Chapter 4

Education--Quipus-Astronomy-Agriculture--Aqueducts-Guano--

Important Esculents

"Science was not intended for the people; but for those of generous

blood. Persons of low degree are only puffed up by it, and rendered

vain and arrogant. Neither should such meddle with the affairs of

government; for this would bring high offices into disrepute, and cause

detriment to the state.1 Such was the favorite maxim, often repeated, of

Tupac Inca Yupanqui, one of the most renowned of the Peruvian

sovereigns. It may seem strange that such a maxim should ever have

been proclaimed in the New World, where popular institutions have been

established on a more extensive scale than was ever before witnessed;

where government rests wholly on the people; and education--at least, in

the great northern division of the continent--is mainly directed to qualify

the people for the duties of government. Yet this maxim was strictly

conformable to the genius of the Peruvian monarchy, and may serve as a

key to its habitual policy; since, while it watched with unwearied

solicitude over its subjects, provided for their physical necessities, was

mindful of their morals, and showed, throughout, the affectionate

concern of a parent for his children, it yet regarded them only as

children, who were never to emerge from the state of pupilage, to act or

to think for themselves, but whose whole duty was comprehended in the

obligation of implicit obedience.

Such was the humiliating condition of the people under the Incas: while

the numerous families of the blood royal enjoyed the benefit of all the

light of education, which the civilization of the country could afford;

and, long after the Conquest, the spots continued to be pointed out where

the seminaries had existed for their instruction. These were placed

under the care of the amautas, or "wise men," who engrossed the scanty

stock of science--if science it could be called--possessed by the

Peruvians, and who were the sole teachers of youth. It was natural that

the monarch should take a lively interest in the instruction of the young

nobility, his own kindred. Several of the Peruvian princes are said to

have built their palaces in the neighborhood of the schools, in order that

they might the more easily visit them and listen to the lectures of the

amautas, which they occasionally reinforced by a homily of their own.2

In these schools, the royal pupils were instructed in all the different kinds

of knowledge in which their teachers were versed, with especial

reference to the stations they were to occupy in after-life. They studied

the laws, and the principles of administering the government, in which

many of them were to take part. They were initiated in the peculiar rites

of their religion, most necessary to those who were to assume the

sacerdotal functions. They learned also to emulate the achievements of

their royal ancestors by listening to the chronicles compiled by the

amautas. They were taught to speak their own dialect with purity and

elegance; and they became acquainted with the mysterious science of the

quipus, which supplied the Peruvians with the means of communicating

their ideas to one another, and of transmitting them to future

generations.3

The quipu was a cord about two feet long, composed of different colored

threads tightly twisted together, from which a quantity of smaller threads

were suspended in the manner of a fringe. The threads were of different

colors and were tied into knots. The word quipu, indeed, signifies a

knot. The colors denoted sensible objects; as, for instance, white

represented silver, and yellow, gold. They sometimes also stood for

abstract ideas. Thus, white signified peace, and red, war. But the

quipus were chiefly used for arithmetical purposes. The knots served

instead of ciphers, and could be combined in such a manner as to

represent numbers to any amount they required. By means of these they

went through their calculations with great rapidity, and the Spaniards

who first visited the country bear testimony to their accuracy.4

Officers were established in each of the districts, who, under the title of

quipucamayus, Or "keepers of the quipus," were required to furnish the

government with information on various important matters. One had

charge of the revenues, reported the quantity of raw material distributed

among the laborers, the quality and quantity of the fabrics made from it,

and the amount of stores, of various kinds, paid into the royal magazines.

Another exhibited the register of births and deaths, the marriages, the

number of those qualified to bear arms, and the like details in reference

to the population of the kingdom. These returns were annually

forwarded to the capital, where they were submitted to the inspection of

officers acquainted with the art of deciphering these mystic records.

The government was thus provided with a valuable mass of statistical

information, and the skeins of many-colored threads, collected and

carefully preserved, constituted what might be called the national

archives.5

But, although the quipus sufficed for all the purposes of arithmetical

computation demanded by the Peruvians, they were incompetent to

represent the manifold ideas and images which are expressed by writing,

Even here, however, the invention was not without its use. For,

independently of the direct representation of simple objects, and even of

abstract ideas, to a very limited extent, as above noticed, it afforded great

help to the memory by way of association. The peculiar knot or color,

in this way, suggested what it could not venture to represent; in the same

manner-to borrow the homely illustration of an old writer--as the number

of the Commandment calls to mind the Commandment itself. The

quipus, thus used, might be regarded as the Peruvian system of

mnemonics.

