Chapter 3

Pizarro Revisits Cuzco--Hernando Returns To Castile-

His Long Imprisonment--Commissioner Sent To Peru-

Hostilities With The Inca--Pizarro's Active Administration-

Gonzalo Pizarro

1539--1540

On the departure of his brother in pursuit of Almagro, the Marquess

Francisco Pizarro, as we have seen, returned to Lima. There he

anxiously awaited the result of the campaign; and on receiving the

welcome tidings of the victory of Las Salinas, he instantly made

preparations for his march to Cuzco. At Xauxa, however, he was long

detained by the distracted state of the country, and still longer, as it

would seem, by a reluctance to enter the Peruvian capital while the trial

of Almagro was pending.

He was met at Xauxa by the marshal's son Diego, who had been sent to

the coast by Hernando Pizarro. The young man was filled with the most

gloomy apprehensions respecting his father's fate, and he besought the

governor not to allow his brother to do him any violence. Pizarro, who

received Diego with much apparent kindness, bade him take heart, as no

harm should come to his father;1 adding, that he trusted their ancient

friendship would soon be renewed. The youth, comforted by these

assurances, took his way to Lima, where, by Pizarro's orders, he was

received into his house, and treated as a son.

The same assurances respecting the marshal's safety were given by the

governor to Bishop Valverde, and some of the principal cavaliers who

interested themselves in behalf of the prisoner.2 Still Pizarro delayed his

march to the capital; and when he resumed it, he had advanced no farther

than the Rio de Abancay when he received tidings of the death of his

rival. He appeared greatly shocked by the intelligence, his whole frame

was agitated, and he remained for some time with his eyes bent on the

ground showing signs of strong emotion.3

Such is the account given by his friends. A more probable version of the

matter represents him to have been perfectly aware of the state of things

at Cuzco. When the trial was concluded, it is said he received a message

from Hernando, inquiring what was to be done with the prisoner. He

answered in a few words :--"Deal with him so that he shall give us no

more trouble."4 It is also stated that Hernando, afterwards, when

laboring under the obloquy caused by Almagro's death, shielded himself

under instructions affirmed to have been received from the governor.5 It

is quite certain, that, during his long residence at Xauxa, the latter was in

constant communication with Cuzco; and that had he, as Valverde

repeatedly urged him,6 quickened his march to that capital, he might

easily have prevented the consummation of the tragedy. As commander-

in-chief, Almagro's fate was in his hands; and, whatever his own

partisans may affirm of his innocence, the impartial judgment of history

must hold him equally accountable with Hernando for the death of his

associate.

Neither did his subsequent conduct show any remorse for these

proceedings. He entered Cuzco, says one who was present there to

witness it, amidst the flourish of clarions and trumpets, at the head of his

martial cavalcade, and dressed in the rich suit presented him by Cortes,

with the proud bearing and joyous mien of a conqueror.7 When Diego

de Alvarado applied to him for the government of the southern

provinces, in the name of the young Almagro, whom his father, as we

have seen, had consigned to his protection, Pizarro answered, that "the

marshal, by his rebellion, had forfeited all claims to the government."

And, when he was still further urged by the cavalier, he bluntly broke off

the conversation by declaring that "his own territory covered all on this

side of Flanders"!8--intimating, no doubt, by this magnificent vaunt, that

he would endure no rival on this side of the water.

In the same spirit, he had recently sent to supersede Benalcazar, the

conqueror of Quito, who, he was informed, aspired to an independent

government. Pizarro's emissary had orders to send the offending captain

to Lima; but Benalcazar, after pushing his victorious career far into the

north, had returned to Castile to solicit his guerdon from the emperor.

To the complaints of the injured natives, who invoked his protection, he

showed himself strangely insensible, while the followers of Almagro he

treated with undisguised contempt. The estates of the leaders were

confiscated, and transferred without ceremony to his own partisans.

