THE INTRODUCTION OF COMMODITY ECONOMY

The second condition of importance for acquiring means of production and

realising the surplus value is that commodity exchange and commodity

economy should be introduced in societies based on natural economy as

soon as their independence has been abrogated, or rather in the course

of this disruptive process. Capital requires to buy the products of, and

sell its commodities to, all non-capitalist strata and societies. Here

at last we seem to find the beginnings of that 'peace' and 'equality',

the _do ut des_, mutual interest, 'peaceful competition' and the

'influences of civilisation'. For capital can indeed deprive alien

social associations of their means of production by force, it can compel

the workers to submit to capitalist exploitation, but it cannot force

them to buy its commodities or to realise its surplus value. In

districts where natural economy formerly prevailed, the introduction of

means of transport--railways, navigation, canals--is vital for the

spreading of commodity economy, a further hopeful sign. The triumphant

march of commodity economy thus begins in most cases with magnificent

constructions of modern transport, such as railway lines which cross

primeval forests and tunnel through the mountains, telegraph wires which

bridge the deserts, and ocean liners which call at the most outlying

ports. But it is a mere illusion that these are peaceful changes. Under

the standard of commerce, the relations between the East India Company

and the spice-producing countries were quite as piratical, extortionate

and blatantly fraudulent as present-day relations between American

capitalists and the Red Indians of Canada whose furs they buy, or

between German merchants and the Negroes of Africa. Modern China

presents a classical example of the 'gentle', 'peace-loving' practices

of commodity exchange with backward countries. Throughout the nineteenth

century, beginning with the early forties, her history has been

punctuated by wars with the object of opening her up to trade by brute

force. Missionaries provoked persecutions of Christians, Europeans

instigated risings, and in periodical massacres a completely helpless

and peaceful agrarian population was forced to match arms with the most

modern capitalist military technique of all the Great Powers of Europe.

Heavy war contributions necessitated a public debt, China taking up

European loans, resulting in European control over her finances and

occupation of her fortifications; the opening of free ports was

enforced, railway concessions to European capitalists extorted. By all

these measures commodity exchange was fostered in China, from the early

thirties of the last century until the beginning of the Chinese

revolution.

European civilisation, that is to say commodity exchange with European

capital, made its first impact on China with the Opium Wars when she was

compelled to buy the drug from Indian plantations in order to make money

for British capitalists. In the seventeenth century, the East India

Company had introduced the cultivation of poppies in Bengal; the use of

the drug was disseminated in China by its Canton branch. At the

beginning of the nineteenth century, opium fell so considerably in price

that it rapidly became the 'luxury of the people'. In 1821, 4,628 chests

of opium were imported to China at an average price of £265; then the

price fell by 50 per cent, and Chinese imports rose to 9,621 chests in

1825, and to 26,670 chests in 1830.[368] The deadly effects of the drug,

especially of the cheaper kinds used by the poorer population, became a

public calamity and made it necessary for China to lay an embargo on

imports, as an emergency measure. Already in 1828, the viceroy of Canton

had prohibited imports of opium, only to deflect the trade to other

ports. One of the Peking censors commanded to investigate the question

gave the following report:

'I have learnt that people who smoke opium have developed such a

craving for this noxious drug that they make every effort to obtain this

gratification. If they do not get their opium at the usual hour, their

limbs begin to tremble, they break out in sweat, and they cannot perform

the slightest tasks. But as soon as they are given the pipe, they inhale

a few puffs and are cured immediately.

'Opium has therefore become a necessity for all who smoke it, and it is

not surprising that under cross-examination by the local authorities

they will submit to every punishment rather than reveal the names of

their suppliers. Local authorities are also in some cases given presents

to tolerate the evil or to delay any investigation already under way.

Most merchants who bring goods for sale into Canton also deal in

smuggled opium.

'I am of the opinion that opium is by far a greater evil than gambling,

and that opium smokers should therefore be punished no less than

gamblers.'

The censor suggested that every convicted opium smoker should be

sentenced to eighty strokes of the bamboo, and anybody refusing to give

the name of his supplier to a hundred strokes and three years of exile.

The pigtailed Cato of Peking concludes his report with a frankness

staggering to any European official: 'Apparently opium is mostly

introduced from abroad by dishonest officials in connivance with

profit-seeking merchants who transport it into the interior of the

country. Then the first to indulge are people of good family, wealthy

private persons and merchants, but ultimately the drug habit spreads

among the common people. I have learnt that in all provinces opium is

smoked not only in the civil service but also in the army. The officials

of the various districts indeed enjoin the legal prohibition of sale by

special edicts. But at the same time, their parents, families,

dependants and servants simply go on smoking opium, and the merchants

profit from the ban by increased prices. Even the police have been won

over; they buy the stuff instead of helping to suppress it, and this is

an additional reason for the disregard in which all prohibitions and

ordinances are held.'[369]

Consequently, a stricter law was passed in 1833 which made every opium

smoker liable to a hundred strokes and two months in the stocks, and

provincial governors were ordered to report annually on their progress

in the battle against opium. But there were two sequels to this

campaign: on the one hand large-scale poppy plantations sprang up in the

interior, particularly in the Honan, Setchuan, and Kueitchan provinces,

and on the other, England declared war on China to get her to lift the

embargo. These were the splendid beginnings of 'opening China' to

European civilisation--by the opium pipe.

