THE DIFFICULTY VIEWED FROM THE ANGLE OF THE PROCESS OF CIRCULATION

The flaw in Marx's analysis is, in our opinion, the misguided

formulation of the problem as a mere question of 'the sources of money',

whereas the real issue is the effective demand, the use made of goods,

not the source of the money which is paid for them. As to money as a

means of circulation: when considering the reproductive process as a

whole, we must assume that capitalist society must always dispose of

money, or a substitute, in just that quantity that is needed for its

process of circulation. What has to be explained is the great social

transaction of exchange, caused by real economic needs. While it is

important to remember that capitalist surplus value must invariably pass

through the money stage before it can be accumulated, we must

nevertheless try to track down the economic demand for the surplus

product, quite apart from the puzzle where the money comes from. As Marx

himself says in another passage:

'The money on one side in that case calls forth expanded reproduction on

the other, because the possibility for it exists without the money. For

money in itself is not an element of actual reproduction.'[133]

And in a different context, Marx actually shows the question about the

'sources of money' to be a completely barren formulation of the problem

of accumulation.

In fact, he had come up against this difficulty once before when

examining the process of circulation. Still dealing with simple

reproduction, he had asked, in connection with the circulation of the

surplus value:

'But the commodity capital must be monetised before its conversion into

productive capital, or before the surplus-value contained in it can be

spent. Where does the money for this purpose come from? This question

seems difficult at the first glance, and neither Tooke nor anyone else

has answered it so far.'[134]

And he was then quite uncompromising about getting to the root of the

matter: 'The circulating capital of 500 p.st. advanced in the form of

money-capital, whatever may be its period of turn-over, may now stand

for the total capital of society, that is to say, of the capitalist

class. Let the surplus-value be 100 p.st. How can the entire capitalist

class manage to draw continually 600 p.st. out of the circulation, when

they continually throw only 500 p.st. into it?'[135]

All that, mind you, refers to simple reproduction, where the entire

surplus value is used for the personal consumption of the capitalist

class. The question should therefore from the outset have been put more

precisely in this form: how can the capitalists secure for themselves

consumer goods to the amount of £100 surplus value on top of putting

£500 into circulation for constant and variable capital? It is

immediately obvious that those £500 which, in form of capital, always

serve to buy means of production and to pay the workers, cannot

simultaneously defray the expense of the capitalists' personal

consumption. Where, then, does the additional money come from?--the £100

the capitalists need to realise their own surplus value? Thus all

theoretical dodges one might devise for this point are summarily

disposed of by Marx right away:

'It should not be attempted to avoid this difficulty by plausible

subterfuges.

'For instance: So far as the constant circulating capital is concerned,

it is obvious that not all invest it simultaneously. While the

capitalist A sells his commodities so that his advanced capital assumes

the form of money, there is on the other hand, the available

money-capital of the buyer B which assumes the form of his means of

production which A is just producing. The same transaction, which

restores that of B to its productive form, transforms it from money into

materials of production and labour-power; the same amount of money

serves in the two-sided process as in every simple purchase C-M. On the

other hand, when A reconverts his money into means of production, he

buys from C, and this man pays B with it, etc., and thus the transaction

would be explained.

'But none of the laws referring to the quantity of the circulating

money, which have been analysed in the circulation of commodities (vol.

i, chap, iii), are in any way changed by the capitalist character of the

process of production.

'Hence, when we have said that the circulating capital of society, to be

advanced in the form of money, amounts to 500 p.st., we have already

accounted for the fact that this is on the one hand the sum

simultaneously advanced, and that, on the other hand, it sets in motion

more productive capital than 500 p.st., because it serves alternately as

the money fund of different productive capitals. This mode of

explanation, then, assumes that money as existing whose existence it is

called upon to explain.