Annalists were appointed in each of the principal communities, whose

business it was to record the most important events which occurred in

them. Other functionaries of a higher character, usually the amautas,

were intrusted with the history of the empire, and were selected to

chronicle the great deeds of the reigning Inca, or of his ancestors.6 The

narrative, thus concocted, could be communicated only by oral tradition;

but the quipus served the chronicler to arrange the incidents with

method, and to refresh his memory. The story, once treasured up in the

mind, was indelibly impressed there by frequent repetition. It was

repeated by the amauta to his pupils, and in this way history, conveyed

partly by oral tradition, and partly by arbitrary signs, was handed down

from generation to generation, with sufficient discrepancy of details, but

with a general conformity of outline to the truth.

The Peruvian quipus were, doubtless, a wretched substitute for that

beautiful contrivance, the alphabet, which, employing a few simple

characters as the representatives of sounds, instead of ideas, is able to

convey the most delicate shades of thought that ever passed through the

mind of man. The Peruvian invention, indeed, was far below that of the

hieroglyphics, even below the rude picture-writing of the Aztecs; for the

latter art, however incompetent to convey abstract ideas, could depict

sensible objects with tolerable accuracy. It is evidence of the total

ignorance in which the two nations remained of each other, that the

Peruvians should have borrowed nothing of the hieroglyphical system of

the Mexicans, and this, notwithstanding that the existence of the maguey

plant agave, in South America might have furnished them with the very

material used by the Aztecs for the construction of their maps.7

It is impossible to contemplate without interest the struggles made by

different nations, as they emerge from barbarism, to supply themselves

with some visible symbols of thought,--that mysterious agency by which

the mind of the individual may be put in communication with the minds

of a whole community. The want of such a symbol is itself the greatest

impediment to the progress of civilization. For what is it but to

imprison the thought, which has the elements of immortality, within the

bosom of its author, or of the small circle who come in contact with him,

instead of sending it abroad to give light to thousands, and to generations

yet unborn! Not only is such a symbol an essential element of

civilization, but it may be assumed as the very criterion of civilization;

for the intellectual advancement of a people will keep pace pretty nearly

with its facilities for intellectual communication.

Yet we must be careful not to underrate the real value of the Peruvian

system; nor to suppose that the quipus were as awkward an instrument, in

the hand of a practised native, as they would be in ours. We know the

effect of habit in all mechanical operations, and the Spaniards bear

constant testimony to the adroitness and accuracy of the Peruvians in

this. Their skill is not more surprising than the facility with which habit

enables us to master the contents of a printed page, comprehending

thousands of separate characters, by a single glance, as it were, though

each character must require a distinct recognition by the eye, and that,

too, without breaking the chain of thought in the reader's mind. We

must not hold the invention of the quipus too lightly, when we reflect

that they supplied the means of calculation demanded for the affairs of a

great nation, and that, however insufficient, they afforded no little help to

what aspired to the credit of literary composition.

The office of recording the national annals was not wholly confined to

the amautas. It was assumed in part by the haravecs, or poets, who

selected the most brilliant incidents for their songs or ballads, which

were chanted at the royal festivals and at the table of the Inca.8 In this

manner, a body of traditional minstrelsy grew up, like the British and

Spanish ballad poetry, by means of which the name of many a rude

chieftain, that might have perished for want of a chronicler, has been

borne down the tide of rustic melody to later generations.

Yet history may be thought not to gain much by this alliance with poetry;

for the domain of the poet extends over an ideal realm peopled with the

shadowy forms of fancy, that bear little resemblance to the rude realities

of life. The Peruvian annals may be deemed to show somewhat of the

effects of this union, since there is a tinge of the marvellous spread over

them down to the very latest period, which, like a mist before the reader's

eye, makes it difficult to distinguish between fact and fiction.

