officiating priest again consecrates the goddess Doorga, somewhat in the
following manner: "Oh, goddess, come and dwell in this image, and bless
him that worships you," naming the person, male or female, who is to
reap the benefit of the meritorious act. Thus, the business of giving
life and eyes to the gods being finished, the priest, with two
forefingers of his right hand, touches the forehead, cheeks, eyes,
breast and other parts of the image, repeating all the while the
prescribed incantation: "May the soul of Doorga long continue to dwell
in this image." This part of the ceremony, which is accompanied with
music, being performed, offerings are made to all the gods and
goddesses, as well as to the companions of Doorga in her wars, which are
painted in variegated colors on the _chall_ or shed over the goddess in
the form of a crescent. The offerings consist principally of small
pieces of gold and silver, rice, fruits, sweetmeats, cloths, brass
utensils and a few other things. These are arranged in large round
wooden or brass plates, and a bit of flower or _bell_ leaf is cast upon
them to guard against their being desecrated by the demon Ravana, who is
supposed to take delight in insulting the gods and goddesses; the
officiating priest then consecrates them all by repeating a short mantra
and sprinkling flowers and _bell_ leaves on them, particular regard
being had to the worship of the whole host of deities according to their
respective position in the Hindoo pantheon. Even the most subordinate
and insignificant gods or companions of Doorga must be propitiated by
small bits of plantain and a few grains of rice, which are afterwards
given to the idol makers and painters of the gods and goddesses. More
valuable offerings form the portion of the Brahmins, who look upon and
claim these as their birthright. In the evening, as in the morning, the
goddess is again worshipped, and while the service is being held the
musicians are called to play their musical instruments with a view to
add to the solemnity of the occasion. In the morning, some persons
sacrifice goats and fruits, such as pumpkin, sugar-cane, &c., before the
goddess. In the present day, many respectable families have discontinued
the practice from a feeling of compassion towards the dumb animals,
though express injunctions are laid down in the Shasters in its favor.
It is a remarkable fact that the idea of sacrifice as a religious
institution tending to effect the remission of sin was almost
co-existent with the first dawn of human knowledge. The Reverend Dr. K.
M. Banerjea thus writes: "Of the inscrutable Will of the Almighty, that
without shedding of blood there is no remission of sin, this, too,
appears imbedded in ancient Ayrian tradition in the _sruti_ or hearings
of our ancestors." Next to the Jews, this religious duty was
scrupulously observed by the Brahmins. Names of priests, words for fire,
for those on whose behalf the sacrifices were performed, for the
materials with which they were performed, abound in language
etymologically derived from words implying sacrifice. No literature
contains so many vocables relating to sacrificial ceremonies as
Sanskrit. Katyayana says, "that heaven and all other happiness are the
results of sacrificial ceremonies. And it was a stereotyped idea with
the founders of Hindooism that animals were created for sacrifices. Nor
were these in olden days considered mere offerings of meat to certain
carnivorous deities, followed by the sacrificers themselves feasting on
the same, as the practice of the day represents the idea. The various
nature of the sacrifices appears to have been substantially comprehended
by the promoters of the institution in India. The sacrificer believed
himself to be redeemed by means of the sacrifice. The animal sacrificed
was itself called the sacrifice, because it was the ransom for the
soul." If we leave India and go back to the tradition and history of the
other ancient nations, we shall find many instances, proving the
existence among them of the sacrificial rite for the remission of sin
and the propitiation of the Deity. The hecatombs of Greece, and the
memorable dedication of the temple of Solomon when 20,000 oxen[62] and
100,000 sheep were slain before the altar, are too well known to need
any comment.
In these later ages, when degeneracy has made rapid strides amongst the
people of the country, the original intention of the founder of the
institution being lost sight of, a perverted taste has given it an
essentially sensual character. Instead of offering sacrifice from purely
religious motives, it is now made for the gratification of carnivorous
appetite. The late King of Nuddea, Rajah Kristo Chunder Roy, though an
orthodox Hindoo of the truest type, was said to have offered at one of
these festivals a very large number of goats and sheep to the goddess
Doorga. "He began," says Ward, "with one, and, doubling the number each
day, continued it for sixteen days. On the last day, he killed 33,168,
and on the whole he slaughtered 65,535 animals. He loaded boats with the
bodies and sent them to the neighbouring Brahmins, but they could not
devour them fast enough, and great numbers were thrown away. Let no one,
after this, tell us of the scruples of the Brahmins about destroying
animal life and eating animal food."