Canton was the first objective. The fortifications of the town at the

main arm of the Perl estuary could not have been more primitive. Every

day at sunset a barrier of iron chains was attached to wooden rafts

anchored at various distances, and this was the main defence. Moreover,

the Chinese guns could only fire at a certain angle and were therefore

completely ineffectual. With such primitive defences, just adequate to

prevent a few merchant ships from landing, did the Chinese meet the

British attack. A couple of British cruisers, then, sufficed to effect

an entry on September 7, 1839. The sixteen battle-junks and thirteen

fire-ships which the Chinese put up for resistance were shot up or

dispersed in a matter of forty-five minutes. After this initial victory,

the British renewed the attack in the beginning of 1841 with a

considerably reinforced fleet. This time the fleet, consisting in a

number of battle-junks, and the forts were attacked simultaneously. The

first incendiary rocket that was fired penetrated through the armour

casing of a junk into the powder chamber and blew the ship with the

entire crew sky-high. In a short time eleven junks, including the

flag-ship, were destroyed, and the remainder precipitately made for

safety. The action on land took a little longer. Since the Chinese guns

were quite useless, the British walked right through the fortifications,

climbed to a strategic position--which was not even guarded--and

proceeded to slaughter the helpless Chinese from above. The casualty

list of the battle was: for the Chinese 600 dead, and for the British, 1

dead and 30 wounded, more than half of the latter having been injured by

the accidental explosion of a powder magazine. A few weeks later, there

followed another British exploit. The forts of Anung-Hoy and North

Wantong were to be taken. No less than twelve fully equipped cruisers

were available for this task. What is more, the Chinese, once again

forgetful of the most important thing, had omitted to fortify the island

of South Wantong. Thus the British calmly landed a battery of howitzers

to bombard the fort from one side, the cruisers shelling it from the

other. After that, the Chinese were driven from the forts in a matter of

minutes, and the landing met with no resistance. The ensuing display of

inhumanity--an English report says--will be for ever deeply deplored by

the British staff. The Chinese, trying to escape from the barricades,

had fallen into a moat which was soon literally filled to the brim with

helpless soldiers begging for mercy. Into this mass of prostrate human

bodies, the sepoys--acting against orders, it is claimed--fired again

and again. This is the way in which Canton was made receptive to

commodity exchange.

Nor did the other ports fare better. On July 4, 1841, three British

cruisers with 120 cannon appeared off the islands in the entrance to the

town of Ningpo. More cruisers arrived the following day. In the evening

the British admiral sent a message to the Chinese governor, demanding

the capitulation of the island. The governor explained that he had no

power to resist but could not surrender without orders from Peking. He

therefore asked for a delay. This was refused, and at half-past two in

the morning the British stormed the defenceless island. Within eight

minutes, the fort and the houses on the shore were reduced to

smouldering rubble. Having landed on the deserted coast littered with

broken spears, sabres, shields, rifles and a few dead bodies, the troops

advanced on the walls of the island town of Tinghai. With daybreak,

reinforced by the crews of other ships which had meanwhile arrived, they

proceeded to put scaling-ladders to the scarcely defended ramparts. A

few more minutes gave them mastery of the town. This splendid victory

was announced with becoming modesty in an Order of the Day: 'Fate has

decreed that the morning of July 5, 1841, should be the historic date on

which Her Majesty's flag was first raised over the most beautiful island

of the Celestial Empire, the first European flag to fly triumphantly

above this lovely countryside.'[370]

On August 25, 1841, the British approached the town of Amoy, whose forts

were armed with a hundred of the heaviest Chinese guns. These guns being

almost useless, and the commanders lacking in resource, the capture of

the harbour was child's play. Under cover of a heavy barrage, British

ships drew near the walls of Kulangau, landed their marines, and after

a short stand the Chinese troops were driven out. The twenty-six

battle-junks with 128 guns in the harbour were also captured, their

crews having fled. One battery, manned by Tartars, heroically held out

against the combined fire of three British ships, but a British landing

was effected in their rear and the post wiped out.