'It may be furthermore said: Capitalist A produces articles which

capitalist B consumes unproductively, individually. The money of B

therefore monetises the commodity-capital of A, and thus the same amount

serves for the monetisation of the surplus-value of B and the

circulating constant capital of A. But in that case, the solution of the

question to be solved is still more directly assumed, the question:

Whence does B get the money for the payment of his revenue? How does he

himself monetise this surplus-portion of his product?

'It might also be answered that that portion of the circulating variable

capital, which A continually advances to his labourers, flows back to

him continually from the circulation, and only an alternating part stays

continually tied up for the payment of wages. But a certain time elapses

between the expenditure and the reflux, and meanwhile the money paid out

for wages might, among other uses, serve for the monetisation of

surplus-value. But we know, in the first place, that, the greater the

time, the greater must be the supply of money which the capitalist A

must keep continually in reserve. In the second place, the labourer

spends the money, buys commodities for it, and thus monetises to that

extent the surplus-value contained in them. Without penetrating any

further into the question at this point, it is sufficient to say that

the consumption of the entire capitalist class, and of the unproductive

persons dependent upon it, keeps step with that of the labouring class;

so that, simultaneously with the money thrown into circulation by the

labouring class, the capitalists must throw money into it, in order to

spend their surplus-value as revenue. Hence money must be withdrawn from

circulation for it. This explanation would merely reduce the quantity of

money required, but not do away with it.

'Finally it might be said: A large amount of money is continually thrown

into circulation when fixed capital is first invested, and it is not

recovered from the circulation until after the lapse of years, by him

who threw it into circulation. May not this sum suffice to monetise the

surplus-value? The answer to this is that the employment as fixed

capital, if not by him who threw it into circulation, then by some one

else, is probably implied in the sum of 500 p.st. (which includes the

formation of a hoard for needed reserve funds). Besides, it is already

assumed in the amount expended for the purchase of products serving as

fixed capital, that the surplus-value contained in them is also paid,

and the question is precisely, where the money for this purpose came

from.'[136]

This parting shot, by the way, is particularly noteworthy in that Marx

here expressly repudiates the attempt to explain realisation of the

surplus value, even in the case of simple reproduction, by means of a

hoard formed for the periodical renewal of fixed capital. Later on, with

a view to realising the surplus value under the much more difficult

conditions of accumulation, he makes more than one tentative effort to

substantiate an explanation of this type which he himself dismissed as a

'plausible subterfuge'.

Then follows a solution which has a somewhat disconcerting ring: 'The

general reply has already been given: When a mass of commodities valued

at _x_ times 1,000 p.st. has to circulate, it changes absolutely nothing

in the quantity of the money required for this circulation, whether this

mass of commodities contains any surplus-value or not, and whether this

mass of commodities has been produced capitalistically or not. In other

words, _the problem itself does not exist_. All other conditions being

given, such as velocity of circulation of money, etc., a definite sum of

money is required in order to circulate the value of commodities worth

_x_ times 1,000 p.st., quite independently of the fact how much or how

little of this value falls to the share of the direct producers of

these commodities. So far as any problem exists here, it coincides with

the general problem: Where does all the money required for the

circulation of the commodities of a certain country come from?'[137]

The argument is quite sound. The answer to the general question about

the origin of the money for putting a certain quantity of commodities

into circulation within a country will also tell us where the money for

circulating the surplus value comes from. The division of the bulk of

value contained in these commodities into constant and variable capital,

and surplus value, does not exist from the angle of the circulation of

money--in this connection, it is quite meaningless. But it is only from

the angle of the circulation of money, or of a simple commodity

circulation, that the problem has no existence. Under the aspect of

social reproduction as a whole, it is very real indeed; but it should

not, of course, be put in that misleading form that brings us back to

simple commodity circulation, where it has no meaning. We should not

ask, accordingly: Where does the money required for realising the

surplus value come from? but: Where are the consumers for this surplus

value? It is they, for sure, who must have this money in hand in order

to throw it into circulation. Thus, Marx himself, although he just now

denied the problem to exist, keeps coming back to it time and again:

