror; and both success and misfortune have something contemptible.

So too philosophy, if it takes the finite and subjectivity as absolute

truth in the logical form habitual to her, cannot purify them by

bringing them into relation with an infinite: for that infinite is not

itself the true, because it is unable to consume finitude. But where

a philosophy consumes the temporal as such and burns up reality, its

action is pronounced a cruel dissection, which does not leave man

complete, and a forcible abstraction which has no truth, above all

no truth for life. And such an abstraction is treated as a painful

amputation of an essential piece from the completeness of the whole:

that essential piece, and absolute substantiality being believed to

consist in the temporal and empirical, and in privation. It is as if

a person, who sees only the feet of a work of art, were to complain,

should the whole work be unveiled to his eyes, that he was deprived of

the privation, that the incomplete was decompleted.'

Jacobi has been spoken of as the leader of this 'Un-philosophy' of

faith. As such his allies lie on one side among philosophers who hold

by the deliverances of 'common sense,' by the consciousness of the

unsophisticated man shrinking from the waywardness of an idealism that

deprives him of his solidest realities. The type of such a philosopher

has been drawn by Hegel[13] in Krug. But, on the other side, Jacobi

touched hands--though not in a sympathetic spirit--with a somewhat

motley band which also had set its face to go to the everlasting gates,

but had turned aside to aimless wandering on the Hill Difficulty, or

sought too soon the repose of the Delectable Mountains, without due

sojourn in the valley of Humiliation or descent under the Shadow of

Death. Like Wordsworth, they felt that the world is too much with

us: that our true self is frittered away into fragments and passing

stages, in which we are not ourselves,--whereby we also lose the true

perception of the essential life of nature. Gradually we have sunk

into the deadening arms of habit, reduced ourselves to professional

and conventional types, and lost the freer and larger mobility of

spiritual being. We have grown into _verständige Leute_--people of

practical sense and worldly wisdom. To such, philosophy would come--if

it could come--as the great breath of life--of 'reason' (_Vernunft_)

which transcends the separations inevitable in practical will and

knowledge. But to this band--which has been styled the Romantic School

of Germany--the liberation came in ways more analogous to that craved

for by Jacobi. Their way was the way of Romance and Imagination. The

principle of Romance is the protest against confining man and nature

to the dull round of uniformities which custom and experience have

imprisoned them in. Boundless life, infinite spontaneity is surging

within us and the world, ready to break down the dams convention

and inertia have established. That inner power is an ever-fresh,

ever-restless Irony, which sets up and overthrows, which refuses to be

bound or stereotyped, which is never weary, never exhausted,--free in

the absolute sense. It is the mystic force of Nature, which they seemed

to see ever on the spring to work its magic transformations, and burst

the bulwarks of empirical law. It is the princely _jus aggratiandi,_

the sportive sovereignty of the true artist, who is able at any moment

to enter into direct communion with the heart of things.

The beginning of the nineteenth century in Germany, as well as in

England, was a period of effervescence:--there was a good deal of fire,

and naturally there was also a good deal of smoke. Genius was exultant

in its aspirations after Freedom, Truth, and Wisdom. The Romantic

School, which had grown up under the stimulus of Fichte's resolve to

enact thought, and had for a time been closely allied with Schelling,

counted amongst its literary chiefs the names of the Schlegels, of

Tieck, Novalis, and perhaps Richter. The world, as that generation

dreamed, was to be made young again,--first by drinking, where

Wordsworth led, from the fresh springs of nature,--afterwards when, as

often has happened, doubts arose as to where Nature was really to be

found, by an elixir distilled from the withered flowers of medieval

Catholicism and chivalry,

'Since the Mid-Age was the Heroic Time'

and even from the old roots of primeval wisdom. The good old times of

faith and harmonious beauty were to be brought back again by the joint

labours of ideas and poetry.--

'So, all that the old Dukes had been, without knowing it,

This Duke would fain know he was without being it.'

To that period of incipient and darkling energy Hegel stands in

very much the same position as Luther did to the pre-Reformation

mystics, to Meister Eckhart, and the unknown author of the 'German

Theology.' It was from this side, from the school of Genius and Romance

in philosophy, that Hegel was proximately driven, not into sheer

re-action, but into system, development, and science.

