Chapter 3

Dismay In Gasca's Camp--His Winter Quarters--Resumes His March--

Crosses The Apurimac--Pizarro's Conduct In Cuzco--

He Encamps Near The City--Rout Of Xaquixaguana

1547--1548

While the events recorded in the preceding chapter were passing,

President Gasca had remained at Xauxa, awaiting further tidings from

Centeno, little doubting that they would inform him of the total

discomfiture of the rebels. Great was his dismay, therefore, on learning

the issue of the fatal conflict in Haurina,--that the royalists had been

scattered far and wide before the sword of Pizarro, while their

commander had vanished like an apparition,1 leaving the greatest

uncertainty as to his fate.

The intelligence spread general consternation among the soldiers,

proportioned to their former confidence; and they felt it was almost

hopeless to contend with a man who seemed protected by a charm that

made him invincible against the greatest odds. The president, however

sore his disappointment, was careful to conceal it, while he endeavored

to restore the spirits of his followers. "They had been too sanguine," he

said, "and it was in this way that Heaven rebuked their persumption. Yet

it was but in the usual course of events that Providence, when it designed

to humble the guilty, should allow him to reach as high an elevation as

possible, that his fall might be the greater!"

But while Gasca thus strove to reassure the superstitious and the timid,

he bent his mind, with his usual energy, to repair the injury which the

cause had sustained by the defeat at Huarina. He sent a detachment

under Alvarado to Lima, to collect such of the royalists as had fled

thither from the field of battle, and to dismantle the ships of their cannon,

and bring them to the camp. Another body was sent to Guamanga, about

sixty leagues from Cuzco, for the similar purpose of protecting the

fugitives, and also of preventing the Indian caciques from forwarding

supplies to the insurgent army in Cuzco. As his own forces now

amounted to considerably more than any his opponent could bring

against him, Gasca determined to break up his camp without further

delay, and march on the Inca capital.2

Quitting Xauxa, December 29, 1547, he passed through Guamanga, and

after a severe march, rendered particularly fatiguing by the inclement

state of the weather and the badness of the roads, he entered the province

of Andaguaylas. It was a fair and fruitful country, and since the road

beyond would take him into the depths of a gloomy sierra, scarcely

passable in the winter snows, Gasca resolved to remain in his present

quarters until the severity of the season was mitigated. As many of the

troops had already contracted diseases from exposure to the incessant

rains, he established a camp hospital; and the good president personally

visited the quarters of the sick, ministering to their wants, and winning

their hearts by his sympathy.3

Meanwhile, the royal camp was strengthened by the continual arrival of

reinforcements; for notwithstanding the shock that was caused

throughout the country by the first tidings of Pizarro's victory, a little

reflection convinced the people that the right was the strongest, and must

eventually prevail. There came, also, with these levies, several of the

most distinguished captains in the country. Centeno, burning to retrieve

his late disgrace, after recovering from his illness, joined the camp with

his followers from Lima. Benalcazar, the conqueror of Quito, who, as

the reader will remember, had shared in the defeat of Blasco Nunez in

the north, came with another detachment; and was soon after followed by

Valdivia, the famous conqueror of Chili, who, having returned to Peru to

gather recruits for his expedition, had learned the state of the country,

and had thrown himself, without hesitation, into the same scale with the

president, though it brought him into collision with his old friend and

comrade, Gonzalo Pizarro. The arrival of this last ally was greeted with

general rejoicing by the camp; for Valdivia, schooled in the Italian wars,

was esteemed the most accomplished soldier in Peru; and Gasca

complimented him by declaring "he would rather see him than a

reinforcement of eight hundred men!" 4

Besides these warlike auxiliaries, the president was attended by a train of

ecclesiastics and civilians, such as was rarely found in the martial fields

of Peru. Among them were the bishops of Quito, Cuzco, and Lima, the

four judges of the new Audience, and a considerable number of

churchmen and monkish missionaries.5 However little they might serve

to strengthen his arm in battle, their presence gave authority and

something of a sacred character to the cause, which had their effect on

the minds of the soldiers.