The poet found a convenient instrument for his purposes in the beautiful

Quichua dialect. We have already seen the extraordinary measures

taken by the Incas for propagating their language throughout their

empire. Thus naturalized in the remotest provinces, it became enriched

by a variety of exotic words and idioms, which, under the influence of

the Court and of poetic culture, if I may so express myself, was gradually

blended, like some finished mosaic made up of coarse and disjointed

materials, into one harmonious whole. The Quichua became the most

comprehensive and various, as well as the most elegant, of the South

American dialects.9

Besides the compositions already noticed, the Peruvians, it is said,

showed some talent for theatrical exhibitions; not those barren

pantomimes which, addressed simply to the eye, have formed the

amusement of more than one rude nation. The Peruvian pieces aspired

to the rank of dramatic compositions, sustained by character and

dialogue, founded sometimes on themes of tragic interest, and at others

on such as, from their light and social character, belong to comedy.10

Of the execution of these pieces we have now no means of judging. It

was probably rude enough, as befitted an unformed people. But,

whatever may have been the execution, the mere conception of such an

amusement is a proof of refinement that honorably distinguishes the

Peruvian from the other American races, whose pastime was war, or the

ferocious sports that reflect the image of it.

The intellectual character of the Peruvians, indeed, seems to have been

marked rather by a tendency to refinement than by those hardier qualities

which insure success in the severer walks of science. In these they were

behind several of the semi-civilized nations of the New World. They

had some acquaintance with geography, so far as related to their own

empire, which was indeed extensive; and they constructed maps with

lines raised on them to denote the boundaries and localities, on a similar

principle with those formerly used by the blind. In astronomy, they

appear to have made but moderate proficiency. They divided the year

into twelve lunar months, each of which, having its own name, was

distinguished by its appropriate festival.11 They had, also, weeks; but of

what length, whether of seven, nine, or ten days, is uncertain. As their

lunar year would necessarily fall short of the true time, they rectified

their calendar by solar observations made by means of a number of

cylindrical columns raised on the high lands round Cuzco, which served

them for taking azimuths; and, by measuring their shadows, they

ascertained the exact times of the solstices. The period of the equinoxes

they determined by the help of a solitary pillar, or gnomon, placed in the

centre of a circle, which was described in the area of the great temple,

and traversed by a diameter that was drawn from east to west. When the

shadows were scarcely visible under the noontide rays of the sun, they

said that "the god sat with all his light upon the column." 12 Quito

which lay immediately under the equator, where the vertical rays of the

sun threw no shadow at noon, was held in especial veneration as the

favored abode of the great deity. The period of the equinoxes was

celebrated by public rejoicings. The pillar was crowned by the golden

chair of the Sun, and, both then and at the solstices, the columns were

hung with garlands, and offerings of flowers and fruits were made, while

high festival was kept throughout the empire. By these periods the

Peruvians regulated their religious rites and ceremonial, and prescribed

the nature of their agricultural labors. The year itself took its departure

from the date of the winter solstice.13

This meagre account embraces nearly all that has come down to us of

Peruvian astronomy. It may seem strange that a nation, which had

proceeded thus far in its observations, should have gone no farther; and

that, notwithstanding its general advance in civilization, it should in this

science have fallen so far short, not only of the Mexicans, but of the

Muyscas, inhabiting the same elevated regions of the great southern

plateau with themselves. These latter regulated their calendar on the

same general plan of cycles and periodical series as the Aztecs,

approaching yet nearer to the system pursued by the people of Asia.14

It might have been expected that the Incas, the boasted children of the

Sun, would have made a particular study of the phenomena of the

heavens, and have constructed a calendar on principles as scientific as

that of their semi-civilized neighbors. One historian, indeed, assures us

that they threw their years into cycles of ten, a hundred, and a thousand

years, and that by these cycles they regulated their chronology.15 But

this assertion--not improbable in itself--rests on a writer but little gifted

with the spirit of criticism, and is counter-balanced by the silence of

every higher and earlier authority, as well as by the absence of any

monument, like those found among other American nations, to attest the

existence of such a calendar. The inferiority of the Peruvians may be,

perhaps, in part explained by the fact of their priesthood being drawn

exclusively from the body of the Incas, a privileged order of nobility,

who had no need, by the assumption of superior learning, to fence

themselves round from the approaches of the vulgar. The little true

science possessed by the Aztec priest supplied him with a key to unlock