Hernando had made attempts to conciliate some of the opposite faction

by acts of liberality, but they had refused to accept anything from the

man whose hands were stained with the blood of their commander.9 The

governor held to them no such encouragement; and many were reduced

to such abject poverty, that, too proud to expose their wretchedness to

the eyes of their conquerors, they withdrew from the city, and sought a

retreat among the neighboring mountains.10

For his own brothers he provided by such ample repartimientos, as

excited the murmurs of his adherents. He appointed Gonzalo to the

command of a strong force destined to act against the natives of Charcas,

a hardy people occupying the territory assigned by the Crown to

Almagro. Gonzalo met with a sturdy resistance, but, after some severe

fighting, succeeded in reducing the province to obedience. He was

recompensed, together with Hernando, who aided him in the conquest,

by a large grant in the neighborhood of Porco, the productive mines of

which had been partially wrought under the Incas. The territory, thus

situated, embraced part of those silver hills of Potosi which have since

supplied Europe with such stores of the precious metals. Hernando

comprehended the capabilities of the ground, and he began working the

mines on a more extensive scale than that hitherto adopted, though it

does not appear that any attempt was then made to penetrate the rich

crust of Potosi.11 A few years more were to elapse before the Spaniards

were to bring to light the silver quarries that lay hidden in the bosom of

its mountains.12

It was now the great business of Hernando to collect a sufficient quantity

of treasure to take with him to Castile. Nearly a year had elapsed since

Almagro's death; and it was full time that he should return and present

himself at court, where Diego de Alvarado and other friends of the

marshal, who had long since left Peru, were industriously maintaining

the claims of the younger Almagro, as well as demanding redress for the

wrongs done to his father. But Hernando looked confidently to his gold

to dispel the accusations against him.

Before his departure, he counselled his brother to beware of the "men of

Chili," as Almagro's followers were called; desperate men, who would

stick at nothing, he said, for revenge. He besought the governor not to

allow them to consort together in any number within fifty miles of his

person; if he did, it would be fatal to him. And he concluded by

recommending a strong body-guard; "for I," he added, "shall not be here

to watch over you." But the governor laughed at the idle fears, as he

termed them, of his brother, bidding the latter take no thought of him, "as

every hair in the heads of Almagro's followers was a guaranty for his

safety.''13 He did not know the character of his enemies so well as

Hernando.

The latter soon after embarked at Lima in the summer of 1539. He did

not take the route of Panama, for he had heard that it was the intention of

the authorities there to detain him. He made a circuitous passage,

therefore, by way of Mexico, landed in the Bay of Tecoantepec, and was

making his way across the narrow strip that divides the great oceans,

when he was arrested and taken to the capital. But the Viceroy Mendoza

did not consider that he had a right to detain him, and he was suffered to

embark at Vera Cruz, and to proceed on his voyage. Still he did not

deem it safe to trust himself in Spain without further advices. He

accordingly put in at one of the Azores, where he remained until he

could communicate with home. He had some powerful friends at court,

and by them he was encouraged to present himself before the emperor.

He took their advice, and shortly after, reached the Spanish coast in

safety.14

The Court was at Valladolid; but Hernando, who made his entrance into

that city, with great pomp and a display of his Indian riches, met with a

reception colder than he had anticipated.15 For this he was mainly

indebted to Diego de Alvarado, who was then residing there, and who, as

a cavalier of honorable standing, and of high connections, had

considerable influence. He had formerly, as we have seen, by his timely

interposition, more than once saved the life of Hernando; and he had

consented to receive a pecuniary obligation from him to a large amount.

But all were now forgotten in the recollection of the wrong done to his

commander; and, true to the trust reposed in him by that chief in his

dying hour, he had come to Spain to vindicate the claims of the young

Almagro.