The wintry season now began to give way before the mild influence of

spring, which makes itself early felt in these tropical, but from their

elevation temperate, regions; and Gasca, after nearly three months

detention in Andaguaylas, mustered his levies for the final march upon

Cuzco.6 Their whole number fell little short of two thousand,--the

largest European force yet assembled in Peru. Nearly half were provided

with fire-arms; and infantry were more available than horse in the

mountain countries which they were to traverse. But his cavalry was also

numerous, and he carried with him a train of eleven heavy guns. The

equipment and discipline of the troops were good; they were well

provided with ammunition and military stores; and were led by officers

whose names were associated with the most memorable achievements in

the New World. All who had any real interest in the weal of the country

were to be found, in short, under the president's banner, making a

striking contrast to the wild and reckless adventurers who now swelled

the ranks of Pizarro.

Gasca, who did not affect a greater knowledge of military affairs than he

really possessed, had given the charge of his forces to Hinojosa, naming

the Marshal Alvarado as second in command. Valdivia, who came after

these dispositions had been made, accepted a colonel's commission, with

the understanding that he was to be consulted and employed in all

matters of moment.7--Having completed his arrangements, the president

broke up his camp in March, 1548, and moved upon Cuzco.

The first obstacle of his progress was the river Abancay, the bridge over

which had been broken down by the enemy. But as there was no force to

annoy them on the opposite bank, the army was not long in preparing a

new bridge, and throwing it across the stream, which in this place had

nothing formidable in its character. The road now struck into the heart

of a mountain region, where woods, precipices, and ravines were

mingled together in a sort of chaotic confusion, with here and there a

green and sheltered valley, glittering like an island of verdure amidst the

wild breakers of a troubled ocean! The bold peaks of the Andes, rising

far above the clouds, were enveloped in snow, which, descending far

down their sides, gave a piercing coldness to the winds that swept over

their surface, until men and horses were benumbed and stiffened under

their influence. The roads, in these regions, were in some places so

narrow and broken, as to be nearly impracticable for cavalry. The

cavaliers were compelled to dismount; and the president, with the rest,

performed the journey on foot, so hazardous, that, even in later times, it

has been no uncommon thing for the sure-footed mule to be precipitated,

with its cargo of silver, thousands of feet down the sheer sides of a

precipice.8

By these impediments of the ground, the march was so retarded, that the

troops seldom accomplished more than two leagues a day.9 Fortunately,

the distance was not great; and the president looked with more

apprehension to the passage of the Apurimac, which he was now

approaching. This river, one of the most formidable tributaries of the

Amazon, rolls its broad waters through the gorges of the Cordilleras, that

rise up like an immense rampart of rock on either side, presenting a

natural barrier which it would be easy for an enemy to make good

against a force much superior to his own. The bridges over this river, as

Gasca learned before his departure from Andaguaylas, had been all

destroyed by Pizarro. The president, accordingly, had sent to explore the

banks of the stream, and determine the most eligible spot for

reestablishing communications with the opposite side.

The place selected was near the Indian village of Cotapampa, about nine

leagues from Cuzco; for the river, though rapid and turbulent from being

compressed within more narrow limits, was here less than two hundred

paces in width; a distance, however, not inconsiderable. Directions had

been given to collect materials in large quantities in the neighborhood of

this spot as soon as possible; and at the same time, in order to perplex the

enemy and compel him to divide his forces, should he be disposed to

resist, materials in smaller quantities were assembled on three other

points of the river. The officer stationed in the neighborhood of

Cotapampa was instructed not to begin to lay the bridge, till the arrival

of a sufficient force should accelerate the work, and insure its success.

The structure in question, it should be remembered, was one of those

suspension bridges formerly employed by the Incas, and still used in

crossing the deep and turbulent rivers of South America. They are made

of osier withes, twisted into enormous cables, which, when stretched

across the water, are attached to heavy blocks of masonry, or, where it

will serve, to the natural rock. Planks are laid transversely across these

cables, and a passage is thus secured, which, notwithstanding the light

and fragile appearance of the bridge, as it swings at an elevation

sometimes of several hundred feet above the abyss, affords a tolerably

safe means of conveyance for men, and even for such heavy burdens as

artillery.10

Notwithstanding the peremptory commands of Gasca, the officer

intrusted with collecting the materials for the bridge was so anxious to

have the honor of completing the work himself, that he commenced it at

once. The president, greatly displeased at learning this, quickened his

march, in order to cover the work with his whole force. But, while

toiling through the mountain labyrinth, tidings were brought him that a

party of the enemy had demolished the small portion of the bridge

already made, by cutting the cables on the opposite bank. Valdivia,

accordingly, hastened forward at the head of two hundred arquebusiers,

while the main body of the army followed with as much speed as

practicable.