the mysteries of the heavens, and the false system of astrology which he

built upon it gave him credit as a being who had something of divinity in

his own nature. But the Inca noble was divine by birth. The illusory

study of astrology, so captivating to the unenlightened mind, engaged no

share of his attention. The only persons in Peru, who claimed the power

of reading the mysterious future, were the diviners, men who, combining

with their pretensions some skill in the healing art, resembled the

conjurors found among many of the Indian tribes. But the office was

held in little repute, except among the lower classes, and was abandoned

to those whose age and infirmity disqualified them for the real business

of life.16

The Peruvians had knowledge of one or two constellations, and watched

the motions of the planet Venus, to which, as we have seen, they

dedicated altars. But their ignorance of the first principles of

astronomical science is shown by their ideas of eclipses, which, they

supposed, denoted some great derangement of the planet; and when the

moon labored under one of these mysterious infirmities, they sounded

their instruments, and filled the air with shouts and lamentations, to rouse

her from her lethargy. Such puerile conceits as these form a striking

contrast with the real knowledge of the Mexicans, as displayed in their

hieroglyphical maps, in which the true cause of this phenomenon is

plainly depicted.17

But, if less successful in exploring the heavens, the Incas must be

admitted to have surpassed every other American race in their dominion

over the earth. Husbandry was pursued by them on principles that may

be truly called scientific. It was the basis of their political institutions.

Having no foreign commerce, it was agriculture that furnished them with

the means of their internal exchanges, their subsistence, and their

revenues. We have seen their remarkable provisions for distributing the

land in equal shares among the people, while they required every man,

except the privileged orders, to assist in its cultivation. The Inca himself

did not disdain to set the example. On one of the great annual festivals,

he proceeded to the environs of Cuzco, attended by his Court, and, in the

presence of all the people, turned up the earth with a golden plough,--or

an instrument that served as such,--thus consecrating the occupation of

the husbandman as one worthy to be followed by the Children of the

Sun.18

The patronage of the government did not stop with this cheap display of

royal condescension, but was shown in the most efficient measures for

facilitating the labors of the husbandman. Much of the country along the

sea-coast suffered from want of water, as little or no rain fell there, and

the few streams, in their short and hurried course from the mountains,

exerted only a very limited influence on the wide extent of territory. The

soil, it is true, was, for the most part, sandy and sterile; but many places

were capable of being reclaimed, and, indeed, needed only to be

properly irrigated to be susceptible of extraordinary production. To

these spots water was conveyed by means of canals and subterraneous

aqueducts, executed on a noble scale. They consisted of large slabs of

freestone nicely fitted together without cement, and discharged a volume

of water sufficient, by means of latent ducts or sluices, to moisten the

lands in the lower level, through which they passed. Some of these

aqueducts were of great length. One that traversed the district of

Condesuyu measured between four and five hundred miles. They were

brought from some elevated lake or natural reservoir in the heart of the

mountains, and were fed at intervals by other basins which lay in their

route along the slopes of the sierra. In this descent, a passage was

sometimes to be opened through rocks,--and this without the aid of iron

tools; impracticable mountains were to be turned; rivers and marshes to

be crossed; in short, the same obstacles were to be encountered as in the

construction of their mighty roads. But the Peruvians seemed to take

pleasure in wrestling with the difficulties of nature. Near Caxamarca, a

tunnel is still visible, which they excavated in the mountains, to give an

outlet to the waters of a lake, when these rose to a height in the rainy

season that threatened the country with inundation.19

Most of these beneficent works of the Incas were suffered to go to decay

by their Spanish conquerors. In some spots, the waters are still left to

flow in their silent, subterraneous channels, whose windings and whose

sources have been alike unexplored. Others, though partially

dilapidated, and closed up with rubbish and the rank vegetation of the

soil, still betray their course by occasional patches of fertility. Such are

the remains in the valley of Nasca, a fruitful spot that lies between long

tracts of desert; where the ancient water-courses of the Incas, measuring

four or five feet in depth by three in width, and formed of large blocks of

uncemented masonry, are conducted from an unknown distance.

The greatest care was taken that every occupant of the land through

which these streams passed should enjoy the benefit of them. The

quantity of water alloted to each was prescribed by law; and royal

overseers superintended the distribution, and saw that it was faithfully

applied to the irrigation of the ground.20

The Peruvians showed a similar spirit of enterprise in their schemes for

introducing cultivation into the mountainous parts of their domain.