But although coldly received at first, Hernando's presence, and his own

version of the dispute with Almagro, aided by the golden arguments

which he dealt with no stinted hand, checked the current of indignation,

and the opinion of his judges seemed for a time suspended. Alvarado, a

cavalier more accustomed to the prompt and decisive action of a camp

than to the tortuous intrigues of a court, chafed at the delay, and

challenged Hernando to settle their quarrel by single combat. But his

prudent adversary had no desire to leave the issue to such an ordeal;

and the affair was speedily terminated by the death of Alvarado himself,

which happened five days after the challenge. An event so opportune

naturally suggested the suspicion of poison.16

But his accusations had not wholly fallen to the ground; and Hernando

Pizarro had carried measures with too high a hand, and too grossly

outraged public sentiment, to be permitted to escape. He received no

formal sentence, but he was imprisoned in the strong fortress of Medina

del Campo, where he was allowed to remain for twenty years when in

1560, after a generation had nearly passed away, and time had, in some

measure, thrown its softening veil over the past, he was suffered to

regain his liberty.17 But he came forth an aged man, bent down with

infirmities and broken in spirit,--an object of pity, rather than

indignation. Rarely has retributive justice been meted out in fuller

measure to offenders so high in authority,--most rarely in Castile.18

Yet Hernando bore this long imprisonment with an equanimity which,

had it been rounded on principle, might command our respect. He saw

brothers and kindred, all on whom he leaned for support, cut off one

after another; his fortune, in part, confiscated, while he was involved in

expensive litigation for the remainder;19 his fame blighted, his career

closed in an untimely hour, himself an exile in the heart of his own

country;--yet he bore it all with the constancy of a courageous spirit.

Though very old when released, he still survived several years, and

continued to the extraordinary age of a hundred.20 He lived long

enough to see friends, rivals, and foes all called away to their account

before him.

Hernando Pizarro was in many respects a remarkable character. He was

the eldest of the brothers, to whom he was related only by the father's

side, for he was born in wedlock, of honorable parentage on both sides

of his house. In his early years, he received a good education,--good for

the time. He was taken by his father, while quite young, to Italy, and

there learned the art of war under the Great Captain. Little is known of

his history after his return to Spain; but, when his brother had struck out

for himself his brilliant career of discovery in Peru, Hernando consented

to take part in his adventures.

He was much deferred to by Francisco, not only as his elder brother, but

from his superior education and his knowledge of affairs. He was ready

in his perceptions, fruitful in resources, and possessed of great vigor in

action. Though courageous, he was cautious; and his counsels, when not

warped by passion, were wise and wary. But he had other qualities,

which more than counterbalanced the good resulting from excellent parts

and attainments. His ambition and avarice were insatiable. He was

supercilious even to his equals; and he had a vindictive temper, which

nothing could appease. Thus, instead of aiding his brother in the

Conquest, he was the evil genius that blighted his path. He conceived

from the first an unwarrantable contempt for Almagro, whom he

regarded as his brother's rival, instead of what he then was, the faithful

partner of his fortunes. He treated him with personal indignity, and, by

his intrigues at court, had the means of doing him sensible injury. He

fell into Almagro's hands, and had nearly paid for these wrongs with his

life. This was not to be forgiven by Hernando, and he coolly waited for

the hour of revenge. Yet the execution of Almagro was a most impolitic

act; for an evil passion can rarely be gratified with impunity. Hernando

thought to buy off justice with the gold of Peru. He had studied human

nature on its weak and wicked side, and he expected to profit by it.

Fortunately, he was deceived. He had, indeed, his revenge; but the hour

of his revenge was that of his ruin.

The disorderly state of Peru was such as to demand the immediate

interposition of government. In the general license that prevailed there,

the rights of the Indian and of the Spaniard were equally trampled under

foot. Yet the subject was one of great difficulty; for Pizarro's authority

was now firmly established over the country, which itself was too remote

from Castile to be readily controlled at home. Pizarro, moreover, was a

man not easy to be approached, confident in his own strength, jealous of

interference, and possessed of a fiery temper, which would kindle into a

flame at the least distrust of the government. It would not answer to send

out a commission to suspend him from the exercise of his authority until

his conduct could be investigated, as was done with Cortes, and other

great colonial officers, on whose rooted loyalty the Crown could

confidently rely. Pizarro's loyalty sat, it was feared, too lightly on him to

be a powerful restraint on his movements; and there were not wanting

those among his reckless followers, who, in case of extremity, would be

prompt to urge him to throw off his allegiance altogether, and set up an

independent government for himself.