That officer, on reaching the spot, found that the interruption had been

caused by a small party of Pizarro's followers, not exceeding twenty in

number, assisted by a stronger body of Indians. He at once caused

balsas, broad and clumsy barks, or rather rafts, of the country, to be

provided, and by this means passed his men over, without opposition, to

the other side of the river. The enemy, disconcerted by the arrival of

such a force, retreated and made the best of their way to report the affair

to their commander at Cuzco. Meanwhile, Valdivia, who saw the

Importance of every moment in the present crisis, pushed forward the

work with the greatest vigor. Through all that night his weary troops

continued the labor, which was already well advanced, when the

president and his battalions, emerging from the passes of the Cordilleras,

presented themselves at sunrise on the opposite bank.

Little time was given for repose, as all felt assured that the success of

their enterprise hung on the short respite now given them by the

improvident enemy. The president, with his principal officers, took part

in the labor with the common soldiers;11 and before ten o'clock in the

evening, Gasca had the satisfaction to see the bridge so well secured, that

the leading files of the army, unencumbered by their baggage, might

venture to cross it. A short time sufficed to place several hundred men

on the other bank. But here a new difficulty, not less formidable than

that of the river, presented itself to the troops. The ground rose up with

an abrupt, almost precipitous, swell from the river-side, till, in the

highest peaks, it reached an elevation of several thousand feet. This

steep ascent, though not to its full height, indeed, was now to be

surmounted. The difficulties of the ground, broken up into fearful

chasms and water-courses, and tangled with thickets, were greatly

increased by the darkness of the night; and the soldiers, as they toiled

slowly upward, were filled with apprehension, akin to fear, from the

uncertainty whether each successive step might not bring them into an

ambuscade, for which the ground was so favorable. More than once, the

Spaniards were thrown into a panic by false reports that the enemy were

upon them. But Hinojosa and Valdivia were at hand to rally their men,

and cheer them on, until, at length, before dawn broke, the bold cavaliers

and their followers placed themselves on the highest point traversed by

the road, where they waited the arrival of the president. This was not

long delayed; and in the course of the following morning, the royalists

were already in sufficient strength to bid defiance to their enemy.

The passage of the river had been effected with less loss than might have

been expected, considering the darkness of the night, and the numbers

that crowded over the aerial causeway. Some few, indeed, fell into the

water, and were drowned; and more than sixty horses, in the attempt to

swim them across the river, were hurried down the current, and dashed

against the rocks below.12 It still required time to bring up the heavy

train of ordnance and the military wagons; and the president encamped

on the strong ground which he now occupied, to await their arrival, and

to breathe his troops after their extraordinary efforts. In these quarters

we must leave him, to acquaint the reader with the state of things in the

insurgent army, and with the cause of its strange remissness in guarding

the passes of the Apurimac.13

From the time of Pizarro's occupation of Cuzco, he had lived in careless

luxury in the midst of his followers, like a soldier of fortune in the hour

of prosperity; enjoying the present, with as little concern for the future as

if the crown of Peru were already fixed irrevocably upon his head. It

was otherwise with Carbajal. He looked on the victory at Huarina as the

commencement, not the close, of the struggle for empire; and he was

indefatigable in placing his troops in the best condition for maintaining

their present advantage. At the first streak of dawn, the veteran might be

seen mounted on his mule, with the garb and air of a common soldier,

riding about in the different quarters of the capital, sometimes

superintending the manufacture of arms, or providing military stores, and

sometimes drilling his men, for he was most careful always to maintain

the strictest discipline.14 His restless spirit seemed to find no pleasure

but in incessant action; living, as he had always done, in the turmoil of

military adventure, he had no relish for any thing unconnected with war,

and in the city saw only the materials for a well organized camp.

With these feelings, he was much dissatisfied at the course taken by his

younger leader, who now professed his intention to abide where he was,

and, when the enemy advanced, to give him battle. Carbajal advised a

very different policy. He had not that full confidence, it would seem, in

the loyalty of Pizarro's partisans, at least, not of those who had once

followed the banner of Centeno. These men, some three hundred in

number, had been in a manner compelled to take service under Pizarro.

They showed no heartiness in the cause, and the veteran strongly urged

his commander to disband them at once; since it was far better to go to

battle with a few faithful followers than with a host of the false and faint-

hearted.