About twelve o'clock in the day, when the morning service is over, the
male members of the family make their _poospaunjooley_ or offerings of
flowers to the images, repeating an incantation recited by the priest,
for all kinds of worldly blessings, such as health, wealth, fame, long
age, children, &c. The women come in afterwards for the same hallowed
purpose, and inaudibly recite the incantation repeated by the priest
inside the screen. The very sight of the images gladdens their hearts
and quickens their throbs. Though fasting, they feel an extreme
reluctance to leave the shrine and the divinities, declaring that their
hunger and thirst are gone not from actual excess in eating and drinking
but from their fullness of heart at the presence of _Ma Doorga_. But go
they must to make way for the servants to remove the offerings,
distribute them among the Brahmins, and clean the temple for the evening
service, at the close of which Brahmins and other guests begin to come
in and partake of the entertainment[63] provided for the occasion.
On the second day of the Poojah, offerings and sacrifices are made in
the same manner as on the first day, but this is considered a specially
holy day, being the day, as is generally supposed, when the mighty
goddess is expected to come down from the mount Himalaya, and cast a
twinkling of her eye upon the divers offerings of her devotees in the
terrestrial world. This day is called _Moha Ustamy_, being the eighth
day of the increase of the moon, and is religiously observed throughout
Bengal. In Calcutta, this is the day when thousands and tens of
thousands of Hindoos, who have had no Poojah in their houses, proceed to
Kalyghat in the suburbs, and do not break their fast before making
suitable offerings to the goddess Kali, who, according to Hindoo
mythology, is but another incarnation of the goddess, Doorga. Except
little children, almost all the members of a family, male and female,
together with the priest, fast all day, and, if the combination of stars
require it, almost the whole night. Elderly men of the orthodox type
devote the precious time to religious contemplation. Until the _Moha
Ustamy_, and its necessary adjunct _Shundya Poojah_, is finished, all
are on the _qui vive_. It generally happens that this service is fixed
by astrologers to take place before night's midmost stillest hour is
past, when nature seems to repose in a state of perfect quiescence, and
to call forth the religious fervour of the devotees. As the edge of
hunger is sharpened, a Hindoo most anxiously looks at his watch or clock
as to when the precious moment should arrive, and as the hour draws
near, men, women and children are all hushed into silence. Not a whisper
nor a buzzing sound is to be heard. All is anxiety, suspense and
expectation, as if the arrival of the exact time would herald the advent
of a true Saviour into the world. Amid perfect silence and stillness,
all ears are stretched to catch the sound of the gun[64] which announces
the _precise minute_ when this most important of all Poojahs is to
begin. As soon as the announcement is made by the firing of a gun, the
priest in all haste enters on the work of worship, and invokes the
blessings of the goddess on himself and the family. When the time of
sacrifice arrives, which is made known by the sound of another gun, all
the living souls in the house are bade to stand aloof, the priest with
trembling hands and in a state of trepidation consecrates the _Kharra_,
or scimitar, with which the sacrifice is to be made, and placing the
_Khaparer sara_ by the side of the _haureekat_, (the sacrificial log of
wood) bids the blacksmith finish off his bloody job. Should the latter
cut the head of a goat off at one stroke, all eyes are turned towards
him with joy. The priest, the master, and the inmates of the house, who
are all this while under the influence of mental agitation, now begin to
congratulate each other on their good luck, praying for the return of
the goddess every year.