Some one was to be sent out, therefore, who should possess, in some

sort, a controlling, or, at least, concurrent power with the dangerous

chief, while ostensibly he should act only in subordination to him. The

person selected for this delicate mission, was the Licentiate Vaca de

Castro, a member of the Royal Audience of Valladolid. He was a

learned judge, a man of integrity and wisdom, and, though not bred to

arms, had so much address, and such knowledge of character, as would

enable him readily to turn the resources of others to his own account.

His commission was guarded in a way which showed the embarrassment

of the government. He was to appear before Pizarro in the capacity of a

royal judge; to consult with him on the redress of grievances, especially

with reference to the unfortunate natives; to concert measures for the

prevention of future evils; and above all, to possess himself faithfully of

the condition of the country in all its details, and to transmit intelligence

of it to the Court of Castile. But, in case of Pizarro's death, he was to

produce his warrant as royal governor, and as such to claim the

obedience of the authorities throughout the land.--Events showed the

wisdom of providing for this latter contingency.21

The licentiate, thus commissioned, quitted his quiet residence at

Valladolid, embarked at Seville, in the autumn of 1540, and, after a

tedious voyage across the Atlantic, he traversed the Isthmus, and,

encountering a succession of tempests on the Pacific, that had nearly sent

his frail bark to the bottom, put in with her, a mere wreck, at the

northerly port of Buenaventura.22 The affairs of the country were in a

state to require his presence.

The civil war which had lately distracted the land had left it in so

unsettled a state, that the agitation continued long after the immediate

cause had ceased. This was especially the case among the natives. In

the violent transfer of repartimientos, the poor Indian hardly knew to

whom he was to look as his master. The fierce struggles between the

rival chieftains left him equally in doubt whom he was to regard as the

rulers of the land. As to the authority of a common sovereign, across the

waters, paramount over all, he held that in still greater distrust; for what

was the authority which could not command the obedience even of its

own vassals?23 The Inca Manco was not slow in taking advantage of

this state of feeling. He left his obscure fastnesses in the depths of the

Andes, and established himself with a strong body of followers in the

mountain country lying between Cuzco and the coast. From this retreat,

he made descents on the neighboring plantations, destroying the houses,

sweeping off the cattle, and massacring the people. He fell on travellers,

as they were journeying singly or in caravans from the coast, and put

them to death--it is told by his enemies--with cruel tortures. Single

detachments were sent against him, from time to time, but without effect.

Some he eluded, others he defeated; and, on one occasion, cut off a party

of thirty troopers, to a man.24

At length, Pizarro found it necessary to send a considerable force under

his brother Gonzalo against the Inca. The hardy Indian encountered his

enemy several times in the rough passes of the Cordilleras. He was

usually beaten, and sometimes with heavy loss, which he repaired with

astonishing facility; for he always contrived to make his escape, and so

true were his followers, that, in defiance of pursuit and ambuscade, he

found a safe shelter in the secret haunts of the sierra.

Thus baffled, Pizarro determined to try the effect of pacific overtures.

He sent to the Inca, both in his own name, and in that of the Bishop of

Cuzco, whom the Peruvian prince held in reverence, to invite him to

enter into negotiation.25 Manco acquiesced, and indicated, as he had

formerly done with Almagro, the valley of Yucay, as the scene of it. The

governor repaired thither, at the appointed time, well guarded, and, to

propitiate the barbarian monarch, sent him a rich present by the hands of

an African slave. The slave was met on the route by a party of the Inca's

men, who, whether with or without their master's orders, cruelly

murdered him, and bore off the spoil to their quarters. Pizarro resented

this outrage by another yet more atrocious.

Among the Indian prisoners was one of the Inca's wives, a young and

beautiful woman, to whom he was said to be fondly attached. The

governor ordered her to be stripped naked, bound to a tree, and, in

presence of the camp, to be scourged with rods, and then shot to death

with arrows. The wretched victim bore the execution of the sentence

with surprising fortitude. She did not beg for mercy, where none was to

be found. Not a complaint, scarcely a groan, escaped her under the

infliction of these terrible torments. The iron Conquerors were amazed

at this power of endurance in a delicate woman, and they expressed their

admiration, while they condemned the cruelty of their commander,--in

their hearts.26 Yet constancy under the most excruciating tortures that

human cruelty can inflict is almost the universal characteristic of the

American Indian.