But Carbajal thought, also, that his leader was not sufficiently strong in

numbers to encounter his opponent, supported as he was by the best

captains of Peru. He advised, accordingly, that he should abandon

Cuzco, carrying off all the treasure, provisions, and stores of every kind

from the city, which might, in any way, serve the necessities of the

royalists. The latter, on their arrival, disappointed by the poverty of a

place where they had expected to find so much booty, would become

disgusted with the service. Pizarro, meanwhile, might take refuge with

his men in the neighboring fastnesses, where, familiar with the ground, it

would be easy to elude the enemy; and if the latter persevered in the

pursuit, with numbers diminished by desertion, it would not be difficult

in the mountain passes to find an opportunity for assailing him at

advantage.--Such was the wary counsel of the old warrior. But it was not

to the taste of his fiery commander, who preferred to risk the chances of

a battle, rather than turn his back on a foe.

Neither did Pizarro show more favor to a proposition, said to have been

made by the Licentiate Cepeda,--that he should avail himself of his late

success to enter into negotiations with Gasca. Such advice, from the

man who had so recently resisted all overtures of the president, could

only have proceeded from a conviction, that the late victory placed

Pizarro on a vantage-ground for demanding terms far better than would

have been before conceded to him. It may be that subsequent experience

had also led him to distrust the fidelity of Gonzalo's followers, or,

possibly, the capacity of their chief to conduct them through the present

crisis. Whatever may have been the motives of the slippery counsellor,

Pizarro gave little heed to the suggestion, and even showed some

resentment, as the matter was pressed on him. In every contest, with

Indian or European, whatever had been the odds, he had come off

victorious. He was not now for the first time to despond; and he

resolved to remain in Cuzco, and hazard all on the chances of a battle.

There was something in the hazard itself captivating to his bold and

chivalrous temper. In this, too, he was confirmed by some of the

cavaliers who had followed him through all his fortunes; reckless young

adventurers, who, like himself, would rather risk all on a single throw of

the dice, than adopt the cautious, and, as it seemed to them, timid, policy

of graver counsellors. It was by such advisers, then, that Pizarro's future

course was to be shaped.15

Such was the state of affairs in Cuzco, when Pizarro's soldiers returned

with the tidings, that a detachment of the enemy had crossed the

Apurimac, and were busy in reestablishing the bridge. Carbajal saw at

once the absolute necessity of maintaining this pass. "It is my affair," he

said; "I claim to be employed on this service. Give me but a hundred

picked men, and I will engage to defend the pass against an army, and

bring back the chaplain--the name by which the president was known in

the rebel camp---a prisoner to Cuzco." 16 "I cannot spare you, father,"

said Gonzalo, addressing him by this affectionate epithet, which he

usually applied to his aged follower,17 "I cannot spare you so far from

my own person"; and he gave the commission to Juan de Acosta, a

young cavalier warmly attached to his commander, and who had given

undoubted evidence of his valor on more than one occasion, but who, as

the event proved, was signally deficient in the qualities demanded for

so critical an undertaking as the present. Acosta, accordingly, was

placed at the head of two hundred mounted musketeers, and, after much

wholesome counsel from Carbajal, set out on his expedition.

But he soon forgot the veteran's advice, and moved at so dull a pace over

the difficult roads, that, although the distance was not more than nine

leagues, he found, on his arrival, the bridge completed, and so large a

body of the enemy already crossed, that he was in no strength to attack

them. Acosta did, indeed, meditate an ambuscade by night; but the

design was betrayed by a deserter, and he contented himself with

retreating to a safe distance, and sending for a further reinforcement from

Cuzco. Three hundred men were promptly detached to his support; but

when they arrived, the enemy was already planted in full force on the

crest of the eminence. The golden opportunity was irrecoverably lost;

and the disconsolate cavalier rode back in all haste to report the failure

of his enterprise to his commander in Cuzco.18

The only question now to be decided was as to the spot where Gonzalo

'Pizarro should give battle to his enemies. He determined at once to

abandon the capital, and wait for his opponents in the neighboring valley

of Xaquixaguana. It was about five leagues distant, and the reader may

remember it as the place where Francis Pizarro burned the Peruvian

general Challcuchima, on his first occupation of Cuzco. The valley,

fenced round by the lofty rampart of the Andes, was, for the most part,

green and luxuriant, affording many picturesque points of view; and,

from the genial temperature of the climate, had been a favorite summer

residence of the Indian nobles, many of whose pleasure-houses still

dotted the sides of the mountains. A river, or rather stream, of no great

volume, flowed through one end of this inclosure, and the neighboring

soil was so wet and miry as to have the character of a morass.