Nor must I omit to mention the other secondary rites which are performed
on the second day of the Poojah. Besides absolute fasting, the females
of the household actually undergo a fiery ordeal. About one in the
afternoon, when the tumult and bustle have subsided a little, all males
being told to go away, the women unveiling their faces, and holding in
each hand a _sara_ or earthen plate of rosin, squat down before the
shrine of the goddess, and in the posture of quasi-penitent sinners,
implore in a fervent spirit the benediction of the goddess on behalf of
their sons, while the rosin continues to burn in slow fire. As if dead
to a sense of consciousness, they remain in that trying state for more
than half an hour, absorbed, as it were, in holy meditation, repeating
in their minds, at the same time, the names of their guardian deities.
Towards the close of this penitent service, a son is asked to sit on the
lap of his mother. Barren women to whom Providence has denied this
inestimable blessing must go without this domestic felicity resulting in
religious consolation, and not only mourn their present forlorn
condition, but pray for a happier one at next birth. A few puncture
their breasts with a slender iron _naroon_ or nail cutter, and offer a
few drops of blood to the goddess, under a delusion that the severer the
penance the greater the merit. Many women still go through this truly
revolting ordeal at Kali Ghat, in fulfilment of vows made in times of
sickness.
Another ceremony which is performed by the females on this particular
day is their worship of living Brahmin _Komarees_ (virgins) and matrons
(_sodhavas_). After washing and wiping the feet of the objects of their
worship, with folded hands, and, with the end of their _sari_ round
their necks, in a reverential mood, they fall prostrate before the
Brahmin women, and crave blessings, which, when graciously vouchsafed,
are followed by offerings of sweetmeats, clothes and rupees. The purpose
of this ceremony is to obtain exemption from the indescribable misery of
widowhood, and ensure the enjoyment of domestic happiness.
On the third or last day of the Poojah, being the ninth day of the
increase of the moon, the prescribed ritualistic ceremonies having been
performed, the officiating priests make the _hoam_ and _dhukinanto_, a
rite, the meaning of which is to present farewell offerings to the
goddess for one year, adding in a suitable prayer that she will be
graciously pleased to forgive the present shortcomings on the part of
her devotees, and vouchsafe to them her blessings in this world as well
as in the world to come. This is a very critical time for the priests,
because the finale of the ceremony involves the important question of
their respective gains. Weak and selfish as human nature assuredly is,
each of them (generally three in number) fights for his own individual
interest, justifying his claim on the score of the religious austerities
he has had to undergo, and the devotional fervour with which his sacred
duties have been discharged. Until this knotty question is
satisfactorily solved, they forbear pronouncing the last _munter_ or
prayer. It is necessary to add here that the presents of rupees which
the numerous guests offered to the goddess during the three days of the
Poojah, go to swell the fund of the priest, to which the worshipper of
the idol must add a separate sum, without which this act of merit loses
its final reward in a future state. The devotee must satisfy the
cupidity of the priests or run the risk of forfeiting divine mercy. When
the problem is ultimately solved in favor of the officiating priest who
actually makes the Poojah, and sums of money are put into the hands of
the Brahmins, the last prayer is read. It is not perhaps generally known
that the income the Indian ecclesiastics thus derive from this source
supports them for the greater part of the year, with a little gain in
money or kind from the land they own.
The last day of the Poojah is attended with many offerings of goats,
sheep, buffaloes[65] and fruits. The area before the shrine becomes a
sort of slaughter house, slippery with gore and mire, and resounding
with the cries of the dying victims, and the still more vociferous
shouts of "_Ma, Ma,_" uttered by the rabble amidst the discordant sound
of gongs and drums. Some of the deluded devotees, losing all sense of
shame and decency, smear their bodies from head to foot with this bloody
mire, and begin to dance before the goddess and the assembled multitude
like wild furies. In this state of bestial fanaticism, utterly ignoring
the ordinary rules of public decorum, and literally intoxicated with the
glory of the meritorious act, the deluded mob, preceded by musicians,
proceed from one house to another in the neighbourhood where the image
has been set up, sing obscene songs, and otherwise make indecent
gestures which are alike an outrage on public morals and common decency.
When quite exhausted by these abominable orgies, they go and bathe in a
river or a tank, and return home, thinking how to make the most of the
last night. Should any sober-minded person remonstrate with them on
their foolish conduct, the stereotyped reply is--"this is _Mohamayer
Bazar_ and the last day of the Poojah, when all sorts of tomfoolery and
revelry are justifiable." The sensible portion of the community, it must
be mentioned, keep quite aloof from such immoral exhibitions.