'Now, there are only two points of departure: The capitalist and the

labourer. All third classes of persons must either receive money for

their services from these two classes, or, to the extent that they

receive it without any equivalent services, they are joint owners of the

surplus-value in the form of rent, interest, etc. The fact that the

surplus-value does not all stay in the pocket of the industrial

capitalist, but must be shared by him with other persons, has nothing to

do with the present question. The question is: How does he maintain his

surplus-value, not, how does he divide the money later after he has

secured it? For the present case, the capitalist may as well be regarded

as the sole owner of his surplus-value. As for the labourer it has

already been said that he is but the secondary point of departure, while

the capitalist is the primary starting point of the money thrown by the

labourer into circulation. The money first advanced as variable capital

is going through its second circulation, when the labourer spends it

for the payment of means of subsistence.

'The capitalist class, then, remains the sole point of departure of the

circulation of money. If they need 400 p.st. for the payment of means of

production, and 100 p.st. for the payment of labour-power, they throw

500 p.st. into circulation. But the surplus-value incorporated in the

product, with a rate of surplus-value of 100 per cent, is equal to the

value of 100 p.st. How can they continually draw 600 p.st. out of

circulation, when they continually throw only 500 p.st. into it? From

nothing comes nothing. The capitalist class as a whole cannot draw out

of circulation what was not previously in it.'[138]

Marx further explodes another device which might conceivably be thought

adequate to the problem, i.e. a more rapid turnover of money enabling a

larger amount of value to circulate by means of a smaller amount of

money. The dodge will not work, of course, since the velocity of money

in circulation is already taken into account by equating the aggregate

bulk of commodities with a certain number of pounds sterling. But then

at last we seem in sight of a proper solution:

'Indeed, paradoxical as it may appear at first sight, it is the

capitalist class itself that throws the money into circulation which

serves for the realisation of the surplus-value incorporated in the

commodities. But, mark well, it is not thrown into circulation as

advanced money, not as capital. The capitalist class spends it for their

individual consumption. The money is not advanced by them, although they

are the point of departure of its circulation.'[139]

This lucid and comprehensive account is the best evidence that the

problem is not just imaginary but very real. It provides a solution, not

by disclosing a new 'source of money' for the realisation of the surplus

value, but by pointing out at last the consumers of this surplus value.

We are still, on Marx's assumption, within the bounds of simple

reproduction; the capitalist class, that is to say, use the whole of

their surplus value for personal consumption. Since the capitalists are

the consumers of surplus value, it is not so much a paradox as a truism

that they must, in the nature of things, possess the money for

appropriating the objects of consumption, the natural form of this

surplus value. The circulatory transaction of exchange is the necessary

consequence of the fact that the individual capitalist cannot

immediately consume his individual surplus value, and accordingly the

individual surplus product, as could, for instance, the employer of

slave labour. As a rule the natural material form of the surplus product

tends to preclude such use. The aggregate surplus value of the

capitalists in general is, however, contained in the total social

product--as long as there is simple reproduction--as expressed by a

corresponding quantity of consumer goods for the capitalist class, just

as the sum total of variable capital has its corresponding equivalent in

the quantity of consumer goods for the working class, and as the

constant capital of all individual capitalists taken together is

represented by material means of production in an equivalent quantity.

In order to exchange the unconsumable individual surplus values for a

corresponding amount of consumer goods, a double transaction of

commodity exchange is needed: first, the sale of one's own surplus

product and then the purchase of consumer goods out of the surplus

product of society. These two transactions can only take place among

members of the capitalist class, among individual capitalists, which

means that their agent, the money, thereby merely changes hands as

between one capitalist and another without ever being alienated from the

capitalist class in general. Since simple reproduction inevitably

implies the exchange of equivalents, one and the same amount of money

can serve year by year for the circulation of the surplus value, and

only an excess of zeal will inspire the further query: where does the

money which mediates the capitalists' own consumption come from in the

first place? This, question, however, reduces to a more general one: how

did money capital initially come into the hands of the capitalists, that

money capital of which they always retain a certain part for their

personal consumption, apart from what they use for productive

investment? Put in this way, however, the question belongs in the

chapter of so-called 'primitive accumulation', i.e. the historical

genesis of capital, going beyond the framework of an analysis of the

process of circulation as well as of reproduction.