Here the rebel commander arrived, after a tedious march over roads not

easily traversed by his train of heavy wagons and artillery. His forces

amounted in all to about nine hundred men, with some half-dozen pieces

of ordnance. It was a well-appointed body, and under excellent

discipline, for it had been schooled by the strictest martinet in the

Peruvian service. But it was the misfortune of Pizarro that his army was

composed, in part, at least, of men on whose attachment to his cause he

could not confidently rely. This was a deficiency which no courage nor

skill in the leader could supply.

On entering the valley, Pizarro selected the eastern quarter of it, towards

Cuzco, as the most favorable spot for his encampment. It was crossed by

the stream above mentioned, and he stationed his army in such a manner,

that, while one extremity of the camp rested on a natural barrier formed

by the mountain cliffs that here rose up almost perpendicularly, the other

was protected by the river. While it was scarcely possible, therefore, to

assail his flanks, the approaches in front were so extremely narrowed by

these obstacles, that it would not be easy to overpower him by numbers

in that direction. In the rear, his communications remained open with

Cuzco, furnishing a ready means for obtaining supplies. Having secured

this strong position, he resolved patiently to wait the assault of the

enemy.19

Meanwhile, the royal army had been toiling up the steep sides of the

Cordilleras, until, at the close of the third day, the president had the

satisfaction to find himself surrounded by his whole force, with their

guns and military stores. Having now sufficiently refreshed his men, he

resumed his march, and all went forward with the buoyant confidence of

bringing their quarrel with the tyrant, as Pizarro was called, to a speedy

issue.

Their advance was slow, as in the previous part of the march, for the

ground was equally embarrassing. It was not long, however, before the

president learned that his antagonist had pitched his camp in the

neighboring valley of Xaquixaguana. Soon afterward, two friars, sent by

Gonzalo himself, appeared in the army, for the ostensible purpose of

demanding a sight of the powers with which Gasca was intrusted. But as

their conduct gave reason to suspect they were spies, the president

caused the holy men to be seized, and refused to allowed them to return

to Pizarro. By an emissary of his own, whom he despatched to the rebel

chief, he renewed the assurance of pardon already given him, in case he

would lay down his arms and submit. Such an act of generosity, at this

late hour, must be allowed to be highly creditable to Gasca, believing, as

he probably did, that the game was in his own hands.--It is a pity that the

anecdote does not rest on the best authority.20

After a march of a couple of days, the advanced guard of the royalists

came suddenly on the outposts of the insurgents, from whom they had

been concealed by a thick mist, and a slight skirmish took place between

them. At length, on the morning of the eighth of April, the royal army,

turning the crest of the lofty range that belts round the lovely valley of

Xaquixaguana, beheld far below on the opposite side the glittering lines

of the enemy, with their white pavilions, looking like clusters of wild

fowl nestling among the cliffs of the mountains. And still further off

might be descried a host of Indian warriors, showing gaudily in their

variegated costumes; for the natives, in this part of the country, with little

perception of their true interests, manifested great zeal in the cause of

Pizarro.

Quickening their step, the royal army now hastily descended the steep

sides of the sierra; and notwithstanding every effort of their officers, they

moved in so little order, each man picking his way as he could, that the

straggling column presented many a vulnerable point to the enemy; and

the descent would not have been accomplished without considerable

loss, had Pizarro's cannon been planted on any of the favorable positions

which the ground afforded. But that commander, far from attempting to

check the president's approach, remained doggedly in the strong position

he had occupied, with the full confidence that his adversaries would not

hesitate to assail it, strong as it was, in the same manner as they had done

at Huarina.21

Yet he did not omit to detach a corps of arquebusiers to secure a

neighboring eminence or spur of the Cordilleras, which in the hands of

the enemy might cause some annoyance to his own camp, while it

commanded still more effectually the ground soon to be occupied by the

assailants. But his manoeuvre was noticed by Hinojosa; and he defeated

it by sending a stronger detachment of the royal musketeers, who

repulsed the rebels, and, after a short skirmish, got possession of the

heights. Gasca's general profited by this success to plant a small battery

of cannon on the eminence, from which, although the distance was too

great for him to do much execution, he threw some shot into the hostile

camp. One ball, indeed, struck down two men, one of them Pizarro's

page, killing a horse, at the same time, which he held by the bridle; and

the chief instantly ordered the tents to be struck, considering that they

afforded too obvious a mark for the artillery.22

Meanwhile, the president's forces had descended into the valley, and as

they came on the plain were formed into line by their officers. The

ground occupied by the army was somewhat lower than that of their

enemy, whose shot, as discharged, from time to time, from his batteries,

passed over their heads. Information was now brought by a deserter, one

of Centeno's old followers, that Pizarro was getting ready for a night

attack. The president, in consequence, commanded his whole force to be

drawn up in battle array, prepared, at any instant, to repulse the assault.