To elevate philosophy from a love of wisdom into the possession of real

wisdom, into a system and a science, is the aim which he distinctly

set before himself from the beginning. In almost every work, and every

course of lectures, whatever be their subject, he cannot let slip the

chance of an attack upon the mode of philosophising which substituted

the strength of belief or conviction for the intervention of reasoning

and argument. There may have been a strong sympathy in him with the

end which these German contemporaries and, in some ways, analogues

to Coleridge, Shelley, Wordsworth, and Byron had in view. No one who

reads his criticism of Kant can miss perceiving his bent towards the

Infinite. But he utterly rejects the vision of feeling, whether as

longing faith or devout enjoyment, as an adequate exposition of the

means to this end. Whereas these fantastic seers and sentimentalists

either disparage science as a limitation to the spirit, in the calm

trust of their life in God, or yearn throughout life for a peace

which they never quite reach, Hegel is bent upon showing men that the

Infinite is not unknowable, as Kant would have it, and yet that man can

not, as Jacobi would have it, naturally and without an effort enjoy

the things of God[14]. He will prove that the way of Truth is open, and

prove it by describing in detail every step of the road. Philosophy for

him must be reasoned truth. She does not visit favoured ones in visions

of the night, but comes to all who win her by patient study.

'For those,' he says, 'who ask for a royal road to science, no more

convenient directions can be given than to trust to their own sound

common sense, and, if they wish to keep up with the age and with

philosophy, to read the reviews criticising philosophical works, and

perhaps even the prefaces and the first paragraphs in these works

themselves. The introductory remarks state the general and fundamental

principles; and the reviews, besides their historical information,

contain a critical estimate, which, from the very fact that it is

such, is beyond and above what it criticises. This is the road of

ordinary men: and it may be traversed in a dressing-gown. The other

way is the way of intuition. It requires you to don the vestments of

the high-priest. Along that road stalks the ennobling sentiment of the

Eternal, the True, the Infinite. But it is wrong to call "this a road.

These grand sentiments find themselves, naturally and without taking

a single step, centred in the very sanctuary of truth. So mighty is

genius, with its deep original ideas and its high flashes of wit. But

a depth like this is not enough to lay bare the sources of true being,

and these rockets are not the empyrean. True thoughts and scientific

insights are only to be gained by the labour which comprehends and

grasps its object. And that thorough grasp alone can produce the

universality of science. Contrasted with the vulgar vagueness and

scantiness of common sense, that universality is a fully-formed and

rounded intellect; and, contrasted with the un-vulgar generality of

the natural gift of reason when it has been spoilt by the laziness and

self-conceit of genius, it is truth put in possession of its native

form, and thus rendered the possible property of every self-conscious

reason[15].'

These words which were taken to heart (unnecessarily, perhaps) by the

patron of the _Intellectual Intuition_ rung the knell to the friendship

of Hegel with his great contemporary Schelling. Yet this hard saying

is also the keynote to the subsequent work of the philosopher. In

Hegel we need expect no brilliant _apergus_ of genius, no intellectual

legerdemain, but only the patient unraveling of the clue of thought

through all knots and intricacies: a deliberate tracing and working-out

of the contradictions and mysteries in thought, until the contradiction

and the mystery disappear. Perseverance is the secret of Hegel.

This characteristic of patient work is seen, for example, in the

incessant prosecution of hints and glimpses, until they grew into

systematic and rounded outline. Instead of vague anticipations and

guesses at truth, fragments of insight, his years of philosophic study

are occupied with writing and re-writing, in the _V_ endeavour to clear

up and arrange the masses of his ideas. Essay after essay, and sketch

after sketch of a system, succeed each other amongst his papers. His

first great work was not published before his 37th year, after six

years spent in university work at Jena, following as many spent in

preliminary lucubration. The notes which he used to dictate some years

afterwards to the boys in the Gymnasium at Nürnberg bear evidence

of constant remodelling, and the same is true of his professorial

lectures.