However great may have been the veneration or the depth of devotional
feeling in which the Doorga Poojah was held among the Hindoos of bygone
ages, it is certain that in the lapse of time this and all other
national festivals have lost their original religious character, and in
the majority of cases degenerated into profanities and impure orgies,
which renew the periodical license for the unrestrained indulgence of
sensuality, not to speak of the dissipation and debauchery which it
usually brings in its train. Except a few patriarchal Hindoos, whose
minds are deeply imbued with religious prepossessions as well as
traditional proclivities, the generality celebrate the Poojah for the
sake of name and fame, no less than for the purposes of amusement, and
for the satisfaction of the women and children, who still retain, and
will continue to do so for a long time to come, a profound veneration
for the old _Doorga Uttsob_. Apart from the children, whose minds are
susceptible of any impression in their nascent state, the women are the
main prop of the idolatrous institutions and of the colossal
superstructure of Hindoo superstition. If I am not much mistaken, it was
to satisfy them that such distinguished Hindoo Reformers as the late
Baboos Dwarkeynauth Tagore, Prosonocoomar Tagore, Romanauth Tagore, Ram
Gopal Ghose, Digumber Mitter and others celebrated this Poojah in their
family dwelling houses. How far they were morally justified in
countenancing this popular festival, it is not for me to say. The fact
speaks for itself. Even in the present time, when Hindoo society is
being profoundly convulsed by heterodox opinions, not a few of my
enlightened countrymen observe this religious festival, and spend
thousands of rupees on its celebration. There are, however, a few
redeeming features in connection with this annual demonstration, which
ought to be prominently noticed. First and foremost, it affords an
excellent opportunity for the exercise of benevolent feelings;[66]
secondly, it materially contributes to the promotion of annual reunions,
brotherly fraternization, and to the general encouragement of trade
throughout Bengal.
The very great interest which Hindoo females feel in the periodical
return of this grand festival, is known to every one who is at all
conversant with the existing state of things in this country. In the
numerous districts and villages of Bengal inaugural preparations are
made for the celebration of this anniversary rite precisely from the day
on which the Juggernauth car is drawn in _Assar_, from the date of the
festival of Ruth Jattra, that is for about four months before the date
of the Doorga Poojah. While the _koomar_, or the image maker, is engaged
in making the Bamboo frame-work for the images, the women in the
villages devote their time to cleaning and storing the rice, paddy,
different kinds of pulse, cocoanuts, and other products of the farm, all
which are required for the service of the goddess. Ten times a day they
will go to the temple to see what the Koomar is doing. Not capable of
writing, nor having any idea of 'Letts' Diaries,' they note down in
their minds the daily progress of work, and feel an ineffable pleasure
in communicating the glad tidings to each other. When day by day the
straw forms are converted into clay figures, and they are for the first
time plastered over with chalk and then painted with variegated colors,
the hearts of the females leap with joy, and again when the completed
images are being decorated with _dack_ ornaments or tinsel ware, their
exhilaration knows no bounds. In the fulness of anxiety, the mistress of
the house directing her attention to what more is yet wanted for the due
completion of the Poojah, rebukes the master for his apparent neglect
somewhat in the following manner: "Where is the _dome sujah_,
(basketware)? Where is the _koomar sujah_, (pottery)? Where are the
spices and clothes? Where are the _sidoorchupry_ and sundry other things
for the _Barandalla?_" Adding that there is no time to be lost, the
Poojah is near at hand. The husband acquiescing in what the wife says
assures her that everything shall be procured by Saturday or Sunday
next.