But if such were meditated by the insurgent chief, he abandoned it,--and,

as it is said, from a distrust of the fidelity of some of the troops, who,

under cover of the darkness, he feared, would go over to the opposite

side. If this be true, he must have felt the full force of Carbajal's

admonition, when too late to profit by it. The unfortunate commander

was in the situation of some bold, high-mettled cavalier, rushing to battle

on a war-horse whose tottering joints threaten to give way under him at

every step, and leave his rider to the mercy of his enemies!

The president's troops stood to their arms the greater part of the night,

although the air from the mountains was so keen, that it was with

difficulty they could hold their lances in their hands.23 But before the

rising sun had kindled into a glow the highest peaks of the sierra, both

camps were in motion, and busily engaged in preparations for the

combat. The royal army was formed into two battalions of infantry, one

to attack the enemy in front, and the other, if possible, to operate on his

flank. These battalions were protected by squadrons of horse on the

wings and in the rear, while reserves both of horse and arquebusiers were

stationed to act as occasion might require. The dispositions were made

in so masterly a manner, as to draw forth a hearty eulogium from old

Carbajal, who exclaimed, "Surely the Devil or Valdivia must be among

them!" an undeniable compliment to the latter, since the speaker was

ignorant of that commander's presence in the camp.24

Gasca, leaving the conduct of the battle to his officers, withdrew to the

rear with his train of clergy and licentiates, the last of whom did not

share in the ambition of their rebel brother, Cepeda, to break a lance in

the field.

Gonzalo Pizarro formed his squadron in the same manner as he had done

on the plains of Huarina; except that the increased number of his horse

now enabled him to cover both flanks of his infantry. It was still on his

fire-arms, however, that he chiefly relied. As the ranks were formed, he

rode among them, encouraging his men to do their duty like brave

cavaliers, and true soldiers of the Conquest. Pizarro was superbly

armed, as usual, and wore a complete suit of mail, of the finest

manufacture, which, as well as his helmet, was richly inlaid with gold.25

He rode a chestnut horse of great strength and spirit, and as he galloped

along the line, brandishing his lance, and displaying his easy

horsemanship. he might be thought to form no bad personification of the

Genius of Chivalry. To complete his dispositions he ordered Cepeda to

lead up the infantry for the licentiate seems to have had a larger share in

the conduct of his affairs of late, or at least in the present military

arrangements, than Carbajal. The latter, indeed, whether from disgust at

the course taken by his leader, or from a distrust, which, it is said, he did

not affect to conceal, of the success of the present operations, disclaimed

all responsibility for them, and chose to serve rather as a private cavalier

than as a commander.26 Yet Cepeda, as the event showed, was no less

shrewd in detecting the coming ruin.

When he had received his orders from Pizarro he rode forward as if to

select the ground for his troops to occupy; and in doing so disappeared

for a few moments behind a projecting cliff. He soon reappeared,

however, and was seen galloping at full speed across the plain. His men

looked with astonishment, yet not distrusting his motives, till, as he

continued his course direct towards the enemy's lines, his treachery

became apparent. Several pushed forward to overtake him, and among

them a cavalier, better mounted than Cepeda. The latter rode a horse of

no great strength or speed, quite unfit for this critical manoeuvre of his

master. The animal, was, moreover, encumbered by the weight of the

caparisons with which his ambitious rider had loaded him, so that, on

reaching a piece of miry ground that lay between the armies, his pace

was greatly retarded.27 Cepeda's pursuers rapidly gained on him, and

the cavalier above noticed came, at length, so near as to throw a lance at

the fugitive, which, wounding him in the thigh, pierced his horse's flank,

and they both came headlong to the ground. It would have fared ill with

the licentiate, in this emergency, but fortunately a small party of troopers

on the other side, who had watched the chase, now galloped briskly

forward to the rescue, and, beating off his pursuers, they recovered

Cepeda from the mire, and bore him to the president's quarters.