Many of the hills, though covered with a strong soil, were too precipitous

to be tilled. These they cut into terraces, faced with rough stone,

diminishing in regular gradation towards the summit; so that, while the

lower strip, or anden, as it was called by the Spaniards, that belted round

the base of the mountain, might comprehend hundreds of acres, the

upper-most was only large enough to accommodate a few rows of Indian

corn.21 Some of the eminences presented such a mess of solid rock,

that, after being hewn into terraces, they were obliged to be covered deep

with earth, before they could serve the purpose of the husbandman. With

such patient toil did the Peruvians combat the formidable obstacles

presented by the face of their country! Without the use of tools or the

machinery familiar to the European, each individual could have done

little; but acting in large masses, and under a common direction, they

were enabled by indefatigable perseverance to achieve results, to have

attempted which might have filled even the European with dismay.22

In the same spirit of economical husbandry which redeemed the rocky

sierra from the curse of sterility, they dug below the arid soil of the

valleys, and sought for a stratum where some natural moisture might be

found. These excavations, called by the Spaniards hoyas, or "pits," were

made on a great scale, comprehending frequently more than an acre,

sunk to the depth of fifteen or twenty feet, and fenced round within by a

wall of adobes, or bricks baked in the sun. The bottom of the

excavation, well prepared by a rich manure of the sardines,--a small fish

obtained in vast quantities along the coast,--was planted with some kind

or grain or vegetable.23

The Peruvian farmers were well acquainted with the different kinds of

manures, and made large use of them; a circumstance rare in the rich

lands of the tropics, and probably not elsewhere practised by the rude

tribes of America. They made great use of guano, the valuable deposit

of sea-fowl, that has attracted so much attention, of late, from the

agriculturists both of Europe and of our own country, and the stimulating

and nutritious properties of which the Indians perfectly appreciated.

This was found in such immense quantities on many of the little islands

along the coast, as to have the appeaarnce of lofty hills, which, covered

with a white saline incrustation, led the Conquerors to give them the

name of the sierra nevada, or "snowy mountains."

The Incas took their usual precautions for securing the benefits of this

important article to the husbandman. They assigned the small islands on

the coast to the use of the respective districts which lay adjacent to them.

When the island was large, it was distributed among several districts, and

the boundaries for each were clearly defined. All encroachment on the

rights of another was severely punished. And they secured the

preservation of the fowl by penalties as stern as those by which the

Norman tyrants of England protected their own game. No one was

allowed to set foot on the island during the season for breeding, under

pain of death; and to kill the birds at any time was punished in the like

manner.24

With this advancement in agricultural science, the Peruvians might be

supposed to have had some knowledge of the plough, in such general use

among the primitive nations of the eastern continent. But they had

neither the iron ploughshare of the Old World, nor had they animals for

draught, which, indeed, were nowhere found in the New. The

instrument which they used was a strong, sharp-pointed stake, traversed

by a horizontal piece, ten or twelve inches from the point, on which the

ploughman might set his foot and force it into the ground. Six or eight

strong men were attached by ropes to the stake, and dragged it forcibly

along, --pulling together, and keeping time as they moved by chanting

their national songs, in which they were accompanied by the women who

followed in their-train, to break up the sods with their rakes. The mellow

soil offered slight resistance; and the laborer., by long practice, acquired

a dexterity which enabled him to turn up the ground to the requisite

depth with astonishing facility. This substitute for the plough was but a

clumsy contrivance; yet it is curious as the only specimen of the kind

among the American aborigines, and was perhaps not much inferior to

the wooden instrument introduced in its stead by the European

conquerors .25

It was frequently the policy of the Incas, after providing a deserted tract

with the means for irrigation, and thus fitting it for the labors of the

husbandman, to transplant there a colony of mitimaes, who brought it

under cultivation by raising the crops best suited to the soil. While the

peculiar character and capacity of the lands were thus consulted, a means

of exchange of the different products was afforded to the neighboring

provinces, which, from the formation of the country, varied much more

than usual within the same limits. To facilitate these agricultural

exchanges, fairs were instituted, which took place three times a month in

some of the most populous places, where, as money was unknown, a

rude kind of commerce was kept up by the barter of their respective

products. These fairs afforded so many holidays for the relaxation of the

industrious laborer.26

Such were the expedients adopted by the Incas for the improvement of

their territory; and, although imperfect, they must be allowed to show an

acquaintance with the principles of agricultural science, that gives them

some claim to the rank of a civilized people. Under their patient and

discriminating culture, every inch of good soil was tasked to its greatest

power of production; while the most-unpromising spots were compelled

to contribute something to the subsistence of the people. Everywhere the

land teemed with evidence of agricultural wealth, from the smiling

valleys along the coast to the terraced steeps of the sierra, which, rising

into pyramids of verdure, glowed with all the splendors of tropical

vegetation.