Such insistance in tracing every suggestion of truth to its place

in the universe of thought is the peculiar character and difficulty

of Hegelian argument. Other observers have now and again noticed,

accentuated, and, it may be, popularised some one point or some one

law in the evolution of reason. Here and there, as we reflect, we

are forced to recognise what Hegel termed the dialectical nature in

thought,--the tendency, by which a principle, when made to be all that

it implied, when, as the phrase is, it is carried to extremes, recoils

and leaves us confronted by its antithesis. We cannot, for example,

study the history of ancient thought without noting this phenomenon.

Thus, the persistence with which Plato and Aristotle taught and

enforced the doctrine that the community was the guide and safeguard

of the several citizens, very soon issued in the schools of Zeno and

Epicurus, teaching the rights of self-seeking and of the independent

self-realisation of the individual. But the passing glimpse of an

indwelling discord in the terms, by which we argue, is soon forgotten,

and is set aside under the head of accidents, instead of being referred

to a general law. Most of us take only a single step to avoid what has

turned out wrong, and when we have overcome the seeming absoluteness of

one idea, we are content and even eager to throw ourselves under the

yoke of another, not less one-sided than its predecessor. Sometimes

one feels tempted to say that the course of human thought as a whole,

as well as that branch of it termed science, exhibits nothing but a

succession of illusions, which enclose us in the belief that some idea

is all-embracing as the universe,--illusions, from which the mind is

time after time liberated, only in a little while to sink under the

sway of some partial correction, as if it and it only were the complete

truth.

Or, again, the Positive Philosophy exhibits as one of its features an

emphatic and popular statement of a fallacy much discussed in Hegel.

One of the best deeds of that school has been to protest against a

delusive belief in certain words and notions; particularly by pointing

out the insufficiency of what it calls metaphysical terms, i. e. those

abstract entities formed by reflective thought, which are little else

than a double of the phenomenon they are intended to explain. To

account for the existence of insanity by an assumed basis for it in

the 'insane neurosis,' or to attribute the sleep which follows a dose

of opium to the soporific virtues of the drug, are some exaggerated

examples of the metaphysical intellect which is so rampant in much

of our popular, and even of our esoteric science. Positivism by its

logical precepts ought at least to have instilled general distrust of

abstract talk about essences, laws, forces and causes, whenever they

claim an inherent and independent value, or profess to be more than

a reflex of sensation. But all this is only a desultory perception,

the reflection of an intelligent observer. When we come to Hegel, the

Comtian perception of the danger lying in the terms of metaphysics is

replaced by the Second Part of Logic, the Theory of Essential Being,

where substances, causes, forces, essences, matters, are confronted

with what Mr. Bain has called their 'suppressed correlative[16].'

[Footnote 1: Aus Schellings Leben (Plitt.), ii. 161.]

[Footnote 2: Hegel's _Briefe_, ii. 377.]

[Footnote 3: _Phenomenologie des Geistes,_ p. 9.]

[Footnote 4: Cf. Notes and Illustrations in vol. ii. 396, and chapter

iii. of the _Logic._]

[Footnote 5: Jacobi's _Werke_, v. 79, III, 115, 417.]

[Footnote 6: Ibid., i. 178.]

[Footnote 7: Jacobi's _Werke,_ iv. i. Abth. p. 55 seqq.]

[Footnote 8: Jacobi's _Werke_, iv. i, p. xxi.]

[Footnote 9: Jacobi's _Briefwechsel,_ i. 330.]

[Footnote 10: Jacobi's _Werke_, iii. 53.]

[Footnote 11: Jacobi's _Briefwechsel_, ii. 468.]

[Footnote 12: Hegel's _Werke,_ i. 15.]

[Footnote 13: Hegel's _Vermischte Schriften,_ i. 50.]

[Footnote 14: Compare pages 121-142 of the _Logic._]

[Footnote 15: _Phenomenologie des Geistes_, p. 54 (_Werke_, ii).]

[Footnote 16: _Practical Essays,_ p. 43.]

Prolegomena to the Study of Hegel's Philosophy, and Especially of His Logic · 第 5 / 18 章