He was received by Gasca with the greatest satisfaction,--so great, that,

according to one chronicler, he did not disdain to show it by saluting the

licentiate on the cheek.28 The anecdote is scarcely reconcilable with the

characters and relations of the parties, or with the president's subsequent

conduct. Gasca, however, recognized the full value of his prize, and the

effect which his desertion at such a time must have on the spirits of the

rebels. Cepeda's movement, so unexpected by his own party, was the

result of previous deliberation, as he had secretly given assurance, it is

said, to the prior of Arequipa, then in the royal camp, that, if Gonzalo

Pizarro could not be induced to accept the pardon offered him, he would

renounce his cause.29 The time selected by the crafty counsellor for

doing so was that most fatal to the interests of his commander.

The example of Cepeda was contagious. Garcilasso de la Vega, father of

the historian, a cavalier of old family, and probably of higher

consideration than any other in Pizarro's party, put spurs to his horse, at

the same time with the licentiate, and rode over to the enemy. Ten or a

dozen of the arquebusiers followed in the same direction, and succeeded

in placing themselves under the protection of the advanced guard of the

royalists.

Pizarro stood aghast at this desertion, in so critical a juncture, of those in

whom he had most trusted. He was, for a moment, bewildered. The very

ground on which he stood seemed to be crumbling beneath him. With

this state of feeling among his soldiers, he saw that every minute of delay

was fatal. He dared not wait for the assault, as he had intended, in his

strong position, but instantly gave the word to advance. Gasca's general,

Hinojosa, seeing the enemy in motion, gave similar orders to his own

troops. Instantly the skirmishers and arquebusiers on the flanks moved

rapidly forward, the artillery prepared to open their fire, and "the whole

army," says the president in his own account of the affair, "advanced

with steady step and perfect determination." 30

But before a shot was fired, a column of arquebusiers, composed chiefly

of Centeno's followers, abandoned their post, and marched directly over

to the enemy. A squadron of horse, sent in pursuit of them, followed

their example. The president instantly commanded his men to halt,

unwilling to spill blood unnecessarily, as the rebel host was like to fall to

pieces of itself.

Pizarro's faithful adherents were seized with a panic, as they saw

themselves and their leader thus betrayed into the enemy's hands.

Further resistance was useless. Some threw down their arms and fled in

the direction of Cuzco. Others sought to escape to the mountains; and

some crossed to the opposite side, and surrendered themselves prisoners,

hoping it was not too late to profit by the promises of grace. The Indian

allies, on seeing the Spaniards falter, had been the first to go off the

ground.31

Pizarro, amidst the general wreck, found himself left with only a few

cavaliers who disdained to fly. Stunned by the unexpected reverse of

fortune, the unhappy chief could hardly comprehend his situation.

"What remains for us?" said he to Acosta, one of those who still adhered

to him. "Fall on the enemy, since nothing else is left," answered the non-

hearted soldier, "and die like Romans!" "Better to die like Christians,"

replied his commander; and, slowly turning his horse, he rode off in the

direction of the royal army.32

He had not proceeded far, when he was met by an officer, to whom, after

ascertaining his name and rank, Pizarro delivered up his sword, and

yielded himself prisoner. The officer, overjoyed at his prize, conducted

him, at once, to the president's quarters. Gasca was on horseback,

surrounded by his captains, some of whom, when they recognized the

person of the captive, had the grace to withdraw, that they might not

witness his humiliation.33 Even the best of them, with a sense of right

on their side, may have felt some touch of compunction at the thought

that their desertion had brought their benefactor to this condition.

Pizarro kept his seat in his saddle, but, as he approached, made a

respectful obeisance to the president, which the latter acknowledged by a

cold salute. Then, addressing his prisoner in a tone of severity, Gasca

abruptly inquired,--"Why he had thrown the country into such confusion;

--raising the banner of revolt; killing the viceroy; usurping the

government; and obstinately refusing the offers of grace that had been

repeatedly made him?"

Gonzalo attempted to justify himself by referring the fate of the viceroy

to his misconduct, and his own usurpation, as it was styled, to the free

election of the people, as well as that of the Royal Audience. "It was my

family," he said, "who conquered the country; and, as their

representative here, I felt I had a right to the government." To this Gasca

replied, in a still severer tone, "Your brother did, indeed, conquer the

land; and for this the emperor was pleased to raise both him and you

from the dust. He lived and died a true and loyal subject; and it only

makes your ingratitude to your sovereign the more heinous." Then,

seeing his prisoner about to reply, the president cut short the conference,

ordering him into close confinement. He was committed to the charge of

Centeno, who had sought the office, not from any unworthy desire to

gratify his revenge,--for he seems to have had a generous nature,--but for

the honorable purpose of ministering to the comfort of the captive.