The formation of the country was particularly favorable, as already

remarked, to an infinite variety of products, not so much from its extent

as from its various elevations, which, more remarkable, even, than those

in Mexico, comprehend every degree of latitude from the equator to the

polar regions. Yet, though the temperature changes in this region with

the degree of elevation, it remains nearly the same in the same spots

throughout the year; and the inhabitant feels none of those grateful

vicissitudes of season which belong to the temperate latitudes of the

globe. Thus, while the summer lies in full power on the burning regions

of the palm and the cocoa-tree that fringe the borders of the ocean, the

broad surface of the table-land blooms with the freshness of perpetual

spring, and the higher summits of the Cordilleras are white with

everlasting winter.

The Peruvians turned this fixed variety of climate, if I may so say, to the

best account by cultivating the productions appropriate to each; and they

particularly directed their attention to those which afforded the most

nutriment to man. Thus, in the lower level were to be found the

cassavatree and the banana, that bountiful plant, which seems to have

relieved man from the primeval curse--if it were not rather a blessing--of

toiling for his sustenance.27 As the banana faded from the landscape, a

good substitute was found in the maize, the great agricultural staple of

both the northern and southern divisions of the American continent; and

which, after its exportation to the Old World, spread so rapidly there, as

to suggest the idea of its being indigenous to it.28 The Peruvians were

well acquainted with the different modes of preparing this useful

vegetable, though it seems they did not use it for bread, except at

festivals; and they extracted a sort of honey from the stalk, and made an

intoxicating liquor from the fermented grain, to which, like the Aztecs,

they were immoderately addicted.29

The temperate climate of the table-land furnished them with the maguey,

agave Americana, many of the extraordinary qualities of which they

comprehended, though not its most important one of affording a material

for paper. Tobacco, too, was among the products of this elevated region.

Yet the Peruvians differed from every other Indian nation to whom it was

known, by using it only for medicinal purposes, in the form of snuff.30

They may have found a substitute for its narcotic qualities in the coco

(Erythroxylum Peruvianurn), or cuca, as called by the natives. This is a

shrub which grows to the height of a man. The leaves when gathered are

dried in the sun, and, being mixed with a little lime, form a preparation

for chewing, much like the betel-leaf of the East.31 With a small supply

of this cuca in his pouch, and a handful of roasted maize, the Peruvian

Indian of our time performs his wearisome journeys, day ,after day,

without fatigue, or, at least, without complaint. Even food the most

invigorating is less grateful to him than his loved narcotic. Under the

Incas, it is said to have been exclusively reserved for the noble orders. If

so, the people gained one luxury by the Conquest; and, after that period,

it was so extensively used by them, that this article constituted a most

important item of the colonial revenue of Spain.32 Yet, with the

soothing charms of an opiate, this weed so much vaunted by the natives,

when used to excess, is said to be attended with all the mischievous

effects of habitual intoxication.33

Higher up on the slopes of the Cordilleras, beyond the limits of the maize

and of the quinoa,--a grain bearing some resemblance to rice, and largely

cultivated by the Indians,--was to be found the potato, the introduction of

which into Europe has made an era in the history of agriculture.

Whether indigenous to Peru, or imported from the neighboring country

of Chili, it formed the great staple of the more elevated plains, under the

Incas, and its culture was continued to a height in the equatorial regions

which reached many thousand feet above the limits of perpetual snow in

the temperate latitudes of Europe.34 Wild specimens of the vegetable

might be seen still higher, springing up spontaneously amidst the stunted

shrubs that clothed the lofty sides of the Cordilleras till these gradually

subsided into the mosses and the short yellow grass: pajonal, which, like

a golden carpet, was unrolled around the base of the mighty cones, that

rose far into the regions of eternal silence, covered with the snows of

centuries.35

History of the Conquest of Peru · 第 8 / 64 章