On the first day of the new moon, when every Hindoo in the city becomes
more or less busy on account of his official, domestic and religious
engagements, the lady of the house is chiefly occupied with making
suitable arrangements for _tutwa_ or presents, first to her son-in-law
and then to her other relatives, a subject on which I shall have to say
a few words in its proper place. On the eve of the sixth day of the new
moon, when the grand Poojah may be said to commence, the females,
consigning all their past sorrows to oblivion, feel a sort of
elasticity, hopefulness and confidence which almost involuntarily draw
forth from the depths of their hearts, feelings of joy and ecstacy. Even
a virgin widow, whose grief is yet fresh, forgets her miseries for
awhile, and cheerfully mingles in the jubilee. She forms part and parcel
of the domestic sisterhood, and for the five days of her life at least,
her settled sadness gives way to pleasing sensations, and though
forbidden by a cruel priesthood to lend her hand to the ceremonial, she
nevertheless goes up to the goddess and prays in a devotional spirit for
a better future. Amidst such a scene of universal hilarity, supplemented
by a confident hope of eternal beatitude, it is quite natural that
Hindoo females, socially divorced from every other innocent amusement,
should feel a deep, sincere and intense interest in such a national
festival which possesses the two fold advantages of a religious ceremony
and a social demonstration. None but the most callous hearted can remain
indifferent. Men, women and children, believers and unbelievers, are
alike overcome by the force of this religious anniversary. The females
go to the temple at all hours of the day, and feast their eyes upon the
captivating figure of mighty Doorga and her glorious satellites. Nor do
they stare at her with a vacant mind; each has her grievance to
represent, her wish to express; prayer in a fervent spirit is offered to
the goddess for the redress of the one and the consummation of the
other. Should a son die prematurely, should a husband suffer from any
difficulty, should a son-in-law be not true to his wife, should a
daughter be doomed to widowhood, the females wrestle hard in prayer for
relief and amelioration. On the fourth or Bijoya day, when the image is
to be consigned to the river, one takes away a bit of the consecrated
_urghy_[67]; a second, the _khappurer sara_, or the sacrificial earthen
plate; a third, the crushed betel; a fourth, the sacred _billaw_ leaves,
and so on; each forms a sacred trust, and all are preserved with the
greatest possible care, as the priceless heirloom of a benignant
goddess.
Having briefly described the main features of this religious festival, I
will now endeavour to give a short account of the other circumstances
connected with it. In the house of a Brahmin, _Khichree_, rice, dhall,
fish and vegetable curries, together with sweetmeats and sour milk, are
given to the guests, chiefly in the day time during the three Pooja
days. Many Hindoos, whose religious scruples will not allow them to kill
a goat themselves, generally go to the house of a Brahmin--but not
without an eight anna piece or a Rupee--to satisfy their carnivorous
appetite during the Poojah. It is very creditable to the women of the
sacerdotal class that three or four of them undertake the duty of the
_cuisine_, and feed from six to eight hundred persons for three days
successively. As fish is not acceptable to Doorga, neither cooked goat's
and sheep's flesh, a separate kitchen is set apart for the purpose of
cooking meat of sacrificed animals. Brahmin women, as a rule, cook
remarkably well. Their long experience in the culinary art, their
habitual cleanliness, their undivided attention to their duty, and above
all, the religious awe with which they prepare food for the goddess,
give quite a relish to every thing they make. Nor is this all. Their
devotion and earnestness is so great that they cannot be persuaded to
eat any thing until all the guests are fully satisfied, and what is
still more commendable, they look to no other reward for their trouble
than the fancied approbation of the goddess, and the satisfaction of the
guests. It is not before nine o'clock at night that they become
disengaged, after which they bathe again, change clothes, say their
prayers to the goddess, and then think of appeasing their hunger. Simple
and unartificial as they naturally are, they, being mostly widows, are
quite content with _habishi unno_, which was of yore the food of the
Hindoo _rishis_ or saints. It consists of _autob_ rice, or rice from
unboiled paddy, green plantain and dhall, all boiled in the same pot. Of
course a large quantity of ghee is added to it, and at the time of
eating milk is taken. These Brahmin women are, indeed, mistresses of the
culinary art, if the bill of fare is not long, yet the dishes they make
are generally very palatable. The truth is, they practically follow the
trite saying, "what is worth doing at all, is worth doing well." Their
simple recipes always produce appetising and wholesome dishes, they are
thrifty housewives. It must be admitted that simplicity is not meanness,
nor thriftiness a fault.