Pizarro now prepared, as the most effectual means of checking these

disorders among the natives, to establish settlements in the heart of the

disaffected country. These settlements, which received the dignified

name of cities, might be regarded in the light of military colonies. The

houses were usually built of stone, to which were added the various

public offices, and sometimes a fortress. A municipal corporation was

organized. Settlers were invited by the distribution of large tracts of land

in the neighborhood, with a stipulated number of Indian vassals to each.

The soldiers then gathered there, sometimes accompanied by their wives

and families; for the women of Castile seem to have disdained the

impediments of sex, in the ardor of conjugal attachment, or, it may be, of

romantic adventure. A populous settlement rapidly grew up in the

wilderness, affording protection to the surrounding territory, and

furnishing a commercial depot for the country, and an armed force ready

at all times to maintain public order.

Such a settlement was that now made at Guamanga, midway between

Cuzco and Lima, which effectually answered its purpose by guarding the

communications with the coast.27 Another town was founded in the

mining district of Charcas, under the appropriate name of the Villa de la

Plato, the "City of Silver." And Pizarro, as he journeyed by a circuitous

route along the shores of the southern sea towards Lima, planted there

the city of Arequipa, since arisen to such commercial celebrity.

Once more in his favorite capital of Lima, the governor found abundant

occupation in attending to its municipal concerns, and in providing for

the expansive growth of its population. Nor was he unmindful of the

other rising settlements on the Pacific. He encouraged commerce with

the remoter colonies north of Peru, and took measures for facilitating

internal intercourse. He stimulated industry in all its branches, paying

great attention to husbandry, and importing seeds of the different

European grains, which he had the satisfaction, in a short time, to see

thriving luxuriantly in a country where the variety of soil and climate

afforded a home for almost every product.28 Above all, he promoted the

working of the mines, which already began to make such returns, that the

most common articles of life rose to exorbitant prices, while the precious

metals themselves seemed the only things of little value. But they soon

changed hands, and found their way to the mother-country, where they

rose to their true level as they mingled with the general currency of

Europe. The Spaniards found that they had at length reached the land of

which they had been so long in search,--the land of gold and silver.

Emigrants came in greater numbers to the country, and, spreading over

its surface, formed in the increasing population the most effectual barrier

against the rightful owners of the soil.29

Pizarro, strengthened by the arrival of fresh adventurers, now turned his

attention to the remoter quarters of the country. Pedro de Valdivia was

sent on his memorable expedition to Chili; and to his own brother

Gonzalo the governor assigned the territory of Quito, with instructions to

explore the unknown country towards the east, where, as report said,

grew the cinnamon. As this chief, who had hitherto acted but a

subordinate part in the Conquest, is henceforth to take the most

conspicuous, it may be well to give some account of him.

Little is known of his early life, for he sprang from the same obscure

origin with Francisco, and seems to have been as little indebted as his

eider brother to the fostering care of his parents. He entered early on the

career of a soldier; a career to which every man in that iron age, whether

cavalier or vagabond, seems, if left to himself, to have most readily

inclined. Here he soon distinguished himself by his skill in martial

exercises, was an excellent horseman, and, when he came to the New

World, was esteemed the best lance in Peru.30

In talent and in expansion of views, he was inferior to his brothers.

Neither did he discover the same cool and crafty policy; but he was

equally courageous, and in the execution of his measures quite as

unscrupulous. He lied a handsome person, with open, engaging features,

a free, soldier-like address, and a confiding temper, which endeared him

to his followers. His spirit was high and adventurous, and, what was

equally important, he could inspire others with the same spirit, and thus

do much to insure the success of his enterprises. He was an excellent

captain in guerilla warfare, an admirable leader in doubtful and difficult

expeditions; but he had not the enlarged capacity for a great military

chief, still less for a civil ruler. It was his misfortune to be called to fill

both situations.

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