Thus the fact is clear and unequivocal--so long as we remain within the

bounds of simple reproduction. Here the problem is solved by the

premises themselves; in fact, the solution is already anticipated by

the very concept of simple reproduction which indeed is based on the

entire surplus value being consumed by the capitalist class. This

implies that it must also be the latter who buy it, that is to say,

individual capitalists must buy it from each other.

'In the present case', Marx says himself, 'we had assumed, that the sum

of money which the capitalist throws into circulation until the first

surplus-value flows back to him, is exactly equal to the surplus-value

which he is going to produce and monetise. This is obviously an

arbitrary assumption, so far as, the individual capitalist is concerned.

But it must be correct when applied to the entire capitalist class, when

simple reproduction is assumed. It expresses the same thing that this

assumption does, namely, that the entire surplus-value is consumed

unproductively, but it only, not any portion of the original capital

stock.'[140]

But simple reproduction on a capitalist basis is after all an imaginary

quantity in economic theory: no more and no less legitimate, and quite

as unavoidable as [sqrt](-1) in mathematics. What is worse, it cannot

offer any help at all with the problem of realising the surplus value in

real life, i.e. with regard to enlarged reproduction or accumulation.

Marx himself says so for a second time in the further development of his

analysis.

Where does the money for realising the surplus value come from if there

is accumulation, i.e. not consumption but capitalisation of part of the

surplus value? Marx's first answer is as follows:

'In the first place, the additional money-capital required for the

function of the increasing productive capital is supplied by that

portion of the realised surplus-value which is thrown into circulation

by the capitalists as money-capital, not as the money form of their

revenue. The money is already present in the hands of the capitalists.

Only its employment is different.'[141]

Our investigation of the reproductive process has already made us

familiar with this explanation, and we are equally familiar with its

defects; for one thing, the answer rests on the moment of the first

transition from simple reproduction to accumulation. The capitalists

only yesterday consumed their entire surplus value, and thus had in hand

an appropriate amount of money for their circulation. To-day they decide

to 'save' part of the surplus value and to invest it productively

instead of squandering it. Provided that material means of production

were manufactured instead of luxury goods, they need only put part of

their personal money fund to a different use. But the transition from

simple reproduction to expanded reproduction is no less a theoretical

fiction than simple reproduction of capital itself, for which reason

Marx immediately goes on to say:

'Now, by means of the additional productive capital, its product, an

additional quantity of commodities, is thrown into circulation. Together

with this additional quantity of commodities, a portion of the

additional money required for its circulation is thrown into

circulation, so far as the value of this mass of commodities is equal to

that of the productive capital consumed in their production. This

additional quantity of money has precisely been advanced as an

additional money-capital, and therefore it flows back to the capitalist

through the turn-over of his capital. Here the same question reappears,

which we met previously. Where does the additional money come from, by

which the additional surplus-value now contained in the form of

commodities is to be realised?'[142]

The problem could not be put more precisely. But instead of a solution,

there follows the surprising conclusion:

'The general reply is again the same. The sum total of the prices of the

commodities has been increased, not because the prices of a given

quantity of commodities have risen, but because the mass of the

commodities now circulating is greater than that of the previously

circulating commodities, and because this increase has not been offset

by a fall in prices. The additional money required for the circulation

of this greater quantity of commodities of greater value must be

secured, either by greater economy in the circulating quantity of

money--whether by means of balancing payments, etc., or by some measure

which accelerates the circulation of the same coins,--or by the

transformation of money from the form of a hoard into that of a

circulating medium.'[143]

All this amounts to an exposition along these lines: under conditions of

developing and growing accumulation, capitalist reproduction dumps ever

larger masses of commodity values on the market. To put this commodity

mass of a continually increasing value into circulation requires an ever

larger amount of money. This increasing amount of money must be found

somehow or other. All this is, no doubt, plausible and correct as far as

it goes, but our problem is not solved, it is merely wished away.