Though held in strict custody by this officer, therefore, Pizarro was

treated with the deference due to his rank, and allowed every indulgence

by his keeper, except his freedom.34

In this general wreck of their fortunes, Francisco de Carbajal fared no

better than his chief. As he saw the soldiers deserting their posts and

going over to the enemy, one after another, he coolly hummed the words

of his favorite old ballad,--

"The wind blows the hairs off my head, mother!"

But when he found the field nearly empty, and his stout-hearted

followers vanished like a wreath of smoke, he felt it was time to provide

for his own safety. He knew there could be no favor for him; and,

putting spurs to his horse, he betook himself to flight with all the speed

he could make. He crossed the stream that flowed, as already

mentioned, by the camp, but, in scaling the opposite bank, which was

steep and stony, his horse, somewhat old, and oppressed by the weight of

his rider, who was large and corpulent, lost his footing and fell with him

into the water. Before he could extricate himself, Carbajal was seized by

some of his own followers, who hoped, by such a prize, to make their

peace with the victor, and hurried off towards the president's quarters.

The convoy was soon swelled by a number of the common file from the

royal army, some of whom had long arrears to settle with the prisoner;

and, not content with heaping reproaches and imprecations on his head,

they now threatened to proceed to acts of personal violence, which

Carbajal, far from deprecating, seemed rather to court, as the speediest

way of ridding himself of life.35 When he approached the president's

quarters, Centeno, who was near, rebuked the disorderly rabble, and

compelled them to give way. Carbajal, on seeing this, with a respectful

air demanded to whom he was indebted for this courteous protection. To

which his ancient comrade replied, "Do you not know me? Diego

Centeno!" "I crave your pardon," said the veteran, sarcastically alluding

to his long flight in the Charcas, and his recent defeat at Huarina; "it is so

long since I have seen any thing but your back, that I had forgotten your

face!" 36

Among the president's suite was the martial bishop of Cuzco, who, it will

be remembered, had shared with Centeno in the disgrace of his defeat.

His brother had been taken by Carbajal, in his flight from the field, and

instantly hung up by that fierce chief, who, as we have had more than

one occasion to see, was no respecter of persons. The bishop now

reproached him with his brother's murder, and, incensed by his cool

replies, was ungenerous enough to strike the prisoner on the face.

Carbajal made no attempt at resistance. Nor would he return a word to

the queries put to him by Gasca; but, looking haughtily round on the

circle, maintained a contemptuous silence. The president, seeing that

nothing further was to be gained from his captive, ordered him, together

with Acosta, and the other cavaliers who had surrendered, into strict

custody, until their fate should be decided.37

Gasca's next concern was to send an officer to Cuzco, to restrain his

partisans from committing excesses in consequence of the late victory, if

victory that could be called, where not a blow had been struck. Every

thing belonging to the vanquished, their tents, arms, ammunition, and

military stores, became the property of the victors. Their camp was well

victualled, furnishing a seasonable supply to the royalists, who had

nearly expended their own stock of provisions. There was, moreover,

considerable booty in the way of plate and money; for Pizarro's men, as

was not uncommon in those turbulent times, went, many of them, to the

war with the whole of their worldly wealth, not knowing of any safe

place in which to bestow it. An anecdote is told of one of Gasca's

soldiers, who, seeing a mule running over the field, with a large pack on

his back, seized the animal, and mounted him, having first thrown away

the burden, supposing it to contain armour, or something of little worth.

Another soldier, more shrewd, picked up the parcel, as his share of the

spoil, and found it contained several thousand gold ducats! It was the

fortune of war.38

Thus terminated the battle, or rather rout, of Xaquixaguana. The number

of killed and wounded--for some few perished in the pursuit-was not

great; according to most accounts, not exceeding fifteen killed on the

rebel side, and one only on that of the royalists! and that one by the

carelessness of a comrade.39 Never was there a cheaper victory; so

bloodless a termination of a fierce and bloody rebellion! It was gained

not so much by the strength of the victors as by the weakness of the

vanquished. They fell to pieces of their own accord, because they had no

sure ground to stand on. The arm, not nerved by the sense of right,

became powerless in the hour of battle. It was better that they should

thus be overcome by moral force than by a brutal appeal to arms. Such a

victory was more in harmony with the beneficent character of the

conqueror and of his cause. It was the triumph of order; the best homage

to law and justice.

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