This was the finale of the notorious Opium War. By the peace treaty of

August 27, 1842, the island of Hongkong was ceded to Britain. In

addition, the towns of Canton, Amoy, Futchou, Ningpo and Shanghai were

to open their ports to foreign commerce. But within fifteen years, there

was a further war against China. This time, Britain had joined forces

with the French. In 1857, the allied navies captured Canton with a

heroism equal to that of the first war. By the peace of Tientsin (1858),

the opium traffic, European commerce and Christian missions were

admitted into the interior. Already in 1859, however, the British

resumed hostilities and attempted to destroy the Chinese fortifications

on the Peiho river, but were driven off after a fierce battle in which

464 people were wounded or killed.[371]

After that, Britain and France again joined forces. At the end of August

1860, 12,600 English and 7,500 French troops under General

Cousin-Montauban first captured the Taku forts without a single shot

having been fired. Then they proceeded towards Tientsin and on towards

Peking. A bloody battle was joined at Palikao, and Peking fell to the

European Powers. Entering the almost depopulated and completely

undefended city, the victors began by pillaging the Imperial Palace,

manfully helped by General Cousin himself, who was later to become field

marshal and Count of Palikao. Then the Palace went up in flames, fired

on Lord Elgin's order as an imposed penance.[372]

The European Powers now obtained concessions to set up embassies in

Peking, and to start trading with Tientsin and other towns. The Tchi-fu

Convention of 1876 guaranteed full facilities for importing opium into

China--at a time when the Anti-Opium League in England agitated against

the spreading of the drug habit in London, Manchester and other

industrial districts, when a parliamentary commission declared the

consumption of opium to be harmful in the extreme. By all treaties made

at that time between China and the Great Powers any European, whether

merchant or missionary, was guaranteed the right to acquire land, to

which end the legitimate arguments were ably supported by deliberate

fraud.

First and foremost the ambiguity of the treaty texts made a convenient

excuse for European capital to encroach beyond the Treaty Ports. It used

every loophole in the wording of the treaties to begin with, and

subsequently blackmailed the Chinese government into permitting the

missions to acquire land not alone in the Treaty Ports but in all the

provinces of the realm. Their claim was based upon the notorious

bare-faced distortion of the Chinese original in Abbé Delamarre's

official translation of the supplementary convention with France. French

diplomacy, and the Protestant missions in particular, unanimously

condemned the crafty swindle of the Catholic padre, but nevertheless

they were firm that the rights of French missions obtained by this fraud

should be explicitly extended to the Protestant missions as well.[373]

China's entry into commodity exchange, having begun with the Opium Wars,

was finally accomplished with a series of 'leases' and the China

campaign of 1900, when the commercial interests of European capital sank

to a brazen international dogfight over Chinese land. The description of

the Dowager Empress, who wrote to Queen Victoria after the capture of

the Taku forts, subtly underlines this contrast between the initial

theory and the ultimate practice of the 'agents of European

civilisation':

'To your Majesty, greeting!--In all the dealings of England with the

Empire of China, since first relations were established between us,

there has never been any idea of territorial aggrandisement on the part

of Great Britain, but only a keen desire to promote the interests of her

trade. Reflecting upon the fact that our country is now plunged into a

dreadful condition of warfare, we bear in mind that a large proportion

of China's trade, seventy or eighty per cent, is done with England;

moreover, your Customs duties are the lightest in the world, and few

restrictions are made at your sea-ports in the matter of foreign

importations; for these reasons our amiable relations with British

merchants at our Treaty Ports have continued unbroken for the last half

century, to our mutual benefit.--But a sudden change has now occurred

and general suspicion has been created against us. We would therefore

ask you now to consider that if, by any conceivable combination of

circumstances, the independence of our Empire should be lost, and the

Powers unite to carry out their long-plotted schemes to possess

themselves of our territory'--(in a simultaneous message to the Emperor

of Japan, the impulsive Tzu Hsi openly refers to 'The earth-hungry

Powers of the West, whose tigerish eyes of greed are fixed in our

direction'[374])--'the results to your country's interests would be

disastrous and fatal to your trade. At this moment our Empire is

striving to the utmost to raise an army and funds sufficient for its

protection; in the meanwhile we rely on your good services to act as

mediator, and now anxiously await your decision.'[375]

Both during the wars and in the interim periods, European civilisation

was busy looting and thieving on a grand scale in the Chinese Imperial

Palaces, in the public buildings and in the monuments of ancient

civilisation, not only in 1860, when the French pillaged the Emperor's

Palace with its legendary treasures, or in 1900, 'when all the nations

vied with each other to steal public and private property'. Every

European advance was marked not only with the progress of commodity

exchange, but by the smouldering ruins of the largest and most venerable

towns, by the decay of agriculture over large rural areas, and by

intolerably oppressive taxation for war contributions. There are more

than 40 Chinese Treaty Ports--and every one of them has been paid for

with streams of blood, with massacre and ruin.

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