One thing or the other! Either we regard the aggregate social product in

a capitalist economy simply as a mass, a conglomeration of commodities

of a certain value, seeing under conditions of accumulation, a mere

increase in this undifferentiated mass of commodities and in the bulk of

its value. Then all we need say is that a corresponding quantity of

money is required for circulating this bulk of value, that with an

increasing bulk of value the quantity of money must also increase,

unless this growth of value is offset by acceleration of, and economy

in, the traffic. And the final question, where does all money originally

come from, could then be answered on Marx's recipe: from the gold mines.

This, of course, is one way of looking at things, that of simple

commodity circulation. But in that case there is no need to drag in

concepts such as constant and variable capital, or surplus value, which

have no place in simple commodity circulation, belonging essentially to

the circulation of capitals and to social reproduction; nor is there

need to inquire for sources of money for the realisation of the social

surplus value under conditions of first simple, and then enlarged,

reproduction. Under the aspect of simple commodity circulation puzzles

of this kind are without meaning or content. But once these questions

have been raised, once the course has been set for an investigation into

the circulation of capitals and social reproduction, there can be no

appealing to the sphere of simple commodity circulation, where there is

no such problem at all, and consequently no solution to it. There can be

no looking for the answer there, and then saying triumphantly that the

problem has long been solved and in fact never really existed.

All this time, it appears, Marx has been tackling the problem from a

wrong approach. No intelligent purpose can be served by asking for the

source of the money needed to realise the surplus value. The question is

rather where the demand can arise--to find an effective demand for the

surplus value. If the problem had been put in this way at the start, no

such long-winded detours would have been needed to show whether it can

be solved or not. On the basis of simple reproduction, the matter is

easy enough: since all surplus value is consumed by the capitalists,

they themselves are the buyers and provide the full demand for the

social surplus value, and by the same token they must also have the

requisite cash in hand for circulation of the surplus value. But in this

showing it is quite evident that under conditions of accumulation, i.e.

of capitalisation of part of the surplus value, it cannot, _ex

hypothesi_, be the capitalists themselves who buy the entire surplus

value, that they cannot possibly realise it. True, if the capitalised

surplus value is to be realised at all, money must be forthcoming in

adequate quantities for its realisation. But it is quite impossible that

this money should come from the purse of the capitalist class itself.

Just because accumulation is postulated, the capitalists cannot buy

their surplus value themselves, even though they might, _in abstracto_,

have the money to do so. But who else could provide the demand for the

commodities incorporating the capitalised surplus value?

'Apart from this class (the capitalists), there is, according to our

assumption--the general and exclusive domination of capitalist

production--no other class but the working class. All that the working

class buys is equal to the sum total of its wages, equal to the sum

total of the variable capital advanced by the entire capitalist

class.'[144]

The workers, then, are even less able than the capitalist class to

realise the capitalised surplus value. Somebody must buy it, if the

capitalists are still to be able to recover the capital they have

accumulated and advanced; and yet--we cannot think of any buyers other

than capitalists and workers. 'How can the entire capitalist class

accumulate money under such circumstances?'[144]

Realisation of the surplus value outside the only two existing classes

of society appears as indispensable as it looks impossible. The

accumulation of capital has been caught in a vicious circle. At any

rate, the second volume of _Capital_ offers no way out.

If we should now ask why Marx's _Capital_ affords no solution to this

important problem of the accumulation of capital, we must bear in mind

above all that this second volume is not a finished whole but a

manuscript that stops short half way through.

The external form of its last chapters in particular proves them to be

in the nature of notes, intended to clear the author's own mind, rather

than final conclusions ready for the reader's enlightenment. This fact

is amply authenticated by the man best in the position to know:

Friedrich Engels, who edited the second volume. In his introduction to

the second volume he reports in detail on the conditions of the

preliminary studies and the manuscripts Marx had left, which were to

form the basis of this volume:

'The mere enumeration of the manuscripts left by Marx as a basis for

Volume II proves the unparalleled conscientiousness and strict

self-criticism which he practised in his endeavour to fully elaborate

his great economic discoveries before he published them. This

self-criticism rarely permitted him to adapt his presentation of the

subject, in content as well as in form, to his ever widening horizon,

which he enlarged by incessant study.

'The material ... consists of the following parts: First, a manuscript

entitled "A contribution to the Critique of Political Economy",

containing 1,472 quarto pages in 23 divisions, written in the time from

August, 1861, to June, 1863. It is a continuation of the work of the

same title, the first volume of which appeared in Berlin, in 1859....

This manuscript, valuable though it is, could not be used in the present

edition of Volume II.

'The manuscript next following in the order of time is that of Volume

III....

'The period after the publication of Volume I, which is next in order,

is represented by a collection of four manuscripts for Volume II, marked

I-IV by Marx himself. Manuscript I (150 pages) presumably written in

1865 or 1867, is the first independent, but more or less fragmentary,

elaboration of the questions now contained in Volume II. This manuscript

is likewise unsuited for this edition. Manuscript III is partly a

compilation of quotations and references to the manuscripts containing

Marx's extracts and comments, most of them relating to the first section

of Volume II, partly an elaboration of special points, particularly a

critique of Adam Smith's statements as to fixed and circulating capital

and the source of profits; furthermore, a discussion of the relations

of the rate of surplus-value to the rate of profit, which belongs in

Volume III. The references furnished little that was new, while the

elaborations for Volumes II and III were rendered valueless through

subsequent revisions and had to be ruled out for the greater part.

Manuscript IV is an elaboration, ready for printing, of the first

section and the first chapters of the second section of Volume II, and

has been used in its proper place. Although it was found that this

manuscript had been written earlier than Manuscript II, yet it was far

more finished in form and could be used with advantage for the

corresponding part of this volume. I had to add only a few supplementary

parts of Manuscript II. This last manuscript is the only fairly

completed elaboration of Volume II and dates from the year 1870. The

notes for the final revision, which I shall mention immediately, say

explicitly: "The second elaboration must be used as a basis."

'There is another interruption after 1870, due mainly to ill health.

Marx employed this time in his customary way, that is to say he studied

agronomics, agricultural conditions in America and especially Russia,

the money market and banking institutions, and finally natural sciences,

such as geology and physiology. Independent mathematical studies also

form a large part of the numerous manuscripts of this period. In the

beginning of 1877, Marx had recovered sufficiently to resume once more

his chosen life's work. The beginning of 1877 is marked by references

and notes from the above named four manuscripts intended for a new

elaboration of Volume II, the beginning of which is represented by

Manuscript V (56 pages in folio). It comprises the first four chapters

and is not very fully worked out. Essential points are treated in

footnotes. The material is rather collected than sifted, but it is the

last complete presentation of this most important first section. A

preliminary attempt to prepare this part for the printer was made in

Manuscript VI (after October, 1877, and before July, 1878), embracing 17

quarto pages, the greater part of the first chapter. A second and last

attempt was made in Manuscript VII, dated July 2, 1878, and consisting

of 7 pages in folio.

'About this time Marx seems to have realised that he would never be able

to complete the second and third volume in a manner satisfactory to

himself, unless a complete revolution in his health took place.

Manuscripts V-VIII show traces of hard struggles against depressing

physical conditions far too frequently to be ignored. The most difficult

part of the first section had been worked over in Manuscript V. The

remainder of the first, and the entire second section, with the

exception of Chapter 17, presented no great theoretical difficulties.

But the third section, dealing with the reproduction and circulation of

social capital, seemed to be very much in need of revision. Manuscript

II, it must be pointed out, had first treated of this reproduction

without regard to the circulation which is instrumental in effecting it,

and then taken up the same question with regard to circulation. It was

the intention of Marx to eliminate this section and to reconstruct it in

such a way that it would conform to his wider grasp of the subject. This

gave rise to Manuscript VIII, containing only 70 pages in quarto. A

comparison with Section III, as printed after deducting the paragraphs

inserted out of Manuscript II, shows the amount of matter compressed by

Marx into this space.

'Manuscript VIII is likewise merely a preliminary presentation of the

subject, and its main object was to ascertain and develop the new points

of view not set forth in Manuscript II, while those points were ignored

about which there was nothing new to say. An essential part of Chapter

17, Section II, which is more or less relevant to Section III, was at

the same time drawn into this discussion and expanded. The logical

sequence was frequently interrupted, the treatment of the subject was

incomplete in various places, and especially the conclusion was very

fragmentary. But Marx expressed as nearly as possible what he intended

to say on the subject.

'This is the material for Volume II, out of which I was supposed "to

make something", as Marx said to his daughter Eleanor shortly before his

death.'[145]

We cannot but admire this 'something' which Engels managed to 'make'

from material of such a kind. As far as our present problem is

concerned, however, this detailed report makes it clear that no more

than the first two of the three sections that make up volume ii were

anything like ready for print in the manuscripts Marx left: the section

'On the Circulation of Money and Commodity Capital' and on 'The Causes

of Circulation and the Turnover of Capital'. The third section which

treats of the reproduction of total capital is merely a collection of

fragments which Marx himself considered to be 'very much in need of

revision.' Yet it is the last part of this section, i.e. chapter 21, 'On

Accumulation and Enlarged Reproduction', which is of primary importance

in the present context, and of the whole book this is the most

incomplete. It comprises thirty-five pages of print in all and breaks

off right in the middle of the analysis.

Besides this extraneous circumstance, we would suggest another point of

great influence. Marx's investigation of the social reproductive process

starts off, as we have seen, from the analysis of Adam Smith which came

to grief, among other reasons, because of the erroneous doctrine that

the price of all commodities is composed of _v + s_. Polemics against

this dogma dominated Marx's entire analysis of the reproductive process.

He devoted all his attention to proving that the total capital of

society must serve, not only for consumption to the full amount of the

various sources of revenue, but also for renewal of the constant

capital. And inasmuch as the purest theoretical form for this line of

reasoning is given, not by enlarged reproduction, but by simple

reproduction, Marx tends to consider reproduction mainly from a point of

view that is the very opposite of accumulation, from the assumption that

the entire surplus value is consumed by the capitalists. How greatly

these polemics influenced his analysis is proved by his returning time

and again in the course of his work to the attack on Adam Smith from the

most various angles. So already in volume i, the following pages are

devoted to it: vol. i, sect. 7, chap. 24, (2), pp. 588-602, and in vol.

ii, pp. 417-56, p. 473, pp. 504-8, and pp. 554 f.

Marx again takes up the question of total reproduction in volume iii but

from the start becomes once more involved with the problem set by Smith

to which he devotes the whole of his 49th chapter and most of chapter 50

(pp. 968-92 and 992-1022). Finally, in _Theorien ueber den Mehrwert_, we

again find detailed polemics against Smith's dogma: pp. 164-253 in vol.

i, and pp. 92, 95, 126, 233, and 262 in vol. ii, part 2. Marx repeatedly

stressed and emphasised the fact that he considered replacement of the

constant capital from the aggregate social product the most difficult

and important problem of reproduction.[146] The other problem, that of

accumulation, i.e. realisation of the surplus value for the purpose of

capitalisation, was thus pushed into the background, so that in the end

Marx hardly touched upon it.

This problem being of such paramount importance for capitalist economy,

it is not surprising that bourgeois economists have dealt with it again

and again. Attempts to grapple with this vital question for capitalist

economy, with the question whether capital accumulation is possible in

practice, come up time and again in the history of economic theory. To

these historical attempts, before and after Marx, at solving this

problem we shall now turn.

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